n 


THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF 

NORTH  CAROLINA 

AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


ENDOWED  BY  THE 

DIALECTIC  AND  PHILANTHROPIC 

SOCIETIES 


/£^^_ 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N.C.  AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


00022113945 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

University  of  North  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hill 


http://archive.org/details/historyofuniteds09banc 


TO  F 

... 


-4TES 


GEOL'GE  BANC 


:omt 


' 


HISTORY 


OF    THE 


UNITED    STATES, 


FROM    THE 


DISCOVERY   OF   THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 


BY 

t    ["*$  eL  ,J^, 

EORGE  BANCROFT. 

v. 

Vol.  IX. 

6  / 

FOURTH    EDITION. 

. 

BOSTON: 
LITTLE,  BKOWN,   AND    COMPANY. 

1874. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1866,  by 

GEOEGE    BANCROFT, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New  York. 


Cambridge : 
Press  of  John   Wilson  and  Son. 


THE 


AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

•  &  a  a. 

V 
GEORGE  BANCROFT. 


Vol.  III. 


FOURTH    EDITION. 


C-/> 


BOSTON: 
LITTLE,   BROWN,  AND    COMPANY. 

1874. 


TH€  LIBRARY 

fH€  UNIVERSITY  OF  NORTH  OAROUNA 

AT  CHAPEL  HiLL 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1866,  by 

GEORGE    BANCROFT, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New  York. 


Cambridge  : 
Presswork  by  John   Wilson  and  Son. 


PREFACE. 


One  volume  more  will  complete  the  American 
revolution,  including  the  negotiations  for  peace  in 
1782.  For  that  volume  the  materials  are  collected 
and  arranged,  and  it  will  be  completed  and  pub- 
lished without  any  unnecessary  delay.  A  single 
document  only,  but  that  a  very  important  one,  had 
been  wanting ;  on  my  request  for  it  through  my 
friend  John  Bigelow,  our  minister  at  Paris,  copies 
of  it  were  ordered  for  me  with  the  utmost  courtesy 
and  promptness  by  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys.  That 
volume  will  bring  into  the  field  in  direct  action 
Spain,  France,  and  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  the 
United  States.  I  shall  endeavor  to  treat  them  all 
with  equal  impartiality,  and  I  do  not  doubt  of 
finding  a  corresponding  disposition  in  my  country- 
men. I  hope  to  present  in  a  just  aspect  those 
who  rendered  great  services  to  the  country,  un- 
mindful of  any  personal  differences  which  may  have 
grown  up  among  them.  Especially  the  documents 
respecting    the   preliminaries  of   peace    of  which   I 


2  PREFACE. 

have  acquired  copies  are  so  complete  that  I  trust 
I  may  be  able  to  disentangle  the  confusion  which 
has  grown  out  of  judgments  founded  upon  rumor 
and  imperfect  materials,  and  to  set  down  with  ex- 
actness the  respective  parts  of  all  who  were  em- 
ployed in  the  pacification,  without  impairing  the 
merits   of  any  one. 

In  addition  to  very  full  collections  relating  to 
the  war  in  the  United  States  from  the  archives  of 
England  and  of  France,  I  have  been  most  success- 
ful in  obtaining  masses  of  papers  from  Germany. 
In  the  time  of  the  late  king  of  Prussia  I  received 
permission  to  examine  the  archives  of  the  depart- 
ment of  foreign  affairs  at  Berlin.  I  was  unable  to 
go  there  in  person;  but  with  the  hearty  coopera- 
tion of  my  friend  Joseph  A.  Wright,  our  minister, 
I  have  yet  obtained  from  that  metropolis  most  im- 
portant assistance,  for  which  I  am  specially  indebted 
to  the  prompt  and  efficient  directions  of  Lieuten- 
ant-General  von  Moltke,  the  chief  of  the  Prussian 
stafi^  the  same  who,  by  his  part  in  the  plan  and 
execution  of  the  last  Prussian  campaign  in  Bohe- 
mia, has  taken  his  place  among  the  world's  greatest 
captains.  The  reports  and  letters  sent  over  for  the 
information  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  came  dur- 
ing the  period  of  revolution  to  be  placed  among 
the  military  archives  of  Prussia.  Of  all  these 
which  were  of  any  historical  value  exact  copies 
were  made  for  me,  including  charts  and  plans  of 
battles  and  military  works.  These  papers  are  of 
inestimable  importance,  especially  for  the  stud}'  of 
military  operations  in  1777.  A  very  large  collec- 
tion of  journals  and  correspondence  had  been  made 


PREFACE.  3 

by  Colonel  Max  von  Eelking,  author  of  a  li  Life  of 
General  Riedesel,"  and  of  a  history  of  "  German 
Auxiliary  Troops  in  the  American  War  of  Libera- 
tion." This  entire  collection  he  was  so  good  as 
to  allow  me  to  secure.  It  had  been  made  with 
rare  opportunities,  and  includes  letters  of  Burgoyne 
and  voluminous  autographs  of  Riedesel. 

The  archives  of  Hesse -Cassel  have  not  as  yet 
been  laid  open  to  the  public ;  but  I  have  gained 
through  private  sources  interesting  and  instructive 
journals  and  reports  of  Hessian  officers.  It  was 
also  my  good  fortune  to  obtain  for  a  correspondent 
a  colonel  of  the  Prussian  staff,  an  officer  of  high 
military  attainments  and  superior  knowledge,  who 
at  the  same  time  has  the  merit  of  eminent  literary 
culture  and  familiaritv  with  historic  investigations. 
Through  him  a  general  and  persevering  search  was 
made  in  the  public  libraries  for  all  German  works 
which  contain  anything  on  our  war,  and  especially 
for  the  miscellaneous  articles  scattered  through 
journals  and  magazines  from  the  days  of  the  rev- 
olution till  now  %r  and  where  the  originals  could 
not  be  purchased,  copies  were  made  for  me  of 
all  which  was  found.  In  this  way  I  possess  the 
criticisms  of  German  officers  who  served  in  America, 
and  an  exhaustive  body  of  materials,  such  as  has 
very  rarely,  if  ever,  been  brought  together  on  a 
historical  subject  of  a  like  nature.  My  object  ih 
seeking  so  full  a  collection  of  military  papers  was 
to  insure  a  correct  comprehension  of  military  events 
by  comparing  the  narratives,  opinions,  and  judg- 
ments of  distinguished  critics  educated  as  soldiers. 
The  special  value  of  these  German  documents  con- 


4  PREFACE. 

sists  in  this :  that  they  are  in  the  main  the  most 
impartial  of  all  which  have  been  preserved. 

For  further  security  against  error  while  my  pages 
were  passing  into  type,  it  was  my  custom  occasion- 
ally to  submit  proofs  to  the  trained  scrutiny  and 
special  erudition  of  my  friend  the  late  Jared 
Sparks.  In  addition  to  these  precautions,  some  of 
the  ablest  officers  of  our  army  have  given  me  the 
benefit  of  their  views  on  such  military  questions 
as  I  proposed  to  them.  But  while  I  have  spared 
no  pains  to  gain  assistance,  I  am  alone  responsible 
for  what  I  have  written. 

With  regard  to  the  diplomatic  relations  of  the 
several  European  powers  interested  in  our  strug- 
gle, my  collections  leave  nothing  to  be  desired. 
In  addition  to  those  which  I  had  formerly  obtained 
in  Europe,  and  of  which  I  have  heretofore  given 
some  account,  I  received,  through  the  courtesy  of 
the  Spanish  government  and  the  kind  attention  of 
Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos,  very  valuable  documents 
from  the  Spanish  archives.  The  papers  taken  col- 
lectively enable  me  to  state  with  certainty  the  rela- 
tions of  the  English  and  French  and  Spanish  min- 
isters and  kings  towards  our  revolution,  as  well  as 
of  other  powers,  especially  the  German  powers, 
Holland,  and  Russia,  even  to  the  shades  of  differ- 
ence in  opinion  and  the  varying  counsels  and  pol- 
icy of  the  sovereigns  and  their  cabinets. 

I  am  aware  that  this  volume  is  more  minute  in 
the  narration  of  some  events  than  a  proper  sym- 
metry would  permit.  But  the  years  to  which  it 
relates  are  the  most  important  of  the  war  in  more 
aspects    than  one.      It  was  in   the   last   months    of 


PREFACE.  5 

1777  that  the  spirit  of  separatism  was  at  its  top- 
most flood,  never  again  to  rise  so  high;  it  was  out 
of  the  principles  of  this  period  that  the  articles  of 
confederation  took  their  character ;  its  events  de- 
termined the  alliance  of  France,  and  its  vicissitudes 
most  clearly  display  the  character  of  Washington. 

Washington  was  not  satisfied  with  any  history  of 
the  revolution  which  appeared  during  his  life.  He 
kept  his  papers  with  the  utmost  care,  building  a  fire- 
proof apartment  for  their  security,  evidently  think- 
ing, that,  though  a  history  of  his  services  had  not 
been  adequately  written,  one  day  careful  inquirers, 
with  the  aid  of  his  correspondence,  would  rise  up 
to  do  him  justice.  The  labors  of  Marshall  and  of 
Sparks  prove  that  his  confidence  was  well  founded. 
No  one  has  more  carefully  described  his  part  in 
the  campaign  of  1777  than  Marshall;  and  yet  that 
biographer  did  not  say  all  that  may  with  truth  be 
said  of  the  greatness  of  Washington  during  that 
year.  He  failed,  for  example,  fully  to  point  out 
the  effect  of  the  advice  and  disinterestedness  of 
the  commander-in-chief  on  the  success  of  the  north- 
ern  army. 

I  have  done  what  I  could  to  learn  the  truth  and 
to  state  it  clearly ;  to  the  judgment  of  the  candid 
and  the  well-informed  I  shall  listen  with  deference. 
This  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  country  I 
lay  reverently  on  the  altar  of  freedom  and  union. 

New  York,  September  24,  1866. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE   THIRTEEN   UNITED    STATES.      July,  1776. 

Effects  of  the  declaration  of  independence,  31  —  The  hope  of  the  new 
nation,  31  —  Declaration  of  Maryland,  32  —  Independence  in  Philadel- 
phia, 32  — In  New  Jersey,  32  —  Convention  of  New  York,  33  —  Con- 
dition of  the  state,  33  —  New  York  adopts  independence,  34  —  Indepen- 
dence proclaimed  to  the  army,  34  —  Statue  of  the  king  thrown  down  in 
New  York,  35  —  Progress  of  the  war  in  Virginia,  35  —  Dunniore  driven 
from  land,  35  —  Flight  of  the  Virginia  refugees,  36  —  Independence  pro- 
claimed in  Virginia,  36  —  In  Rhode  Island,  36  —  In  Massachusetts,  36  — 
In  South  Carolina,  36  —  Independence  the  act  of  the  people,  37  —  Its 
aspect  on  the  nations  of  Europe,  37  —  Character  of  Lord  Howe,  37  — 
His  confidence  of  the  restoration  of  peace,  38  —  Lord  Howe  arrives  at 
Staten  Island,  38  —  His  declaration,  38  —  His  attempts  at  intercourse 
with  Washington,  39  —  He  meets  with  a  rebuff,  39  —  His  circular  let- 
ters, 39  —  His  letters  to  individuals,  39  —  Reed  on  the  overture,  40  — 
Condition  of  America,  40  —  Greene  despondent,  40  —  Decision  of 
Samuel  Adams,  40  —  Of  Robert  Morris,  41  —  Of  congress,  41 — Of 
Washington,  41 — Lord  Howe  to  Franklin,  42 — Franklin's  answer,  42 
—  Retaining  a  trade  no  ground  for  a  war,  43  —  Disappointment  of  Lord 
Howe,  44. 

CHAPTER  II. 

CONFEDERATION  J    SIGNING   THE    DECLARATION.      July  August   2, 

1776. 

An  exchange  of  prisoners  proposed  by  Washington,  45  —  Agreed  to  by 
Howe,  46  —  Confederation,  46  —  Draught  of  Dickinson,  46  —  Dickinson's 
despondency,  47  —  Confederation  opposed  by  separatism,  47  —  The  sev- 


8  CONTENTS. 

eral  states  impatient  of  power,  47 —  Effects  of  contests  with  the  crown, 
48  —  No  central  power  of  taxation,  48  —  The  states  jealous  of  the  power 
in  a  confederacy  as  in  the  crown,  49  —  Franklin's  plan  contrasted  with 
Dickinson's,  49  —  No  executive,  no  judiciary,  50  —  South  Carolina  still 
jealous,  50  —  Cavils  of  Edward  Rutledge,  51  —  Rule  for  the  apportion- 
ment of  supplies,  51  —  Chase  moves  to  count  only  white  inhabitants,  51 
—  Debate  on  the  question,  52  —  Chase's  amendment  rejected,  52  —  The 
vote  geographical,  52  —  Delaware  insists  on  a  vote  for  each  colony,  53  — 
Opinions  of  Franklin,  Witherspoon,  John  Adams,  53  —  Of  Rush,  Hop- 
kins, 54  —  Jefferson's  compromise  proposed  by  Sherman,  55  —  The  claim 
of  Virginia,  56  —  Why  confederation  was  delayed,  56  —  Congress  tired 
of  the  subject,  57  —  The  war  and  government,  57  —  Connecticut  sends 
regiments  of  light-horse,  57  ■ —  Their  discharge,  58  —  Conflict  amongst 
the  officers  in  the  army,  58  —  Gates  claims  coordinate  power  with  Wash- 
ington, 58 — Public  spirit  of  Washington,  59  —  Signing  the  declaration, 
59  —  Independence  the  work  of  the  people,  60. 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE   DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE   IN  EUROPE.      July — October, 

1776. 

The  maritime  powers  dread  England,  61  —  Opinion  of  Vergennes,  CI 

—  Arrival  of  Silas  Deane,  62  —  He  confides  in  Edward  Bancroft,  62  — 
France  opens  its  ports  to  American  commerce,  63  —  Interview  of  Deane 
with  Vergennes,  63  —  Two  hundred  field-pieces  promised,  63  —  Beau- 
marchais  offers  credit,  64  —  Treachery  of  Edward  Bancroft,  64  —  The 
king  of  France  and  his  cabinet,  64  —  Vergennes  on  England  as  the  nat- 
ural enemy  of  France,  64  —  And  of  Spain,  65  —  Danger  from  England  to 
France  and  Spain,  65  —  Advantages  of  a  war  with  England,  66  —  Rela- 
tions between  France  and  America,  67  —  Probable  neutrality  of  other 
European  powers,  67  —  Position  of  the  king  of  France,  68  —  Danger  from 
a  preference  of  peace,  68  —  Effect  of  this  advice  on  Louis  the  Sixteenth, 
69  —  Partisans  of  America,  69  —  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  70  —  Volunteers 
and  adventurers,  70 — Views  of  Spain,  71  —  Spanish  harbors  open  to 
American  privateers,  71  —  Spain  opposed  to  American  independence,  71 

—  Parties  in  England,  71  — The  government  majority,  71  —  The  reflec- 
tive judgment  of  England,  72  —  Power  to  tax  the  colonies  given  up,  72  — 
Power  of  parliament  over  charters  not  abdicated,  73  —  United  States  not 
to  be  conquered,  73  —  Advice  of  Tucker,  74  —  Of  Hume,  74  —  Opinion 
of  Gibbon,  74  —  Of  Germain,  74  —  The  English  despise  France  as  a 
naval  power,  74  —  Subserviency  of  an  English  politician,  75  —  Anxiety  of 
George  the  Third,  75 


CONTENTS.  9 

CHAPTER    IV. 

BATTLE   OP   LONG   ISLAND.      August,    1776. 

The  city  of  New  York  to  be  defended,  76  —  Opinion  of  Jay,  76  — 
Outposts  of  New  York,  77  —  Condition  of  the  American  army,  77  — 
Opinion  of  John  Adams,  77 —  Relations  of  congress  to  Gates  and  AVash- 
ington,  78  —  Council  of  war  inefficient,  79  —  Governor  of  Connecticut, 
79  —  Rising  of  Connecticut,  80  —  Inhabitants  of  New  York,  80  —  Gen- 
eral orders,  80  —  Fort  Washington  on  the  Hudson,  81  —  Defences  of  New 
York  city,  81  —  The  lines  in  Brooklyn,  82  —  Howe  receives  reinforce- 
ments, 82  —  Lord  Howe's  proposal,  82  —  Illness  of  Greene,  83  — British 
land  on  Long  Island,  83  —  Consternation  in  New  York,  84  —  Advance  of 
the  British,  84  —  American  skirmishers,  84  —  Putnam  on  Long  Island,  85 

—  Number  of  the  British  on  Long  Island,  85  —  The  American  force,  86 

—  Their  stations,  86  —  Plan  of  attack  by  Howe,  87  —  Putnam's  orders, 
88  —  Position  of  Stirling,  88  —  Putnam's  incapacity,  89  —  The  British 
squadron  attempts  to  move,  89  —  The  British  gain  the  Jamaica  pass,  90 

—  The  battle  of  skirmishes,  90  —  The  Hessians  move  up   the  ridge,  91 

—  Their  success,  91  —  Sullivan  taken  prisoner,  92  —  Lord  Howe  sends 
aid,  92  —  Heroic  conduct  of  Stirling  and  his  party,  93  —  Stirling  sur- 
renders, 94  —  Howe  refuses  to  assault  the  lines,  94  —  Loss  of  the  British, 
95  —  Loss  of  the  Americans,  95  —  Causes  of  the  result,  95  —  Character 
of  the  victory,  96. 

CHAPTER    V. 

THE  RETREAT   FROM   LONG   ISLAND.      August  27  —  30,  1776. 

Condition  of  the  American  army,  97  —  Its  confidence  in -Washington, 
98  —  His  steady  attention,  98  —  Number  of  his  troops,  98 — Their  suf- 
ferings, 98  —  Character  of  General  Howe,  99  —  Delancey  and  Woodhull, 
100 — Approaches  of  the  British  army,  101  —  Necessity  of  a  retreat, 
101 — Measures  for  a  retreat,  101  —  A  council  of  war,  102  —  Skilful 
measures,  103  —  Blunder  of  Mifflin,  104  —  Remedied  by  Washington,  104 

—  The  sea-fog,  104  —  The  British  enter  the  American  works,  104  —  The 
retreat  successful,  105  —  Erroneous  account  of  the  retreat,  105  —  The 
errors  corrected,  106  —  The  retreat  Washington's  own  measure,  107. 

CHAPTER    VI. 

the  progress  OP  the  howes.     August  30  —  September  15,  1776. 

Sullivan  Lord  Howe's  volunteer  go-between,  108  —  Conduct  of  General 
Howe,  109  —  Washington  represents  to  congress  the  condition  of  his  army, 


10  CONTENTS. 

109  —  The  city  of  New  York  must  be  abandoned,  110  —  Sullivan's  recep- 
tion in  congress,  110  —  He  mistakes  Lord  Howe's  offers,  111  — Congress 
wishes  New  York  city  defended,  111  —  The  debate  on  Lord  Howe's  mes- 
sage, 112  —  Resolve  in  answer  to  Lord  Howe,  112  —  Committee  appointed 
to  meet  Lord  Howe,  112  —  Difference  of  opinion  between  congress  and 
Washington  on  holding  New  York,  113  —  His  council  side  with  congress, 
113  —  Lee  expected,  113  —  Washington  adheres  to  his  opinion  that  New 
York  must  be  evacuated,  114  —  His  plea  to  congress,  114  —  He  explains 
why  New  York  city  cannot  be  held,  115  —  Congress  yields,  115  —  Inter- 
view between  Lord  Howe  and  the  committee  of  congress,  116  —  Lord  Howe 
disavows  Sullivan,  117  —  Franklin's  proposal,  117  —  Report  of  the  com- 
mittee, 117  —  Opinion  of  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  117  —  General 
Howe  prepares  to  land  in  New  York,  118  —  Washington  fired  upon,  118 
—  Washington  removes  his  stores  and  artillery,  119 — Landing  of  the 
British  on  New  York  island,  119  — Flight  of  the  Americans,  119 —  Wash- 
ington's example  of  courage,  120  —  Escape  of  Putnam's  division,  120  — 
Patriotic  conduct  of  Mary  Lindley,  121  —  Results  of  the  day,  121  — 
Washington's  conduct  on  the  day,  122  —  Character  of  Gordon  as  an  his- 
torian, 123  —  Accounts  of  Ramsay,  Heath,  and  Graydon,  124. 

CHAPTER    VII. 

the    embarrassments   of  America.     September  15  —  30,  1776. 

Talbot  and  the  fire-brig,  125 —  Skirmishes  near  Manhattan ville,  126  — 
Effect  of  the  skirmish,  127  —  Death  of  Knowlton  and  Leitch,  128  — 
Strength  of  the  American  position,  128  —Declaration  of  the  Howes  as 
commanders,  128—  Great  fire  in  New  York  city,  129  —  Nathan  Hale, 
his  death  and  character,  130  —  Death  of  Henly,  131  —  Arrival  of  the 
prisoners  from  Quebec,  131 — Merits  of  Morgan,  131  —  Confederation 
delayed,  131  —  Plan  of  a  treaty  with  France,  132  —  The  fisheries,  132  — 
Commissioners  to  France,  133  —  Franklin  and  Deane,  133  —  Jefferson 
declines,  133  —  Arthur  Lee  appointed,  133  —  The  American  navy,  134  — 
American  privateers,  134  —  Army  regulations  adopted,  135  —  Condition 
of  the  army,  135  —  Measures  of  congress,  136  —  Washington  on  the  use  of 
aailitia,  137  —  Need  of  a  permanent  army,  137  —  His  expostulations  neg- 
lected by  congress,  138  —  Washington's  trust  in  the  people,  138. 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

the  course  of  opinion  in   England.     September  28  —  November, 

1776. 

Spirit  of  England,  140  —  Germain  compliments  the  Howes,  140  — 
Fox  supports  the  Americans,  141  —  Rockingham  party  keeps  aloof,  141  — 


CONTENTS.  11 

The  declaration  of  independence  unites  England,  141  —  Speech  of  Cav- 
endish, 142— Of  Johnstone,  142  — Of  Wilkes,  142  — Of  Lord  North, 
142  —  Of  Barre,  142  —  Of  Germain,  143  —  Of  Fox,  143  —  Fox  for  in- 
dependence, 144  —  Fox  applauded  by  Gibbon  and  Burke,  144  —  Unsat- 
isfactory letters  from  Howe,  144  —  His  exorbitant  demands,  145  —  Ger- 
main shirks  blame,  145 — Proposal  of  Cavendish,  145  —  Perplexity  of 
Lord  North,  145  —  Speech  of  Fox,  146  —  Of  Wedderburn,  146  —  Se- 
cession of  Burke,  146  —  Fox  disapproves  secession,  146  —  Character  of 
Fox,  146  —  His  licentiousness,  147  —  His  love  of  poetry,  147  —  His  dis- 
like of  science,  147  —  His  manner,  148  —  Character  of  his  speeches,  148 
—  His  skill  in  attack,  149  —  Fox  not  a  great  man,  149  —  His  failure  as 
an  historian,  149  —  His  want  of  fixed  principles,  150. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

THE   BORDER   WAR   IN   THE   NORTH    AND    IN   THE   SOUTH.      July  — 

November,  1776. 

Carleton  blamed  for  keeping  back  the  Indians,  151  —  Promises  of  Ham- 
ilton, 151  —  Mercilessness  of  Germain,  152  —  Carleton's  plan  of  cam- 
paign, 152  —  Ship-building  on  Lake  Champlain  by  the  Americans,  152  — 
British  preparations  for  a  fleet,  153 —  Arnold  near  Valcour  island,  154  — 
Blockaded  by  British  ships,  154  —  Arnold's  audacity,  154  —  Defeat  of 
his  squadron,  155  —  He  runs  the  blockade,  155  —  His  pursuit,  156  — 
Carleton's  treatment  of  his  prisoners,  156  —  Carleton  k^nds  at  Crown 
Point,  157  —  His  tardiness,  157  —  His  retreat,  157  —  Wayne  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  15  7  —  Demands  of  Lee,  158  —  Lee  proposes  to  attack  East  Flor- 
ida, 158  —  His  march,  158  —  He  wastes  his  troops,  159  —  Goes  to  the 
north,  159  —  Indian  war  in  the  mountains,  159  —  Fidelity  of  eastern 
Tennessee,  160  —  Cherokees  move  to  war,  160  —  Neutrality  of  the 
Creeks,  161  —  The  Cherokees  receive  checks,  161  —  War  on  the  borders 
of  South  Carolina,  162  — Williamson  leads  a  party  against  them,  162  — 
Successes  east  of  the  mountains,  162  —  And  on  the  Little  Tennessee,  162 

—  Junction  with  Butherford  on  the  Hiwassee  valley,  163  —  Instructions 
from  Germain,  163 — The  Cherokees  beg  for  mercy,  163  —  The  district 
Washington,  164. 

CHAPTER    X. 

white  plains.     October  1  —  28,  1776. 

Washington  on  the  heights  of  Harlem,  165  —  His  lines  of  defence,  165 

—  Mount  Washington,  166  —  Country  beyond  Mount  Washington,  166  — 
Greene  at  Fort  Lee,  167  —  Washington  safe  on  this  side  of  New  York 
island,  1G7  —  Establishment  of  new  governments,  167  — Lee  expected, 


12  CONTENTS. 

1C8  —  Lee's  character  as  a  commander,  168  —  His  insincerity,  169  —  His 
opposition  to  independence,  169  —  Lee  before  congress,  169  —  Clamors 
for  a  separate  army,  169  —  Lee's  advice  to  Maryland,  170  —  Division  in 
Pennsylvania,  1 70  —  Its  convention,  170  —  The  new  constitution  and  the 
proprietary  party,  170  —  Defects  of  the  constitution,  171  —  It  disfran- 
chises Quakers,  171  —  Its  single  legislative  assembly  disapproved  of,  171  — 
A  counter  revolutionary  spirit,  171  — Weakness  of  Dickinson,  172  — 
Lee  in  New  Jersey,  172  —  Condition  of  New  Jersey,  172  —  Lee  proposes 
a  negotiation  with  Lord  Howe,  1 73  —  Washington  and  congress,  1 73  — 
Confidence  of  John  Adams,  173  —  British  ships  ascend  the  Hudson,  174 
—  Confidence  of  congress,  1 74  —  Of  Greene,  1 74  —  Of  Lee,  1 74  — 
Movement  of  Howe,  1 74  —  Howe  at  Frog's  neck,  175  —  Putnam  at 
Mount  Washington,  175  —  Mercer  on  Staten  Island,  1 76  —  Washington 
holds  a  council  of  war,  176  —  Opinion  of  Lee,  176  —  Howe  strikes  at 
White  Plains,  177  —  The  line  of  march,  177 — Incidents  of  Howe's 
march,  178  —  Washington  at  White  Plains,  179  —  Washington's  choice 
of  a  camp,  179  —  The  British  repulsed  from  Fort  Washington,  179  — 
Greene's  elation,  180  —  He  finds  fault  with  Washington,  180  —  Howe 
marches  upon  White  Plains,  180  —  But  makes  no  attack,  180  —  Attack 
on  Chatterton  hill,  181  — The  attack  not  at  first  successful,  181  — Kail 
decides  the  day,  182  —  Losses  of  the  two  sides,  182. 


CHAPTER    XL 

fort  Washington.     October  29  —  November  16,  1776. 

Washington  strengthens  his  works,  183  —  Howe  postpones  his  attack, 
183  —  Washington  occupies  stronger  ground,  183  —  Evils  in  the  American 
service,  184  —  Fort  Washington,  184 —  Greene  reenforces  it,  184  —  Wash- 
ington perceives  the  danger,  185  —  Congress  loves  fighting,  185  —  Infatua- 
tion of  Greene,  185  —  Clear  judgment  of  Washington,  185  —  His  instruc- 
tions to  Greene,  185  —  Orders  to  prepare  for  evacuating  Fort  Lee,  186  — 
Putnam  crosses  into  the  Jerseys,  186  —  Instructions  to  Lee,  186  —  Wash- 
ington surveys  the  Highlands  at  West  Point,  187  —  Washington  at  Hack- 
ensack,  187  —  Insubordination  of  Lee,  187  —  Greene  disregards  Wash- 
ington's intentions,  188  —  Grief  of  Washington,  188  —  Want  of  vigilance 
in  Greene,  189  — Fort  Washington  summoned,  189  — Dispositions  for  the 
defence  of  Mount  Washington,  189  —  Movement  of  Knyphausen,  190  — 
Good  conduct  of  Rail,  190  —  Attack  under  Cornwallis,  191  —  Laurel  hill 
captured,  191  —  Feeble  movement  of  Lord  Percy,  191  —  Retreat  of  Cad- 
walader,  192  —  Rail  summons  Fort  Washington,  192  —  Consultation,  192 
—  Washington's  letter,  192  —  Fort  Washington  surrenders,  193  —  Loss 
of  both  parties,  193  —  Disingenuousness  of  Greene,  193  —  Magnanimity 
of  Washington,  193. 


CONTENTS.  13 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Washington's  retreat  through  the  jerseys.     November  17  — 
December  13,  1776. 

Cornwallis  in  New  Jersey,  194  —  Greene's  neglect  of  orders,  194  — 
Lee's  disobedience,  194 — American  army  melting  away,  195  —  Greene 
surprised,  195  —  His  narrow  escape,  195  — Message  to  Lee,  196  —  Wash- 
ington crosses  the  Passaic,  196  —  Appeal  to  the  Middle  states,  196  — 
Washington  at  Newark,  196  —  Contumacy  of  Lee,  197  —  Washington 
sends  Reed  to  New  Jersey,  197  —  Mifflin  to  congress,  197  —  Spirited  con- 
duct of  Mifflin,  197  —  Reed  fails  in  duty,  198  —  Washington  at  Bruns- 
wick, 198  —  He  does  not  despair,  198  —  Proclamation  of  the  Howes,  199 

—  Submission  of  Tucker,  199  —  Of  Galloway,  199  —  Hesitation  of  John 
Dickinson,  199  —  Maryland  willing  to  give  up  independence,  199  —  Pa- 
triotism of  Schuyler,  200  —  Of  Wayne,  200  —  Of  Trumbull,  200  —  Mis- 
take of  the  Howes,  200  —  Conquest  of  Rhode  Island,  200  —  Washing- 
ton's urgency  to  Lee,  200  —  Cornwallis  in  pursuit,  201  —  Washington 
marches  by  night  to  Princeton,  201  —  To  Trenton,  201 — Faces  about, 
201  —  Cornwallis  reenforced,  201  —  Washington  retreats  beyond  the  Del- 
aware, 202  —  Slowness  of  Howe,  202  —  Danger  to  Philadelphia,  202 — 
Appeal  to  Pennsylvanians,  202  —  Desolation  of  New  Jersey,  202  —  Ap- 
peal to  Lee,  203  —  Conduct  of  Lee,  203  —  His  aspirations,  203  —  His 
letter  to-Bowdoin,  204  —  Attempts  to  intrigue  with  Bowdoin,  204  — 
Washington's  further  orders,  204  —  Reed  to  Lee,  205  —  Lee's  answer, 
205  —  The   answer  seen  by  Washington,  206  —  Arrogance  of  Lee,   206 

—  Refuses  to  join  Washington,  206  —  His  contest  with  Heath,  206  —  He 
enters  New  Jersey,  207  —  Sneers  at  Washington,  207  —  His  falsehood, 
208  —  Hopes  to  reconquer  the  Jerseys,  208  —  Lee  at  Baskingridge,  209 

—  His  letter  to  Gates,  209 — Advises  to  burn  down  Philadelphia,  209  — 
Attacked  by  a  party  of  British,  210  —  Shows  abject  cowardice,  210  — 
Surenders,  210  —  Treated  as  a  deserter,  211  —  Washington's  retreat,  211. 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

trenton.     December  11  —  26,1776. 

Resolution  of  congress,  213  —  Congress  adjourns  to  Baltimore,  213  — 
Opinions  of  Samuel  Adams,  214  —  Orders  of  Putnam,  214  —  The  Quak- 
ers not  neutral,  214  —  John  Adams  stout  of  heart,  215  —  Position  of  the 
British  troops,  215  —  Brutal  conduct  of  the  foreign  troops,  216  —  Donop's 
advice  to  Rail,  216  —  Rail  in  command  of  Trenton,  216  —  Confidence  of 
Grant,  216  — Habits  of  Rail,  217  —  Washington's  difficulties,  217  — His 
character  in  adversity,  217  —  He  resolves  to  strike  the  enemy,  218  — 
VOL.  IX.  2 


14  CONTENTS. 

Secures  all  the  boats,  219  —  Proposes  reform  in  the  army,  219  —  His 
army  in  danger  of  coming  to  an  end,  220  —  He  asks  for  more  power,  220 

—  He  remonstrates  with  congress,  221  —  He  resumes  his  warning,  222  — 
Obstacles  to  raising  a  new  army,  222  —  Opinion  of  Greene,  222  —  Wash- 
ington proposes  an  army  of  the  United  States,  223  —  Gates  and  Sullivan 
at  head-quarters,  223  —  Preparations  for  the  attack  on  Trenton,  223  — 
Washington's  watchword,  224  —  Washington's  plan  of  attack,  224  —  His 
request  to  Gates,  225  —  Grant's  opinion  of  Washington's  army,  225  —  As- 
surance of  Rail,  226  —  State  of  opinion  in  Europe,  226  —  British  army  at 
New  York,  226  —  Their  manner  of  passing  the  winter,  227  —  Lord  Howe 
on  privateers,  227 —  Gates  fails  in  duty,  228  —  He  goes  to  Baltimore,  228 

—  Griffin  and  Putnam  fail,  228  —  Cadwalader  cannot  cross  the  river,  228 

—  Reed  goes  within  the  enemy's  lines,  228  —  Reed  asks  for  a  conference 
with  Donop,  229  —  Opinion  that  Washington  will  give  up  the  expedition, 

229  —  Washington  carries  out  his  plan,  230  —  His  men  and  his  officers, 

230  — The  mariners  of  Marblehead,  230  —  A  letter  from  Reed,  230  — 
A  letter  from  Washington,  230  —  Wilkinson  joins  Washington,  231  — 
Anderson's  attack,  231  —  The  revels  of  Rail,  231  —  Washington  crosses  the 
Delaware,  231  —  State  of  the  weather,  232 — Sullivan  and  Washington, 
232  —  Washington's  party  attack,  232  — Conduct  of  Stark,  233  — Tren- 
ton entered  on  both  sides,  233  —  Conduct  of  Rail,  233  —  Rail's  mistakes, 
234  —  Rail  mortally  wounded,  234  —  The  Hessians  surrender,  234  — 
Loss  of  the  Americans,  235  —  Of  the  Hessians  235  — Effect  of  the  vic- 
tory, 235. 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

ASSANPINK  and  Princeton.     December  26,  1776  —  January,  1777. 

Sufferings  of  the  troops  of  Washington,  236  —  Congress  at  Baltimore, 
237  —  Motion  by  Samuel  Adams,  237  —  Letters  from  Washington,  237  — 
Measures  adopted,  238  —  Washington  not  appointed  dictator,  238  —  Fi- 
nancial measures,  238  —  Cadwalader  at  Bristol,  239 — Reed  recovers 
courage,  239  —  Washington's  new  plan,  239  — Resolves  to  pursue  the  en- 
emy, 240  —  The  eastern  regiments  agree  to  remain,  240  —  Zeal  of  Wash- 
ington, Stark,  and  Morris,  241  —  Te  Deum  sung  at  Quebec,  241  —  Corn- 
wallis,  24 1  —  Indolence  of  Howe,  242  —  Activity  of  Morris,  242  —  Wash- 
ington on  the  grant  of  power,  242  —  He  collects  his  forces  at  Trenton,  243 

—  Character  of  his  army,  243  — Movement  of  Cornwallis,  243  —  Donop's 
advice,  244  —  March  from  Princeton  to  Trenton,  244  —  Washington  at 
Assanpink,  244  —  He  holds  Cornwallis  at  bay,  245  —  The  British  army 
goes  to  sleep,  245  —  Washington's  vigilance,  245  —  He  proposes  a  march 
to  Princeton,  246 — Mercer  and  Saint  Clair,  246 — The  night,  247  — 
Washington  at  Princeton,  247  —  Battle  of  Princeton,  248  —  Mercer 
wounded,  248  —  Washington  in  the  battle,  249  — Mawhood's  retreat,  219 


CONTENTS.  15 

—  The  New  England  regiments  and  the  British  fifty-fifth,  250  —  Losses, 
250  —  The  morning  at  Trenton,  250  —  Washington  turns  towards  the 
highlands,  251  —  Effect  of  his  movements,  251  —  Other  successes,  251  — 
General  Howe  knighted,  251  —  Bombast  of  Heath,  252  —  Further  suc- 
cesses in  New  Jersey,  252  —  Royalists  in  New  Jersey,  253  —  Cruelty  of 
Germain,  253  —  Proclamation  of  Washington,  253  —  Question  of  alle- 
giance, 253  —  Results  of  the  campaign,   254  —  Condition  of  the  British, 

254  —  Praises  of  Washington,  254  —  His  popularity,  255  —  Cavilled  at 
in  congress,  255  —  Strange  vote  of  congress,  255  —  Washington's  answer, 

255  —  Conduct  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,  256  —  Morris  and  Hooper  on 
Washington,  256. 

CHAPTER    XV. 

THE   CONSTITUTIONS    OF  THE    SEVERAL  STATES  OP  AMERICA.      1776 

1783. 

New  institutions  for  the  states,  257 — Principles  on  which  they  were 
formed,  258 —  Sovereignty  of  the  people,  258  —  Confidence  of  the  Amer- 
ican people,  259 — England  a  land  of  liberty,  259  —  Why  American 
statesmen  became  republicans,  260  —  Governments  formed  for  the  several 
states,  260  —  Massachusetts,  260 — Its  first  constitution,  260  —  Its  second 
constitution,  261  —  Government  of  New  Hampshire,  261  —  Of  South 
Carolina,  261  —  Of  Rhode  Island,  261  —  Of  Connecticut,  261  —  Of  Vir- 
ginia, 262  — Of  New  Jersey,  262  — Of  Delaware,  262  — Of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 262  —  Of  Maryland,  262  —  Of  North  Carolina,  262  —  Of  Georgia, 
262  —  Of  New  York,  262  —  Theory  of  the  elective  franchise,  263  —  The 
suffrage  a  privilege,  263  —  Qualifications  of  voters,  263  —  Freehold  and 
property  qualifications,  264  —  Vote  by  word  of  mouth,  264  —  By  proxy, 
264  —  By  ballot,  264  —  Popular  branch  of  the  legislature,  264  —  Appor- 
tionment of  representation,  265  —  Great  inequality  in  Maryland  and  South 
Carolina,  265  —  Franklin's  political  opinions,  265  —  One  assembly  only  in 
Pennsylvania  and  Georgia,  265  —  Historic  precedents  generally  followed, 

266  —  Two  legislative  bodies,  266  —  Maryland  seeks  to  curb  popular 
power,  266  —  Mode  of  electing  the  governor,  26  7  —  Property  qualification, 

267  —  Period  of  service  of  governor,  268  —  The  veto  power,  268  —Im- 
portance of  the  legislature,  269  —  The  appointing  power,  269  —  The  ju- 
diciary, 270  —  Appointment  of  the  judges,  270  —  Their  qualifications,  270 

—  Their  power,  270  —  Public  education  in  Massachusetts,  270  —  In  Con- 
necticut, 271  —  Rule  for  nomination  in  Connecticut,  271  — The  American 
system,  271  —  People  represented  as  they  are,  271  — The  people  the  ele- 
ment of  permanence,  272  —  Freedom  of  worship,  272 — Estab'ishment 
of  freedom  of  mind,  273  —  Liberal  system  of  New  York,  273  —  The  free 
black  in  New  York,  274  —  Influence  of  Protestantism  on  freedom  of  mind, 
274 — The  Americans  not  skeptics,  274  —  Religious  tests,  275  —  Position 


16  CONTENT 

of  Catholics,  275— Of  the  Jews,  275  —  Of  the  church,  276  —  Public 
worship  in  Maryland,  276  —  In  Massachusetts,  276  —  Disposition  of  church 
property,  277  —  South  Carolina  has  a  religion  of  the  state,  277  — The 
separation  of  church  and  state  approved  of,  277  —  A  struggle  in  Virginia, 
278  —  The  establishment  of  the  Anglican  church  abolished  in  Virginia, 
278  —  The  rule  in  New  Jersey,  278  —  The  authors  of  freedom  of  worship. 
279 —  Disposition  of  intestate  estates  in  Georgia,  279  —  In  Virginia,  279 
—  Entails  abolished  in  Virginia,  280  —  The  rules  of  descent  in  Virginia, 

280  —  No  property  in  the  increase  of  slaves,  281  —  Delaware  on  slavery, 

281  — Mode  of  reforming  constitutions,  281  —  British  bill  of  rights,  282  — 
The  rights  of  man  declared,  282  —  Except  in  South  Carolina,  282  — 
Theory  of  political  life,  282  —  Moderation  of  American  statesmen,  283  — 
America  prepares  the  way  for  progress,  283. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

PREPARATIONS   OF    EUROPE    FOR    THE    CAMPAIGN    OF    1777.      FRANCB 
and  Holland.     December,  1776 — May,  1777. 

A  rival  to  Washington,  284  —  Kalb,  284  —  Lafayette,  285  —  Franklin 
arrives  in  France,  285  —  Burke's  opinion  of  Franklin,  285  —  Effect  of 
his  arrival,  286  —  Protest  of  Lord  Stormont,  286  —  Reply  of  Vergennes, 
286  —  Policy  of  Maurepas,  287  —  Opinion  of  Artois,  287 —  Opinion  in 
France,  287 — The  friends  of  Choiseul,  287  —  American  commissioners 
wait  on  Vergennes,  288  —  The  Count  de  Aranda,  288  —  His  relation  to 
the  Jesuits,  289  —  His  hatred  of  England,  289  —  Holds  interviews  with 
the  commissioners,  289 —  Sagacity  of  Franklin,  289 — Memorial  to  Ver- 
gennes, 289 — Indifference  of  Spain,  290 — Answer  of  the  king  of 
France,  290  —  Policy  of  France  and  Spain,  290  —  Americans  may  trade 
in  their  ports,  290  —  Aids  from  France,  291  —  Contract  for  tobacco,  291 
—  Overbearing  policy  of  England  towards  Holland,  291  — What  England 
thought  of  neutrality,  292  —  Haughtiness  of  the  ambassador  at  the  Hague, 
292  —  Conduct  of  the  United  Provinces,  293  —  France  carries  on  a  war 
in  disguise,  293  —  Influence  of  philosophy,  293  —  The  author  of  "  Figaro," 
294  —  Beaumarchais'  letter  to  Maurepas,  294  —  Weakness  of  Louis  the 
Sixteenth,  294  —  Three  objects  proposed  to  Maurepas,  294  —  Necker 
director-general  of  the  finances,  295  —  His  character,  295  —  Opinion  of 
the  king,  295  —  Embarkation  of  Lafayette  and  Kalb  for  America,  296  — 
The  women  of  Paris,  296  —  Pulaski,  296  —  He  sails  for  America,  297  — 
Opinion  of  Joseph  the  Second,  297  —  Ships  from  France  to  the  United 
States,  297  —  English  remonstrances,  297  —  American  privateers  in  French 
harbors,  298  —  Vergennes  evades  reclamations,  298  —  His  policy  the 
policy  of  an  enemy  to  England,  299  —  Claims  of  England,  299  —  Answer 
of  Vergennes,  299  — England  delays  the  declaration  of  war,  300 


CONTENTS.  17 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

PREPARATIONS  OF  EUROPE  FOR   THE  CAMPAIGN   OF   1777,  CONTINUED. 
THE   ASPECT   OF   SPAIN    ON   AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE.      1777. 

France  and  Spain,  301  —  Spain  a  discoverer,  301  —  Her  people,  301  — 
Her  great  men,  302  —  Want  of  good  government,  302  —  Homogeneous- 
ness,  302  —  Chivalry,  303  —  Governed  by  the  house  of  Hapsburg,  303 

—  Inherited  by  one  of  the  Bourbons,  303  —  Charles  the  Third,  303  — 
The  Inquisition,  303  —  Family  compact,  304  —  Grimaldi  retires,  304  — 
Ministry  of  Florida  Blanca,  304  —  His  character,  305  —  His  policy  Span- 
ish, 305  —  His  vanity,  305  —  His  influence  on  Charles  the  Third,  306  — 
Galvez,  306  —  Arthur  Lee  on  his  way  to  Madrid,  306  —  Spain  opposed 
to  American  independence,  306  —  And  to  republicanism,  306  —  Spain 
unprepared  for  war,  307  —  Ruined  by  monopoly,  307 —  Without  an  effi- 
cient navy,  308  —  O'Reilly,  308  —  The  king  fond  of  peace,  308  —  Lee 
stopped  at  Burgos,  308 — His  interview  with  Grimaldi,  308  —  Florida 
Blanca's  assurances  to  the  British  minister,  309  —  Spanish  court  drawn 
towards  France,  309  —  Its  fear  of  England,  310  —  Gibraltar,  310  —  Spain 
aids  America  secretly,  310  —  Florida  Blanca  and  Vergennes,  311  —  Ver- 
gennes  fixes  the  epoch  for  war  with  England,  311. 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

ENGLAND   PREPARES   FOR   THE    CAMPAIGN    OF    1777.      January  —  May, 

1777. 

Lord  North  for  concession  to  America,  312  — War  in  Canada  directed 
by  Germain,  312  —  Threats  to  American  sailors,  313  —  Nathan  Coffin, 
313  —  Arrogance  of  Stormont,  313  —  Troops  engaged  in  Germany,  313 

—  Prince  of  Waldeck,  313  —  Of  Hanau,  313  —  Heister  recalled,  314  — 
Shabby  conduct  of  the  duke  of  Brunswick,  315  —  Margrave  of  Anspach, 

315  —  Feeling  of  the    people  of  Germany,  315  —  Frederic  of  Prussia, 

316  —  Court  of  Vienna,  316  —  A  mutiny,  317  —  Zeal  of  the  margrave, 

317  —  He  becomes  a  driver,  317  —  Recruits  from  Germany,  317  —  The 
recruits  Protestants,  317  —  Duke  of  Wirtemberg,  318  —  Opposition  of  the 
Catholic  princes,  318  —  Saxe-Gotha,  318  —  Darmstadt,  318  —  Prince  of 
Anhalt-Zerbst,  319  —  Sources  of  venality,  319  —  Despotic  power  a  curse, 
319  —  Number  of  the  reinforcements,  320  —  British  enlistments  in  Amer- 
ica, 320  —  The  king  favors  employment  of  savages,  321 — Moderation 
of  Carleton,  321  —  Vehemence  of  the  king,  321  — Joseph  Brant,  321  — 
Opinion  of  officers  in  Canada,  322  —  La  Corne  Saint  Luc,  322  —  Plan 
of  Burgoyne's  campaign,  322  —  Saint  Leger,  322 —  Germain  wishes  to  re- 
move General  Howe,  323  —  General  Howe  supported  by  the  king,  323  — 

2* 


18  CONTENTS. 

Privateers,  323  —  Finances  of  the  United  States,  323  —Finances  of  Eng- 
land, 324  —  Archbishop  of  York,  324  —  Edmund  Burke,  324  —  Earl  of 
Abingdon,  324  —  Fox,  324  —  Hartley,  324  —  Chatham,  325  —  Chatham's 
advice  rejected,  325  —  Employment  of  Indians,  325  —  Letter  of  Tryon,  326. 

CHAPTER    XIX. 

AMERICA   BEFORE    THE   OPENING   OF    THE    CAMPAIGN.      March  —  May 

1777. 

General  Howe  changes  his  views,  327  —  Interposition  of  Lee,  327  — 
His  request  to  congress,  328  —  His  request  refused,  328  —  Exchange  of 
prisoners,  328  —  Attempts  to  negotiate  with  Washington,  329  —  The 
overture  rejected,  330  —  Lee  again  appeals  to  congress,  330  —  Lee's 
treason,  330  —  His  plan,  331  —  What  was  thought  of  Lee  in  Europe,  331 

—  The  Howes  at  variance  with  Germain,  331  —  Their  new  instructions, 
332  —  Their  reply,  332  —  Demand  for  reinforcements,  332  —  Reply  of 
Germain,  332  —  Germain's  disingenuousness,  333  —  Final  plan  of  General 
Howe,  333  —  His  letter  to  Carleton,  333  —  Indian  alliances,  334  —  Brit- 
ish troops  at  Amboy,  334  —  Weakness  of  Washington's  army,  334  — 
Washington  advises  a  draft,  334  —  Militia  of  New  England,  335  —  Reed's 
disingenuousness,  335  —  Alexander  Hamilton,  335  —  Discontent  of  Arnold, 
335  —  Stark,  slighted,  retires,  335  —  Congress  and  Gates,  336  —  Discon- 
tent of  Washington's  generals,  336  —  Crowd  of  foreign  adventurers,  337 

—  Merit  of  Kosciuszko,  337  —  Greene  at  Philadelphia,  337  —  Helplessness 
of  congress,  338 — Interference  in  Philadelphia,  338 —  Clinton  on  the 
Hudson,  338  —  Rivalry  of  Schuyler  and  Gates,  338  —  Intrigues  of  Gates, 
339  —  Complaints  of  Schuyler,  339  —  Gates  in  an  independent  command, 
339  —  His  importunity  with  congress,  339  —  Direction  to  Washington,  339 

—  Washington's  opinion  of  Fort  Independence,  340  —  Schuyler,  Gates, 
and  congress,  340  —  Gates  asks  for  cavalry,  341 — His  insubordination, 
341  —  His  petulance  towards  Washington,  341 — Appeals  to  congress 
against  Washington,  341  —  Removed  from  his  command,  341  —  Schuyler 
and  Ticonderoga,  341  —  Command  of  the  northern  department  given  to 
Schuyler,  342  —  Success  in  the  defence  of  Ticonderoga  impossible,  342 

—  Gates's  intrigues,  342  —  Patriotism  of  Washington,  343  —  Injustice  of 
members  of  congress,  343  —  Impatience  of  Samuel  Adams,  343  —  Conduct 
of  Washington,  343. 

CHAPTER    XX. 

THE   BRITISH   EVACUATE   NEW  JERSEY.      March — July,   1777. 

Movements  of  Howe,  345  —  Lincoln  surprised,  346 — Expedition  to 
Danbury,  346  —  Danbury  burned,  346  —  Courage  of  VVooster,  347  —  Of 


CONTENTS.  19 

Arnold,  34  7  —  Retreat  of  the  British,  347  —  They  reembark,  348  —  Con- 
gress reward  Arnold,  348  —  Meigs  at  Sag  Harbor,  348 —  His  success,  349 

—  Vengeful  spirit  of  Germain,  349  —  Orders  to  distress  and  destroy,  350 

—  Howe  and  Lord  North,  350  —  Howe's  dilatoriness,  351  — Washington 
at  Middlebrook,  351 — Howe  prepares  to  march  on  Philadelphia,  351  — 
Sullivan  retreats,  352  —  Not  pursued,  352  —  The  flag  of  the  United  States, 
352  —  Washington  out-generals  Howe,  352  —  Samuel  Adams  blames 
Washington,  353  —  He  defends  himself,  353  — Howe  returns  to  Bruns- 
wick, 354  —  Heister  suffers  on  the  retreat,  354  —  Morgan  attacks  Corn- 
wallis,  355  —  The  British  reach  Amboy,  355  —  Washington  at  Quibble- 
town,  355 — Howe  marches  out  again,  355  —  Skirmish  with  Stirling,  356 

—  Stirling  repulsed  with  loss,  356  —  Washington  retires  to  Middlebrook, 
356  —  Return  of  the  British  to  Staten  Island,  356  —  New  Jersey  evacu- 
ated, 356  —  Toryism  in  Philadelphia,  357  —  Congress  celebrates  the  fourth 
of  July,  357  —  Howe  prepares  to  embark  his  army,  357  —  Capture  of 
Prescott  in  Rhode  Island,  358. 

CHAPTER    XXI. 

THE   ADVANCE   OP   BURGOYNE    FROM   CANADA.       May  —  July    7,    1777 

The  winter  in  Canada,  359  —  Riedesel  on  employing  Indians,  359  — 
Brant  and  the  Mohawks,  359  —  Speech  of  Gates  to  the  Mohawks,  360  — 
Vermont  declares  independence,  360  —  Its  independence  opposed  by  con- 
gress, 361  —  Advice  of  Gates  to  Saint  Clair,  361  —  Schuyler  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  361  —  Burgoyne  at  Quebec,  361 — Anger  of  Carleton,  362  — 
Burgoyne's  preparations,  362  —  Diversion  by  way  of  Lake  Ontario,  362 

—  The  first  scalps,  362  —  Burgoyne  meets  a  congress  of  Indians,  362  — 
His  speech,  363  —  His  regulations  about  scalping,  364  —  Answer  of  an 
Indian  chief,  364  —  Burgoyne's  speech  condemned  by  Burke,  365  —  And 
by  Fox,  365  —  Defended  by  Suffolk,  365  —  Condemned  by  Chatham,  365 

—  Burgoyne's  excuse,  365  —  His  proclamation,  365  —  His  threats  against 
New  England,  365  —  Saint  Clair  self-deceived,  366  — Ticonderoga  nearly 
invested,  366  —  Saint  Clair  retreats,  366  —  Pursuit  of  Saint  Clair,  367  — 
Movement  of  Burgoyne,  367  — His  report  and  his  fame,  367. 

CHAPTER    XXII. 

PROGRESS    OP   THE   CAMPAIGN   IN   THE   NORTH.      July — August  21, 

1777. 

Vermont  convention,  368  —  Their  new  constitution,  368  —  Slavery,  369 

—  Their  calls  for  aid,  369  —  Battle  of  Hubbardton,  369  —  Riedesel  comes 
to  the  rescue,  369  —  Heroic  death  of  Francis,  369  — Losses  on  both  sides, 


20  CONTENTS. 

370  —  The  British  at  Fort  Ann,  370  —  A  thanksgiving,  370  —  Carleton 
refuses  to  garrison  Ticonderoga,  370  —  Burgoyne's  mistake  in  the  choice 
of  road,  371  —  His  opinion  of  the  Indians,  371  —  He  resolves  to  use  them, 

371  —  Murder  of  Jane  MacCrea,  371  —  Burgoyne  forgives  the  assassin, 

372  —  Public  opinion  against  Schuyler,  372  —  He  blames  Saint  Clair  un- 
reasonably, 372  —  His  want  of  military  talent,  372  —  Clinton  first  gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  372  —  Schuyler  and  New  England,  373  —  Schuyler 
retreats,  373  —  Condition  of  the  state  of  New  York,  373  — Watchfulness 
of  Washington,  374  —  He  sends  generals  to  the  north,  374 —  And  troops, 
374  —  He  writes  to  New  England,  374  —  And  to  Schuyler,  375  —  And 
to  the  council  of  New  York,  375  —  Schuyler  despondent,  375  —  Expects 
Burgoyne  at  Albany,  376  —  Germain  and  the  king  on  employing  Indians, 
376  —  Saint  Leger  sent  against  Fort  Stanwix,  377  —  His  force  chiefly  In- 
dians, 377  —  Strength  of  Fort  Stanwix,  378  —  Advance  of  Herkimer,  378 

—  Indians  go  out  against  him,  3  78  —  Herkimer's  party  in  an  ambush,  378 

—  They  fight,  379 — Herkimer  wounded,  379  —  Spencer  killed,  379  — 
Losses,  379  — Sally  of  Willett,  380  —  Their  spoils,  380  —  Indians  per- 
mitted to  kill  their  captives,  380  —  Willett  and  Stockwell,  380  —  Advance 
of  Arnold,  380  —  The  Indians  retreat,  381  —  Flight  of  Saint  Leger,  381  — 
Honors  to  Herkimer,  381  —  Character  of  the  Indian  allies,  381  —  The 
Seneca  warriors  at  home,  382  —  Burgoyne  and  the  Indians,  382  —  Bur- 
goyne takes  a  pledge  of  them  to  remain,  383  —  Fixes  his  time  for  arriving 
at  Albany,  383  —  Baum  sent  to  Bennington,  383  —  His  orders,  383  — 
Breymann  sent  to  his  support,  384  —  Movement  of  New  Hampshire,  384 

—  Troops  under  Stark,  384  —  Stark  surrounds  Baum,  384  —  They  fight 
at  Bennington,  385  —  Baum's  party  surrenders,  385  —  Breymann  comes 
up,  385  —  A  new  fight,  385  —  Losses,  385  —  Courage  of  the  Americans 
at  Bennington,  386 — Dismay  in  Burgoyne's  camp,  386 — Schuyler  re- 
moved, 386  —  Condition  of  the  northern  department,  386  —  Congress 
lavishes  favors  on  Gates,  387. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

SIR  William  howe  takes  Philadelphia.    August  —  September  26, 

1777. 

Washington  not  superseded,  388 — Congress  interferes  with  the  com 
missary  department,  388  —  The  politics  of  congress,  389  —  Appointment 
of  general  officers,  389  —  Kalb  and  Lafayette,  389  —  Sullivan's  miscon- 
duct, 390  —  Consequent  loss  to  Washington's  army,  390  —  Howe  embarks 
for  Philadelphia,  391  —  He  enters  the  Chesapeake,  391  —  Opinions  of 
John  Adams,  391  —  Strength  of  Howe's  army,  392  —  Disaffection  in 
Maryland  and  Delaware,  392  —  Pennsylvania  does  not  rise,  392  —  Wash 
ington's   force,   393  —  Foreigners   with   Washington,    393 —  Washington 


CONTENTS.  21 

marches  through  Philadelphia,  393  —  Encamps  beyond  Wilmington,  393  — 
Howe  begins  to  advance,  394  —  Skirmishers,  394  — Feint  at  Milltown, 
894  —  Washington's  movement,  394  —  He  sends  his  baggage  to  Chester, 
394  —  Prepares  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  Brandywine,  395  —  Kny- 
phausen  at  Chad's  ford,  395  —  Washington  prepares  to  attack  him,  395 
■ — Disobedience  of  Sullivan,  396  —  Consequence,  396 —  Blunder  of  Sul- 
livan, 396  —  He  attempts  to  repair  it,  397  —  His  division  attacked,  397  — 
Rout  of  the  American  right  wing,  397  — Washington  comes  to  the  res- 
cue, 398  —  Arrests  the  pursuit,  398  —  British  cross  Chad's  ford,  398  — 
Final  encounter,  399  — Washington's  army  at  Chester,  399  —  Losses,  399 
—  Loss  of  the  British,  400  —  Spirit  of  congress,  400  —  Pennsylvania  fac- 
tions, 401  —  Negro  slaves  side  with  the  British,  401  — Washington 
marches  against  the  British,  401  — Panic  in  Philadelphia,  401  — Wash- 
ington crosses  the  Schuylkill,  402  —  Rashness  of  Wayne,  402  —  John 
Adams  blames  Washington,  402  —  Howe  crosses  the  Schuylkill,  403  — 
Orders  sent  to  Putnam,  403  —  And  to  Gates,  403  —  The  British  army 
take  Philadelphia,  404  —  Effect  of  the  campaign,  404. 

CHAPTER    XXIV. 

the  capitulation  OF   burgoyne.      August  19  —  October  20,  1777. 

Gates  in  command  of  the  northern  army,  405  —  Charge  of  Chief  Jus- 
tice Jay,  406  —  Gates  at  Stillwater,  406  —  His  strength,  407  —  His  char- 
acter, 407  —  Arnold,  407 — March  of  Burgoyne,  407  —  He  crosses  the 
Hudson,  408  —  Brown's  expedition  against  Ticonderoga,  408  —  His  suc- 
cess, 408  —  Burgoyne  advances,  408  —  Battle  of  Freeman's  farm,  409  — 
Good  conduct  of  the  Americans,  410  —  They  fight  till  sundown,  410  — 
Small  losses  of  the  Americans,  411  —  Loss  of  the  British,  411  —  Bur- 
goyne's  dangerous  encampment,  411  —  Advice  of  Arnold,  411  —  Gates 
timid,  412  — Messages  from  Clinton,  412  —  Clinton  moves  against  Putnam, 
412  —  Sagacity  of  Governor  Clinton,  413  —  Mistakes  of  Putnam,  413  — 
Capture  of  Forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery,  413  —  The  British  gain  the 
mastery  of  the  Hudson  river,  413  — Alarming  letter  from  Putnam,  414  — 
Kingston  burned  down,  414  —  Perplexity  of  Burgoyne,  414  —  Gates  re- 
enforced,  414 —  The  Indians,  414  —  Burgoyne's  council,  415 — He  ad- 
vances, 415 —  Strength  of  his  party,  415  —  Attacked  by  the  Americans, 

416  —  His  party  routed,  416 — Fraser  wounded,  416  —  Flight  of  the 
British,  416  —  Total  loss  of  the  British  artillery.  417  —  Unwise  attack  by 
Arnold,  417  —  Good  conduct  of  Brooks,  417  —  Breymann's  camp  taken, 

417  —  Gates  not  present  in  the  battle,  418  —  By  whom  the  battle  was 
fought,  418  —  Desperate  condition  of  Burgoyne,  418  —  Death  of  Fraser, 

418  —  His  burial,  418  —  Retreat  of  Burgoyne,  419  —  Burgoyne  invested, 
420  —  Capitulation,  420  —  Amount  of  his  losses,  420  —  Causes  of  the  re- 
sult, 421  —  What  Gates  should  have  done,  421. 


22  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

the  contest  for  THE  Delaware  river.     September — November, 

1777. 

Philadelphia  of  no  military  importance,  422  —  Defences  of  the  river, 
422  —  Loss  of  the  American  frigate,  423  —  Billingsport  deserted,  423  — 
Despondency,  423  —  Howe's  camp  at  Germantown,  423  —  Speech  of 
Washington  to  his  army,  424  —  His  plan  of  attack  on  the  British,  424  — 
Party  with  Washington,  425  —  Howe  surprised,  425  —  Musgrave  in 
Chew's  house,  425 — Greene  behind  time,  425  —  Advance  of  Sullivan 
and  Wayne,  425  —  Attempt  to  take  Chew's  house,  426  —  Washington 
advances  to  the  front,  426  —  Tardy  arrival  of  Greene,  426  —  His  bad  dis- 
position of  his  troops,  426  — Macdougall,  427  —  Greene,  427  —  Stephen, 
427 — Woodford,  427  —  Armstrong,  427  —  Sullivan's  men,  427  —  Bat- 
talions with  Cornwallis,  428  —  Washington  retreats,  428— Why  victory 
was  lost,  428  —  Supplies  to  the  British  cut  off,  428  —  Inactivity  of  Penn- 
sylvania, 429  —  British  fleet  in  the  Delaware,  429  —  Bed-bank  and  Mud 
island,  429  —  British  abandon  the  passes  in  the  Highlands,  429  —  News 
from  Burgoyne,  429  —  Donop  goes  against  Red-bank,  430  —  His  attack, 
430 — His  repulse,  431  —  The  British  lose  ships  of  war,  431  — Loss  of 
the  Hessians,  431  —  Donop's  death-bed,  431  —  Howe  resigns,  432  —  Gates 
fails  in  duty,  432  —  Mission  of  Hamilton,  432  —  Conduct  of  congress,  432 

—  Congress  lose  their  opportunity,  4  33  —  Siege  of  Mud  island,  433  — 
Fleury,  433  —  Thayer,  433 —  British  prepare  for  an  attack,  434  —  Thayer 
evacuates  Mud  island,  434  —  Cornwallis  in  New  Jersey,  435  —  Followed 
by  Greene,  435  —  Gallantry  of  Lafayette,  435  —  The  states  cannot  be 
subjugated,  435. 

CHAPTER    XXVI. 

the  confederation.     November  15,  1777. 

The  congress  at  Yorktown,  436  —  Connection  of  the  present  with  the 
past,  436  —  Unity  of  the  colonies,  437  —  No  central  authority,  437  — 
Principle  of  resistance,  437  —  Spirit  of  separation  increases,  438  —  Extent 
of  the  United  States,  438  —  Citizenship,  438  —  Subject  and  citizen,  439  — 
Citizen  and  free  inhabitant,  439  —  Naturalization,  439  —  Intercitizenship, 
439  —  Independence  of  each  state,  439  —  Vote  by  states,  440  —  The 
compromise,  440  —  The  two-thirds  vote,  440  —  Vote  by  majority,  441  — 
Congress  has  no  power  to  levy  taxes,  441  —  Post-office,  441  —  Import  and 
export  duties,  441  — Influence  of  slavery  on  the  distribution  of  the  quotas, 
441  —  Quota  regulated  by  houses  and  lands,  442  —  Navigation  laws,  442 

—  Amendment  proposed  by  New  Jersey,  442  —  The  confederation  and 
the  slave-trade,  443  —  The  domain  within  the  states,  443  —  The  country 


CONTENTS.  23 

northwest  of  the  Ohio,  443  —  Jealousy  of  military  power,  443  —  Effect 
of  the  esteem  for  Washington,  444  —  Thirteen  armies  and  not  one,  444 
—  Maritime  affairs,  444  —  Foreign  relations,  444  —  Joint  powers  of  the 
states  and  the  United  States,  445  —  Rotation  in  congress,  445  —  The  com- 
mittee of  states,  445  —  Congress  has  no  veto  power,  445  —  No  judiciary, 

445  —  No  incidental  powers,  446  —  Mode  of  amending  the  confederation, 

446  —  Character  of  the  confederation,  446  — Four  great  results,  446  — 
A  republican  government  and  extent  of  territory,  447  —  Elimination  of 
disfranchisements,  447  —  Free  inhabitants  free  citizens,  447  —  Intercit- 
Lzenship,  447  —  Opposition  of  South  Carolina,  448  —  Overruled  by  con- 
gress, 448  —  Causes  of  the  decision,  448  —  Who  are  members  of  a  colony, 

448  —  Definition  of  a  citizen,  449  —  The  free  black,  449  —  Universal 
suffrage,  449  —  Individual  liberty  secured,  449  —  Declaration  of  rights, 

449  —  The  Greek  system,  450  —  American  system,  450  —  The  confedera- 
tion a  contradiction,  450  —  Elements  of  union,  450  —  Nationality,  451  — 
A  free  people  of  the  United  States,  451  —  Dangers  to  its  nationality,  451. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

•wtxter-quarters   at    valley  forge.      November,    1777  —  April, 

1778. 

Clamor  for  the  capture  of  Philadelphia,  452  —  Howe  plans  an  attack 
on  Washington,  452  —  Washington  at,  Whitemarsh,  453 — 'First  advance 
of  Howe,  453  —  Its  failure,  453  —  Second  advance,  453 — He  fears  to 
attack,  454  —  Returns  to  Philadelphia,  454  —  Washington  in  winter-quar- 
ters, 454  —  Conway  cabal,  454  —  Washington's  opinion  of  Conway,  454  — 
Conway's  discontent,  455  —  Letter  of  Reed,  455  —  Conduct  of  Wilkin- 
son, 455 —  Favors  to  Mifflin,  455  —  Washington  has  an  interview  with 
Conway,  455  —  Sullivan's  opinion,  456  —  Wayne,  456  —  Movements  of 
Conway,  456  — Letter  of  Lovell,  456  —  Of  Wayne,  456  —  Conway  and 
Mifflin,  456  —  Lovell  on  Washington,  457  —  Discontent  of  congress,  457 

—  Mifflin  on  Conway,  457  —  Gates  to  Conway,  457 — Gates  complains 
to  congress,  457 — Promotion  of  Conway,  457 — Condition  of  Washing- 
ton's army,  458  —  Valley  Forge  for  winter-quarters,  458  —  Sufferings  of 
the  American  troops,  458  —  They  build  huts,  458  —  Their  privations,  459 

—  Remonstrance  of  Pennsylvania,  459  —  Reply  of  Washington,  459  — 
Absurd  advice  of  Sullivan,  460  —  "  New  Jersey  Gazette,"  460  —  Congress 
does  nothing  for  the  army,  460  —  Remonstrances  of  Washington,  461  — 
Care  to  avoid  jealousy  of  the  military  power,  461  —  Rush  plots  against  Wash- 
ington, 461  —  Conduct  of  Patrick  Henry,  462  —  Vote  of  Pennsylvania,  462 
—  Winter  expedition  against  Canada,  462  —  Conduct  of  Lafayette,  462  — 
Incompetency  of  Gates,  463  — Washington  suffers  exquisite  pain,  463  — ■ 
His  letters  to  the  historian  Gordon,  463  —  His  remonstrances  to  congress, 


24  CONTENTS. 

464  —  His  enemies  shrink  back,  464  —  Gates,  464  —  Mifflin,  484  —  Con- 
way, 464  —  The  committee  of  congress  repair  to  camp,  464  —  Consequences 
of  procrastination,  465  —  Comfort  of  the  British  in  Philadelphia,  465  — 
Their  passion  for  amusement,  465  —  Their  dissoluteness,  465  —  The  em- 
barkation of  Burgoyne's  troops  suspended,  466  —  Conquest  of  Natchez, 
466  —  Expedition  of  Saint  Clair  Clarke  to  the  northwest,  467  —  Of 
Gist  to  the  southwest,  467  —  American  privateers,  467  —  American 
public  ships,  467  —  Heroism  of  Biddle,  467  —  Weakness  of  the  govern- 
ment, 467  —  More  paper  money,  468  —  Its  depreciation,  468  —  Washington 
advises  drafts  from  the  militia,  468 —  Slaves  of  Rhode  Island  enlisted,  468 
—  Emancipation  in  Rhode  Island,  468  —  The  United  States  and  defaulters, 
469  —  Greene  quartermaster-general,  469  —  Steuben  inspector-general, 
469  —  Conflict  of  opinion  between  congress  and  Washington,  470  —  Con- 
gress for  separatism,  470  —  Washington  for  union,  470  —  Congress  jealous 
of  the  army,  470  —  Washington  on  standing  armies,  471  —  Submission  of 
the  army  to  the  civil  power,  471  —  Necessity  of  union  between  the  army 
and  citizens,  471 — People  of  the  United  States,  472 — Merit  of  the 
soldiers,  472  —  Unity  of  the  country,  472. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE   UNITED    STATES    AND   GEORGE    THE   THIRD.      1777—1778. 

America  independent  in  fact,  473  —  Policy  of  Russia,  473  —  Of  Fred- 
eric, 473  —  Arthur  Lee  at  Vienna,  473  —  At  Berlin,  473  —  The  British 
minister  employs  a  burglar,  474 — Frederic  favors  American  indepen- 
dence, 474  —  Refuses  the  troops  for  America  the  transit  through  his  do- 
minions, 474 —  Prince  of  Anhalt-Zerbst,  474  —  His  bad  bargain,  474  — 
His  loss  of  troops,  474  —  Reception  of  his  troops  at  Quebec,  474  —  Des- 
potic conduct  of  the  landgrave  of  Hesse  Cassel,  474  —  Meanness  of  the 
Brunswick  princes,  474 —  Wish  their  troops  sent  to  the  West  Indies,  475 
—  Failure  of  a  treaty  with  Wirtemberg,  475  —  With  the  elector  palatine, 
475  —  England  makes  no  new  subsidiary  treaties,  475  —  America  and  Ger- 
man literature,  4  75  —  Goethe,  475  —  "  Price  on  Liberty,"  475  —  Lessing, 
475  —  Schiller,  475  —  Kant,  475  —  Address  of  Mirabeau  to  the  peoples 
of  Germany  and  the  soldiers,  476  —  Reply  of  the  landgrave,  476  —  Mira- 
beau's  rejoinder,  476  —  Opening  of  parliament,  4  76  —  The  king  still  for 
reducing  the  colonies,  477  —  Chatham,  477  —  His  despair,  477  —  His  opin- 
ion that  America  cannot  be  conquered,  477  —  His  protest  against  the  use 
of  German  hirelings,  477  —  And  of  savage  hell-hounds,  477  —  His  policy, 
477  —  Plan  of  the  Rockingham  party,  4  77  —  Duke  of  Richmond  on  inde- 
pendence, 477  —  Chatham  on  Gibraltar,  477  — Lord  North  hears  of  Bur- 
goyne's surrender,  478  —  He  desires  to  make  peace,  4  78  —  Speech  of 
Richmond,  478  — Of  Burke,  478  — Of  Fox,  478  — North  follows  the 


CONTENTS.  '  25 

advice  of  George,  478  —  His  penitence  in  his  old  age,  478  —  Burgoyne's 
surrender  known  in  France,  478  —  Vergennes  desires  a  treaty,  479  — 
Boundaries  of  the  colonies,  479  —  The  fisheries,  479  —  Louis  the  Sixteenth 
will  support  American  independence,  480  —  On  what  conditions,  480  — 
No  propagandism,  480  —  Promise  of  aid  in  money,  480 —  Ships  for  Amer- 
ica to  be  convoyed,  480  —  Mischievous  intermeddling  of  Arthur  Lee,  480 

—  Lord  Amherst's  opinion  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  480  —  The  king 
will  not  let  Lord  North  flinch,  480  —  A  place  in  the  ministry  offered 
Chatham,  481  — Whose  friends  the  king  courts,  481  —  Treaties  between 
France  and  the  United  States,  481  — Their  principles,  481  —  Their  condi- 
tions, 481  —  The  French  claim  to  the  fisheries  acknowledged,  481  —  Con- 
traband goods,  482 — When  peace  may  be  made,  482  —  Mutual  guaran- 
ties, 482— Spain,  482  —  The  treaties  in  England,  482  —  Hillsborough 
attacks  Richmond,  482  —  The  answer,  482  —  Richmond  seeks  the  friend- 
ship of  Chatham,  483  —  Eulogy  of  Chatham  by  Grenville,  483  —  Franklin 
gains  public  opinion  for  America,  483  —  Voltaire,  483  —  Difference  be- 
tween him  and  America,  483  —  The  two  on  the  same  side,  484  —  Vol- 
taire's blessing  on  America,  484  —  His  homage  to  Lafayette,  484  —  Lord 
North's  conciliatory  bills,  484  —  He  confesses  his  own  want  of  policy,  484 

—  Effect  of  his  speech  on  the  commons,  484  —  Hartley's  attempt  with 
Franklin,  485  —  Franklin's  reply,  485  —  France  avows  her  treaties  with 
America,  485  —  Will  protect  commerce  between  France  and  the  United 
States,  486  —  State  of  war  between  England  and  France,  486  —  Ambassa- 
dor's recall,  486  —  George  the  Third  and  Chatham,  486  —  Fox  pliable,  486 

—  Demands  of  Chatham,  486 — Violence  of  the  king,  487  —  His  persist- 
ence, 487  —  Will  risk  his  crown,  487  —  Conway  for  treating  with  Frank- 
lin, 487  —  Rockingham  on  independence,  487 —  Shelburne  for  war  with 
France,  487  —  His  opinion  of  a  change  in  the  ministry,  487  —  Vehement 
anger  of  George  the  Third,  488. 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE   UNITED   STATES   AND    FKANCE.      1778. 

American  commissioners  presented  to  the  king,  489  —  Franklin's  dress, 
489  —  The  commissioners  presented  to  the  queen,  490  —  Peevishness  of 
the  king,  490  —  Character  of  Franklin's  mind,  490  —  Not  overawed  by 
birth  or  authority,  490  —  His  tranquillity,  490  —  Why  he  was  frugal,  491 

—  His  moral  greatness,  491  —  His  manners,  491  — He  wins  universal  re- 
spect, 491  —  His  eulogy  by  John  Adams,  491  —  By  D'Alembert,  492  —  A 
representative  of  opinion,  492  —  What  Malesherbes  said,  492  —  Franklin 
excites  no  jealousy  in  the  privileged  classes,  492  —  His  secret  of  states- 
manship, 492  —  His  prediction  of  the  French  revolution,  492  —  He  usea 
his  fame  for  his  country's  good,  492  —  Superior  to  envy,  493  —  He  is 

VOL.   IX.  3 


26  CONTENTS. 

esteemed  by  the  best  men  in  England,  493  —  Position  of  the  king  and 
Chatham,  493  —  Chatham  and  Richmond,  493  —  Chatham  and  the  house 
of  lords,  494  —  Speech  of  Richmond,  494  —  Chatham's  reply,  494  —  Rich- 
mond rejoins,  495  —  Chatham  struck  with  death,  495 — Indifference  of 
Mansfield,  495 —  Glee  of  the  king,  495  —  Chatham  in  his  last  days,  495 

—  His  eloquence,  496  —  His  haughtiness  to  the  last,  496 — His  death, 
496  —  The  lords  refuse  to  attend  his  funeral,  496  —  Influence  of  France 
on  the  political  institutions  of  England,  496  —  Powers  of  Europe  favor 
the  United  States,  49  7  —  England  insists  on  a  preference  from  the  United 
States,  497 — France  asks  no  favor,  497  —  Agency  of  Hartley,  497  — 
Frankness  of  Franklin,  497  —  Speech  of  Fox,  497 —  The  British  com- 
mission to  the  United  States  a  delusion,  498 — Opinion  of  Washington, 
498 —  Resolution  of  congress,  498  —  Opinion  of  Governor  Clinton,  498  — 
Of  Jay,  498  —  Of  Robert  Morris,  498  —  A  French  fleet  sails  to  the 
United  States,  499  —  Gerard  embarks  as  minister,  499  —  Alliance  between 
France  and  America  riveted,  499  —  Franklin  and  Voltaire  at  the  French 
academy,  499  —  Cause  of  the  alliance  of  France  and  America,  499  — 
Free  inquiry,  499  —  System  of  Luther,  500  —  Of  Descartes,  500  — Dif- 
ference between  the  systems,  500  —  The  system  of  Protestantism  con- 
tinuity, 500  —  Of  Descartes,  revolution,  500  —  Lutherans  and  Calvinists, 
501 — Philosophers,  501  —  Lessing,  501 — Calvinism  in  philosophy,  501 

—  Kant  in  politics  the  counterpart  of  America,  501  —  Free  thought  in 
France,  502  —  Why  it  had  a  spirit  of  revenge,  502  *—  Causes  that  con- 
tributed to  free  thought,  502  —  Influence  of  America,  502  —  Force  of 
public  opinion  in  France,  503  —  No  free  public  opinion  in  Spain,  503  — 
Contrast  between  French  literature  and  Spanish,  503  —  Natural  science 
and  religion,  504  —  Religion  in  Spain  subjected  to  materialism,  504  — 
Spain  intolerant,  504  —  Contrast  between  the  French  mind  and  the  Span- 
ish mind,  504  —  The  Bourbon  family  compact  annulled,  505  —  Spain  an 
enemy  to  American  independence,  505  —  The  offer  of  Florida  rejected, 
505  —  Gibraltar,  505  —  France  and  the  United  States,  505  —  France 
confers  a  priceless  benefit,  506  —  Benefit  of  the  American  revolution  to 
France,  506. 


THE 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION. 

EPOCH   FOURTH. 

THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  AMERICA  IS  ACKNOWLEDGED. 

1776—1782. 


THE  INDEPENDENCE 


OF    THE 


UNITED    STATES    OF   AMERICA 
IS    ACKNOWLEDGED. 


CHAPTER    L 

THE   THIRTEEN  UNITED   STATES. 
JjLY,   1776. 

The  American  Declaration  of  Independence  was  the  chap. 
beginning;  of  new  ages.  Though  it  had  been  invited, 
expected,  and  prepared  for,  its  adoption  suddenly 
changed  the  contest  from  a  war  for  the  redress  of 
grievances  to  an  effort  at  the  creation  of  a  self- 
governing  commonwealth.  It  disembarrassed  the 
people  of  the  United  States  from  the  legal  fiction 
of  owning  a  king  against  whom  they  were  in  arms, 
brushed  away  forever  the  dreamy  illusion  of  their 
reconcilement  to  the  dominion  of  Britain,  and  for 
the  first  time  set  before  them  a  well-defined,  single, 
and  inspiring  purpose.  As  the  youthful  nation  took 
its  seat  among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  its  desire 
was  no  longer  for  the  restoration  of  the  past,  but 
turned  with  prophetic  promise  towards  the  boundless 


32  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  future.  Hope  whispered  the  assurance  of  unheard- 
^-^-^  of  success  in  the  pursuit  of  public  happiness  through 
July!'   fa^h  m  natural  equality  and  the  rights  of  man. 

Before  receiving  the  declaration,  the  convention 
of  Maryland,  on  the  sixth  of  July,  yielded  to  "  the 
dire  necessity"  of  renouncing  a  king  who  had  vio- 
lated his  compact,  and  "conjured  every  virtuous 
citizen  to  join  cordially  in  maintaining  the  freedom 
of  Maryland  and  her  sister  colonies." 

Two  days  later,  the  committee  of  safety  and  that 
of  inspection  at  Philadelphia  marched  in  procession 
to  the  state-house,  where  the  declaration  was  read 
to  the  battalions  of  volunteers  and  a  vast  concourse 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  and  county;  after 
which  the  emblems  of  royalty  were  taken  down 
from  the  halls  where  justice  had  hitherto  been 
administered  in  the  king's  name,  and  were  burnt 
amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  crowd,  while  merry 
chimes  from  the  churches  and  peals  from  the  state- 
house  bell  proclaimed  liberty  throughout  the  land. 
The  ravages  of  immediate  war  that  overhung  New 
Jersey  were  distinctly  foreseen  by  her  statesmen, 
who  dared  not  trust  "that  their  numbers,  union,  or 
valor,  or  anything  short  of  the  almighty  power  of 
God  could  save  them;"  but  the  congress  of  that 
state,  in  presence  of  the  committee  of  safety,  the 
militia  under  arms,  and  a  great  assembly  of  the 
people,  having  faith  in  "  an  interposing  Providence," 
and  an  inward  witness  to  the  vitality  of  their  politi- 
cal principles,  published  simultaneously  at  Trenton 
the  declaration  of  independence  and  their  own  new 
constitution. 


THE   THIRTEEN  UNITED   STATES.  33 

On  the  morning  of  the  ninth,  the  newly  elected  chap. 
convention  of  New  York,  invested  with  full  powers  > — v — < 
from  the  people,  assembled  at  White  Plains,  chose  *JT6" 
as  president  Nathaniel  Woodhull  of  Suffolk  county, 
a  man  of  courage,  sound  judgment,  and  discriminat- 
ing mind,  and  listened  to  the  reading  of  the  decla- 
ration of  independence.  In  the  afternoon  they  met 
again,  thirty-eight  in  number,  among  whom  were 
"Woodhull,  Jay,  Van  Cortlandt,  Lewis  Morris,  Gouv- 
erneur  Morris,  Gansevoort,  Sloss  Hobart,  the  Pres- 
byterian minister  Keteltas,  and  other  representatives 
of  the  Dutch,  English,  and  Huguenot  elements  of  the 
state.  The  British  were  concentrating  their  forces 
near  that  one  colony  alone,  so  as  to  invade  it  from 
Lake  Champlain  and  from  the  sea.  Already  a  numer- 
ous and  well-appointed  British  force  lay  encamped  on 
Staten  Island,  and,  with  the  undisputed  command 
of  the  water,  menaced  the  city  of  New  York ;  the 
militia  of  Staten  Island,  to  the  number  of  four  hun- 
dred, had  sworn  allegiance  to  the  king ;  Long  Island 
must  yield ;  the  royalists  were  confident  that  the 
army  of  Howe  might  penetrate  the  interior,  get  the 
main  body  of  the  American  levies  between  them  and 
the  sea,  form  a  junction  with  the  British  troops  which 
were  expected  from  Canada,  and  before  the  end  of 
the  year  crush  the  state  into  subjection.  There  was 
no  chance  of  ultimate  success  for  the  inhabitants  of 
New  York  but  through  years  of  sorrow ;  during 
which  they  were  sure  to  be  impoverished,  and  on 
every  part  of  their  territory  to  meet  death  from 
regular  troops,  and  partisans,  and  savages.  If  resist- 
ance to  the  end  should  be  chosen,  Lewis  Morris  must 
abandon  his  fine  estate  to  the  unsparing  ravages  of 


34  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  the  enemy ;  Woodhull,  whose  days  were  numbered, 
could  not  hope  to  save  his  constituents  from  imme- 
diate subjection;  Jay  must  prepare  to  see  his  aged 
father  and  mother  driven  from  their  home  at  Eye, 
and,  with  the  sensitiveness  and  infirmities  of  age, 
pine  away  and  die  as  wanderers ;  the  men  from  Tryon 
county,  which  then  included  all  the  western  part 
of  the  state,  knew  that  their  vote  would  let  loose 
the  Indian  with  his  scalping-knife  along  their  border. 
But  they  all  wisely  trusted  in  the  unconquerable 
spirit  of  those  by  whom  they  had  been  elected. 
The  leading  part  fell  to  Jay.  On  his  report,  the 
convention  with  one  voice,  while  they  lamented 
the  cruel  necessity  for  "independence,  approved  it, 
and  joined  in  supporting  it  at  the  risk  of  their 
lives  and  fortunes."  They  directed  it  to  be  pub- 
lished with  the  beat  of  drum  at  White  Plains,  and 
in  every  district  of  the  state;  empowered  their  del- 
egates in  congress  to  act  for  the  happiness  and  the 
welfare  of  the  United  States  of  America ;  and  named 
themselves  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  By  this  decree  the  union  of 
the  old  thirteen  colonies  was  consummated ;  and 
from  that  day  New  York,  ever  with  the  cup  of 
misery  at  her  lips,  remained  true  to  her  pledge. 

In  announcing  independence  to  the  generals  and 
the  divisions  of  the  continental  army  at  distant  posts, 
the  commander-in-chief  attributed  to  the  impulse  of 
necessity  and  the  repetition  of  insufferable  injuries 
the  dissolution  of  the  connection  with  Great  Britain ; 
at  the  same  time  he  asserted  the  perpetual  claim  of 
the  colonists  to  "  the  privileges  of  nature  "  and  "  the 
rights  of  humanity."      The  declaration  was  read  on 


THE   THIRTEEN  UNITED   STATES.  85 

the  ninth  to  every  brigade  in  New  York  city,  and  chap. 
received  with  the  most  hearty  approbation.  In  the 
evening,  a  mob,  composed  in  part  of  soldiers,  threw 
down  the  equestrian  statue  of  George  the  Third 
which  stood  in  the  Bowling  Green,  and  the  lead  of 
which  it  was  formed  was  cut  in  pieces  to  be  run 
into  bullets.  The  riot  offended  "Washington,  and  was 
rebuked  in  general  orders. 

On  the  same  day  which  saw  New  York  join  the 
union,  the  royal  governor  of  Virginia  left  his  moor- 
age near  Gwynn's  island,  where  he  had  lingered  from 
the  twenty-fourth  of  May  in  the  constant  hope  of 
relief.  Neglected  by  the  troops  which  had  passed 
by  him  for  the  Carolinas,  his  last  resource  was  in 
the  negroes  whom  he  had  enlisted;  and  of  these, 
five  hundred,  or  about  one  half  of  the  whole  num- 
ber, had  perished  from  the  small-pox  and  a  malignant 
ship-fever.  He  lay  between  the  island  and  the  main, 
within  range  of  two  small  batteries  which  had  just 
been  finished.  Lewis,  who  had  had  no  part  in  their 
construction,  arrived  just  in  time  to  put  the  match 
to  the  first  gun.  Every  shot  struck  Dunmore's  ship, 
and  did  such  execution  that  the  men  soon  refused  to 
stand  to  their  guns ;  not  a  breath  of  air  was  stirring, 
but  he  was  obliged  to  cut  his  cable,  and  trust  to 
the  little  tide  to  drift  him  from  the  shore.  Of  the 
tenders,  one  was  burnt  and  another  taken.  On 
the  eleventh  the  island  was  abandoned ;  and  the 
ill-provided  fleet  rode  at  anchor  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Potomac.  Here  a  gale  sprung  up,  which 
wrecked  several  of  the  small  crafts,  and  drove  a 
sloop  on  shore,  where  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  "  the 
rebels."     To  disencumber  himself  of  everything  but 


36  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  the  transports,  the  governor  advised  all  those  who 
had  placed  themselves  under  his  protection  to  seek 
safety  by  flight;  and  they  scattered  immediately  for 
Great  Britain,  the  West  Indies,  and  St.  Augustine. 
This  confession  of  his  inability  to  take  care  of  those 
who  had  come  to  him  for  refuge,  when  contrasted 
with  his  passionate  boastings  and  threats,  exposed 
him  to  contempt;  his  use  of  black  allies  inflamed 
the  southern  colonies,  without  benefit  to  the  crown. 
Dunmore  roved  about  for  some  weeks  longer  in 
the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake,  vainly  awaiting  help ; 
but  no  hostile  foot  rested  on  the  soil  of  Virginia, 
when,  on  the  twenty-fifth,  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence was  read  in  Williamsburg  at  the  capitol, 
the  court-house,  and  the  palace,  or  when  it  was  pro- 
claimed by  the  sheriff  of  each  county  at  the  door 
of  his  court-house  on  the  first  ensuing  court-clay. 
In  Rhode  Island,  it  was  announced  successively  at 
Newport,  East  Greenwich,  and  Providence,  where  it 
called  forth  loud  huzzas  for  "  free  trade  with  all  the 
world,  American  manufactures,  and  the  diffusion  of 
liberty  o'er  and  o'er  the  globe."  The  thriving  city 
of  Baltimore  was  illuminated  for  joy.  At  Ticonde- 
roga,  the  soldiers  under  Saint  Clair  shouted  with  rap- 
ture :  a  Now  we  are  a  free  people,  and  have  a  name 
among  the  states  of  the  world."  In  Massachusetts, 
the  great  state-paper  was  published  from  the  pulpit 
on  a  Lord's  day  by  each  minister  to  his  congrega- 
tion, and  was  entered  at  length  on  the  records  of 
the  towns.  The  assembly  of  South  Carolina,  while 
they  deplored  "the  unavoidable  necessity"  of  inde- 
pendence, accepted  its  declaration  "with  unspeak- 
able pleasure." 


THE  THIRTEEN  UNITED   STATES.  37 

Independence  had  sprung  from  the  instructions  chap. 
of  the  people ;  it  was  now  accepted  and  confirmed  w^«> 
as  their  own  work   in   cities   and  villages,  in  town-  1176' 

°     7  July. 

meetings  and  legislatures,  in  the  camp  and  the  - 
training-field.  The  civilized  world  had  the  deepest 
interest  in  the  result;  for  it  involved  the  reform  of 
the  British  parliament,  the  emancipation  of  Ireland, 
the  disinthralment  of  the  people  of  France,  the 
awakening  of  the  nations  of  Europe.  Even  Hungary 
stretched  forward  to  hear  from  the  distance  the 
gladsome  sound ;  and  Italians  recalled  their  days  of 
unity  and  might.  Thirteen  states  had  risen  up,  free 
from  foreign  influence,  to  create  their  own  civil 
institutions,  and  join  together  as  one.  The  report 
went  out  among  all  nations,  so  that  the  effort,  what- 
ever might  follow,  could  never  fade  away  from  the 
memory  of  the  human  race. 

The  arrow  had  sped  towards  its  mark,  when  Lord 
Howe  entered  upon  the  scene  with  his  commission 
for  restoring  peace.  As  a  naval  officer,  he  added 
great  experience  and  nautical  skill  to  a  wholesome 
severity  of  discipline  and  steady,  cool,  phlegmatic 
courage.  Naturally  taciturn,  his  manner  of  expres- 
sion was  confused.  His  profile  was  like  that  of  his 
grandfather,  George  the  First;  his  complexion  was 
very  dark ;  his  grim  features  had  no  stamp  of  su- 
periority; but  his  face  wore  an  expression  of  serene 
and  passive  fortitude.  He  was  as  unsuspicious  as 
he  was  brave.  Of  an  ingenuous  disposition  and  a 
good  heart,  he  sincerely  designed  to  act  the  part 
of  a  mediator,  not  of  a  destroyer,  and  indulged  in 
visions  of  riding  about  the  country,  conversing  with 
its    principal    inhabitants,   and    restoring    the    king's 

VOL.  IX.  4 


38  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  authority  by  methods  of  moderation  and  concession. 
At  Halifax  he  told  Admiral  Arbuthnot  "that  peace 
would  be  made  within  ten  days  after  his  arrival." 
His  fond  wish  to  heal  the  breach  led  him  to  mis- 
conceive the  extent  of  his  commission.  He  thought 
himself  possessed  of  large  powers,  and  with  a  sim- 
plicity which  speaks  for  his  sincerity,  he  did  not 
discover  how  completely  they  were  circumscribed 
or  annulled.  He  could  pardon  individuals  on  their 
return  to  the  king's  protection,  and  could  grant  an 
amnesty  to  insurgent  communities  which  should  lay 
down  their  arms  and  dissolve  all  their  governments. 
The  only  further  privilege  which  his  long  altercation 
wrung  from  the  ministry  was  a  vague  permission 
to  converse  with  private  men  on  their  alleged  griev- 
ances, and  to  report  their  opinions;  but  he  could 
not  judge  of  their  complaints  or  promise  that  they 
would  be  heeded;  and  he  was  strictly  forbidden  to 
treat  with  the  continental  congress  or  any  provin- 
cial congress,  or  any  civil  or  military  officer  holding 
their  commission. 

It  was  the  evening  of  the  twelfth  when  Lord  Howe 
reached  Staten  Island.  His  brother,  who  had  impa- 
tiently expected  him,  was  of  the  opinion  "  that  a 
numerous  body  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  York, 
the  Jerseys,  and  Connecticut  only  waited  for  oppor- 
tunities to  prove  their  loyalty;  but  that  peace  could 
not  be  restored  until  the  rebel  army  should  be  de- 
feated." Lord  Howe  had  confidence  in  himself,  and 
did  not  lower  his  hopes.  He  had  signed,  while  at 
sea,  a  declaration  which  had  been  sketched  by  Wed- 
derburn  in  England,  and  which  was  the  counterpart 
of  his  instructions.    It  announced  his  authority  sep- 


THE   THIRTEEN  UNITED   STATES.  39 

arately,  not  less  than  jointly  with  his  brother,  to  chap. 
grant  free  and  general  pardons;  and  it  promised 
"due  consideration  to  all  persons  who  should  aid 
in  restoring  tranquillity."  On  this  weak  profession, 
which  virtually  admitted  that  the  king  and  parlia- 
ment had  no  boon  to  offer  except  forgiveness  on 
submission,  and  no  chance  of  obtaining  advocates 
for  peace  but  by  methods  of  corruption,  he  relied 
for  the  swift  and  bloodless  success  of  his  mission. 

The  person  with  whom  he  most  wished  to  hold 
intercourse  was  the  American  commander-in-chief. 
On  the  second  day  after  his  arrival,  he  sent  a 
white  flag  up  the  harbor,  with  a  copy  of  his  decla- 
ration, enclosed  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Washington 
as  a  private  man.  But  Washington,  apart  from  his 
office,  could  not  enter  into  a  correspondence  with 
the  king's  commissioner;  and  Reed  and  Webb,  who 
went  to  meet  the  messenger,  following  their  instruc- 
tions, declined  to  receive  the  communication.  Lord 
Howe  was  grieved  at  the  rebuff;  in  the  judgment 
of  congress,  Washington  a  acted  with  a  dignity  be- 
coming his  station." 

On  the  same  day,  Lord  Howe  sent  a  flag  across 
the  Kill  to  Amboy,  with  copies  of  his  declaration 
in  circular  letters  to  all  the  old  royal  governors 
south  of  New  York,  although  nearly  every  one  of 
those  governors  was  a  fugitive.  The  papers  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Mercer,  and  through  Washington 
were  transmitted  to  congress. 

Lord  Howe  tried  also  to  advance  his  purpose  by 
forwarding  conciliatory  letters  written  in  England 
to  persons  in  America.  Those  which  he  had  con- 
certed  with   De   Berdt,   son    of  the   old    agent    of 


40  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  Massachusetts,  to  Kinsey  of  New  Jersey,  and  to 
Reed  of  Pennsylvania,  were  public  in  their  nature, 
though  private  in  their  form,  and  were  promptly 
referred  by  their  recipients  to  congress.  In  them 
he  suffered  it  to  be  said,  that  he  had  for  two 
months  delayed  sailing  from  England,  in  order  to 
obtain  an  enlargement  of  his  instructions ;  that  he 
was  disposed  to  treat ;  that  he  had  power  to  com- 
promise and  adjust,  and  desired  a  parley  with 
Americans  on  the  footing  of  friends.  Reed,  who 
was  already  thoroughly  sick  of  the  contest,  thought 
"the  overture  ought  not  to  be  rejected;"  and 
through  Robert  Morris  he  offered  most  cheerfully 
to  take  such  a  part  "on  the  occasion  as  his  situ- 
ation and  abilities  would  admit." 

The  gloom  that  hung  over  the  country  was  deep- 
ening its  shades;  one  British  corps  after  another 
was  arriving ;  the  fleet  commanded  the  waters  of 
New  York,  and  two  ships  of  war  had,  on  the  twelfth, 
passed  the  American  batteries  with  very  little  injury, 
ascending-  the  Hudson  river  for  the  encouragement 
of  the  disaffected,  and  totally  cutting  off  all  inter- 
course by  water  between  Washington's  camp  and 
Albany.  Greene  had  once  before  warned  John 
Adams  of  the  hopelessness  of  the  contest;  and 
again  on  the  fourteenth,  while  facing  the  whole  dan- 
ger without  dismay,  he  wrote :  "  I  still  think  you 
are  playing  a  desperate  game."  But  as  the  claim 
of  absolute  power  by  parliament  to  tax  the  colo- 
nies and  to  change  their  charters  was  not  renounced, 
congress  showed  no  wavering.  "  Lord  Howe,"  rea- 
soned Samuel  Adams,  "  comes  with  terms  disgrace- 
ful to  human  nature.  If  he  is  a  good  friend  to 
man,  as  letters  import,  I  am  mistaken  if  he  is  not 


THE  THIRTEEN  UMTED   STATES.  41 

weak  and  ductile.  He  has  always  voted,  as  I  am  char 
told,  in  favor  of  the  king's  measures  in  parliament,  * — y^-> 
and  at  the  same  time  professed  himself  a  friend  to  ju]  * 
the  liberties  of  America.  He  seems  to  me,  either 
never  to  have  had  any  good  principles  at  all,  or  not 
to  have  presence  of  mind  openly  and  uniformly  to 
avow  them."  Robert  Morris  surrendered  his  interest 
and  inclination  to  the  ruling  principle  of  his  public 
life,  resolved  as  a  good  citizen  to  follow  if  he  could 
not  lead,  and  thenceforward  supported  independence. 
As  the  only  answer  to  Lord  Howe,  congress,  on  the 
nineteenth,  resolved  that  its  own  great  state-paper 
of  the  fourth  of  July  should  be  fairly  engrossed  on 
parchment  as  "  the  unanimous  declaration  of  the 
thirteen  United  States  of  America,"  and  signed  by 
every  one  of  its  members.  In  justification  of  this 
act,  it  directed  Lord  Howe's  circular  letter  and  dec- 
laration to  be  published,  "that  the  good  people  of 
these  United  States  may  be  informed  of  what  na- 
ture are  the  commissioners,  and  what  the  terms 
with  the  expectation  of  which  the  insidious  court 
of  Britain  has  endeavored  to  amuse  and  disarm 
them ;  and  that  the  few  who  still  remain  suspended 
by  a  hope,  founded  either  in  the  justice  or  mod- 
eration of  their  late  king,  may  now,  at  length,  be 
convinced  that  the  valor  alone  of  their  country  is 
to  save  its  liberties." 

Before  this  decision  could  reach  Washington,  he 
had  made  his  own  opinions  known.  In  reply  to  the 
resolution  of  congress  on  the  massacre  of  the  pris- 
oners who  had  capitulated  at  the  Cedars,  General 
Howe  had,  on  the  sixteenth,  sent  him  a  note,  ad- 
dressed to  him  without  any  recognition  of  his  official 

4* 


42  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

station.  The  letter  was  for  that  reason  not  received ; 
and  on  the  twentieth  a  second  letter  was  rejected, 
because  its  address  was  ambiguous;  but  for  the  sake 
of  coming  to  some  agreement  respecting  prisoners, 
Paterson,  its  bearer,  the  British  adjutant^general,  was 
allowed  to  enter  the  American  camp.  After  pledg- 
ing the  word  of  the  British  commander  to  grant 
to  prisoners  the  rights  of  humanity  and  to  punish 
the  officers  who  had  broken  their  parole,  he  asked 
to  have  his  visit  accepted  as  the  first  advance  from 
the  commissioners  for  restoring  peace,  and  asserted 
that  they  had  great  powers.  "  From  what  appears," 
rejoined  Washington,  "  they  have  power  only  to  grant 
pardons ;  having  committed  no  fault,  we  need  no  par- 
don ;  we  are  only  defending  what  we  deem  to  be  our 
indisputable  rights." 

To  Franklin,  as  to  a  worthy  friend,  Lord  Howe  had 
sent  assurances  that  to  promote  lasting  peace  and 
union  formed  "the  great  objects  of  his  ambition." 
Franklin,  after  consulting  congress,  answered :  "  By 
a  peace  to  be  entered  into  between  Britain  and 
America,  as  distinct  states,  }^our  nation  might  recover 
the  greatest  part  of  our  growing  commerce,  with  that 
additional  strength  to  be  derived  from  a  friendship 
with  us;  but  I  know  too  well  her  abounding  pride 
and  deficient  wisdom.  Her  fondness  for  conquest, 
her  lust  of  dominion,  and  her  thirst  for  a  gainful 
monopoly,  will  join  to  hide  her  true  interests  from 
her  eyes,  and  continually  goad  her  on  in  ruinous 
distant  expeditions,  destructive  both  of  lives  and 
treasure. 

"I  have  not  the  vanity,  my  lord,  to  think  of 
intimidating  by  thus  predicting  the  effects  of  this 


THE  THIRTEEN  UNITED   STATES.  43 

war;   for  I  know  it  will  in  England  have  the  fate   chap. 
of  all  my  former  predictions,  not  to  be  believed  till 
the  event  shall  verify  it. 

"Long  did  I  endeavor,  with  unfeigned  and  un- 
wearied zeal,  to  preserve  the  British  empire  from 
breaking.  Your  lordship  may  remember  the  tears 
of  joy  that  wet  my  cheek  when,  in  London,  you  once 
gave  me  expectations  that  a  reconciliation  might 
soon  take  place.  I  had  the  misfortune  to  find  those 
expectations  disappointed,  and  to  be  treated  as  the 
cause  of  the  mischief  I  was  laboring  to  prevent. 
My  consolation  under  that  groundless  and  malev- 
olent treatment  was,  that  I  retained  the  friendship 
of  many  of  the  wise  and  good  men  in  that  coun- 
try, and,  among  the  rest,  some  share  in  the  regard 
of  Lord  Howe. 

"  The  well-founded  esteem  and  affection  which  I 
shall  always  have  for  your  lordship  makes  it  painful 
to  me  to  see  you  engaged  in  conducting  a  war,  the 
great  ground  of  which,  as  expressed  in  your  letter, 
is  'the  necessity  of  preventing  the  American  trade 
from  passing  into  foreign  channels.'  Retaining  a 
trade  is  not  an  object  for  which  men  may  justly 
spill  each  other's  blood ;  the  true  means  of  securing 
commerce  is  the  goodness  and  cheapness  of  commod- 
ities ;  and  the  profit  of  no  trade  can  ever  be  equal 
to  the  expense  of  compelling  it  by  fleets  and  armies. 

"  This  war  against  us  is  both  unjust  and  unwise : 
posterity  will  condemn  to  infamy  those  who  advised 
it ;  and  even  success  will  not  save  from  some  degree 
of  dishonor  those  who  voluntarily  engaged  to  con- 
duct it.  I  know  your  great  motive  in  coming  hither 
was  the  hope  of  being  instrumental  in  a  conciliation ; 


44  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  and  I  believe  that  when  you  find  that  impossible 
on  any  terms  given  you  to  propose,  you  will  relin- 
quish so  odious  a  command." 

On  the  thirtieth,  Lord  Howe  received  tMs  reply, 
which  he  well  understood  as  expressing  the  opinion 
of  congress.  His  countenance  grew  more  sombre ; 
tears  glistened  in  his  eyes ;  he  looked  within  him 
self,  and  was  conscious  of  aiming  at  a  reconciliation 
on  terms  of  honor  and  advantage  to  both  parties. 
The  truth  began  to  dawn  upon  him,  that  he  had 
been  deceived  into  accepting  a  commission  which 
gave  him  no  power  but  to  oner  pardon,  to  hear 
complaints,  and  to  confirm  the  right  of  petition. 
Sorrow  entered  his  heart.  Why  should  he,  the  great- 
est admiral  of  his  day,  come  against  a  distant  people 
whose  few  ships  could  not  employ  his  genius ;  whose 
hereditary  good-will  he  longed  not  to  forfeit;  whose 
English  privileges  he  respected ;  whose  acknowledged 
wrongs  he  desired  to  see  redressed  ?  A  manly  and 
generous  nature  found  itself  in  a  false  position :  his 
honor  as  an  officer  was  plighted  to  his  king,  and 
he  must  promote  the  subjugation  of  America  by 
arms. 


CHAPTER   H. 

CONFEDERATION;   SIGNING  THE  DECLARATION. 

July — August  2,  1776. 

The  interview  of  the  British  adjutant-general  with  chap. 
Washington  led  to  one  humane  result.  After  the  ^-^.^ 
retreat  from  Concord  in  1775,  Gage  consented  to  1^6, 
an  exchange  of  prisoners;  but  of  those  who  fell 
into  his  hands  at  Bunker  Hill,  he  wrote  in  August, 
under  a  different  influence,  that  "their  lives  were 
destined  to  the  cord."  In  December,  Washington 
insinuated  to  the  successor  of  Gage  a  wish  for  a 
cartel ;  but  Howe  evaded  the  proposal,  awaiting  the 
king's  orders.  From  Quebec  Carleton  generously 
dismissed  his  captives  on  their  parole.  Meantime 
the  desire  to  release  the  British  officers  who  had 
been  taken  by  "  the  rebels,"  and  still  more  a  con- 
sideration of  the  difficulties  which  might  occur  in 
the  case  of  foreign  troops  serving  in  America,  led 
the  British  minister,  in  February,  1776,  to  instruct 
General  Howe :  "  It  cannot  be  that  you  should  en- 
ter into   any  treaty   or   agreement  with  rebels  for 


46  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  a  regular  cartel  for  exchange  of  prisoners,  yet  I 
doubt  not  but  your  own  discretion  will  suggest  to 
you  the  means  of  effecting  such  exchange  without 
the  king's  dignity  and  honor  being  committed,  or 
his  majesty's  name  being  used  in  any  negotiation 
for  that  purpose."  The  secretary's  letter  was  re- 
ceived in  May  at  Halifax,  and  was  followed  by  the 
proposal  in  July  to  give  up  a  citizen  carried  away 
from  Boston  for  a  British  subject  held  in  arrest. 
Congress,  on  the  twenty-second,  voted  its  approval; 
and  further  empowered  its  commanders  in  each  de- 
partment to  exchange  prisoners  of  war:  officer  for 
officer  of  equal  rank,  soldier  for  soldier,  sailor  for 
sailor,  and  citizen  for  citizen.  In  this  arrangement 
Howe  readily  concurred;  the  choice  of  prisoners 
was  to  be  made  by  the  respective  commanders  for 
their  own  officers  and  men.  On  the  part  of  the 
United  States  the  system  was  a  public  act  of  the 
highest  authority;  on  that  of  the  British  govern- 
ment it  had  no  more  enduring  sanction  than  the 
good-will  of  the  British  general,  and  did  not  even 
bind  his  successor.  Interrupted  by  frequent  alter- 
cations, it  nevertheless  prevailed  during  the  war, 
and  extended  to  captive  privateers  when  they  es- 
caped impressment. 

Union  was  the  need  of  America.  The  draught  of 
confederation  which,  on  the  twelfth  of  July,  was 
brought  into  congress,  was  in  the  handwriting  of 
Dickinson,  and  had  been  begun  before  the  end  of 
June.  The  farmer  of  Pennsylvania,  dear  to  his 
country  for  his  Letters  which  had  assisted  to  unite 
America  and  conciliate  the  wisest  statesmen  of 
England,  was  too  delicately  organized  to  take  part 
in  the   rough  work   of  the   heat   of   the   day.     He 


CONFEDERATION;   SIGNING  THE  DECLARATION.  47 

was  not  to  be  found  when  the  militia  regiment  of  chap. 
which  he  was  colonel  began  its  march.  He  fol- 
lowed it  on  horseback  as  far  as  Trenton;  but  his 
nerves  were  so  much  shattered  that,  after  resting 
there  a  day,  he  finished  his  journey  to  Elizabeth- 
town  in  a  carriage.  He  had  been  but  ten  days  in 
camp,  when  at  the  new  election  the  Pennsylvania 
convention  superseded  him  as  a  delegate  to  con- 
gress. Stung  to  the  quick  by  the  slight,  he  pro- 
fessed to  speak  of  it  with  rapture ;  and  then  he 
would  liken  the  patriots  who  had  opposed  him  to 
tory  traitors.  He  called  on  virtue  to  be  his  com- 
forter, and  pictured  to  his  mind  the  beauty  of 
dying  for  the  defence  and  happiness  of  his  unkind 
countrymen.  But  with  all  his  parade  of  exposing 
his  life  to  every  hazard,  and  lodging  within  half  a 
mile  of  hostile  troops,  he  never  took  part  in  hard 
fighting,  and  making  an  excuse  about  rank,  he  left 
the  army  in  the  moment  of  his  country's  greatest 
danger. 

The  main  hindrance  to  a  strong  confederation  was 
the  innate  unwillingness  of  the  separate  states  to 
give  up  power,  combined  with  a  jealousy  of  estab- 
lishing it  in  other  hands  than  their  own.  The 
public  mind  is  of  slow  growth,  and  had  not  yet 
attained  the  wisdom  necessary  for  regenerating  its 
government.  The  Dutch  and  Swiss  confederacies 
were  the  only  models  known  to  the  people  with 
detail  and  precision.  There  was  not  at  that  time 
one  single  statesman  who  fully  comprehended  the 
need  of  the  country  ;  but  Dickinson,  from  his  ti- 
midity, his  nice  refining,  his  want  of  mastery  over 
his  erudition,  his  hostility  to  independence,  his  in- 


48  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  consolabie  grief  at  the  overthrow  of  the  proprietary 
authority  in  Pennsylvania  by  the  action  of  congress, 
was  peculiarly  unfit  to  be  the  architect  of  a  perma- 
nent national  constitution ;  and  in  his  zeal  to  guard 
against  the  future  predominance  of  the  central  power, 
he  exaggerated  the  imperfections,  which  had  their 
deep  root  in  the  history  of  the  states. 

For  more  than  a  century,  and  even  from  the 
foundation  of  the  settlements,  almost  every  English 
administration  had  studied  to  acquire  the  disposal 
of  their  military  resources  and  their  revenues,  while 
every  American  legislature  had  had  for  its  con- 
stant object  the  repression  of  the  encroachments 
of  the  crown.  This  antagonism,  developed  and  con- 
firmed by  successive  generations,  had  become  the 
quick  instinct  and  fixed  habit  of  the  people.  All 
their  patriotic  traditions  clustered  round  the  story 
of  their  untiring  resistance  to  the  establishment  of 
an  overruling  central  force,  and  strengthened  the 
conviction  of  the  inherent  deadly  hostility  of  such 
a  force  to  their  vital  principle  of  self-direction. 
Each  one  of  the  colonies  connected  its  idea  of 
freedom  and  safety  with  the  exclusive  privilege 
of  managing  its  internal  policy ;  and  they  delight- 
ed to  keep  fresh  the  proud  memories  of  repeated 
victories  won  over  the  persistent  attempt  of  the 
agents  of  a  supreme  powrer,  which  was  external  to 
themselves,  to  impose  restrictions  on  their  domestic 
autonomy. 

This  jealousy  of  control  from  without  concen- 
tred on  the  subject  of  taxation.  In  raising  a 
revenue  the  colonies  acknowledged  in  the  king- 
no  function  whatever  except  that  of  addressing  to 


CONFEDERATION;   SIGNING  THE  DECLARATION.  49 

them  severally  a  requisition;  it  was  the  great  prin-  chap. 
ciple  of  their  politics  that  to  them  alone  belonged 
the  discretion  to  grant  and  collect  aids  by  their 
own  separate  acts.  The  confederacy  now  stood  in 
the  place  of  the  crown  as  the  central  authority, 
and  to  that  federal  union  the  colonies,  by  general 
concurrence,  proposed  to  confide  only  the  same 
limited  right.  It  was  laid  down  as  a  fundamental 
article,  that  "the  United  States  assembled  shall 
never  impose  or  levy  any  tax  or  duties,"  except 
for  postage ;  and  this  restriction,  such  was  the 
force  of  habit,  was  accepted  without  remark.  No 
one  explained  the  distinction  between  a  sovereignty 
wielded  by  an  hereditary  king  in  another  hemi- 
sphere, and  a  superior  power  which  should  be  the 
chosen  expression  of  the  will  and  reason  of  the 
nation.  The  country  had  broken  with  the  past  in 
declaring  independence ;  it  went  back  into  bondage 
to  the  past  in  forming  its  first  constitution. 

The  withholding  from  the  United  States  of  the 
direct  authority  to  raise  a  revenue  was  not  peculiar 
to  Dickinson ;  in  all  other  respects  his  plan  was 
less  efficient  than  that  proposed  the  year  before. 
Experience  had  shown  that  colonies  often  failed  to 
be  represented:  Franklin's  plan  constituted  one  half 
of  the  members  of  congress  a  quorum,  and  left 
the  decision  of  every  question  to  the  majority  of 
those  who  might  be  present;  Dickinson  knew  only 
"the  United  States  assembled;"  counted  every  one 
of  them  which  might  chance  to  be  unrepresented 
as  a  vote  in  the  negative;  required  that  not  even 
a  trivial  matter  should  be  determined  except  by 
the  concurrence  of  seven  colonies;  and  that  meas- 

VOL.   IX.  5 


50  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  ures  of  primary  importance  should  await  the  assent 
< — y — -  of  nine,  that  is  of  two  thirds  of  the  whole.  If  eight 
July  '  states  only  were  present,  no  question  relating  to 
defence,  peace,  war,  finances,  army,  or  navy  could 
be  transacted  even  by  a  unanimous  vote ;  nor  could 
a  matter  of  smaller  moment  be  settled  by  a  major- 
ity of  six  to  two.  By  common  consent  congress 
was  the  channel  through  which  amendments  to  the 
constitution  were  to  be  proposed :  Franklin  accepted 
all  amendments  that  should  be  approved  by  a  ma- 
jority of  the  state  assemblies;  Dickinson  permitted 
no  change  but  by  the  consent  of  the  legislature  of 
every  state.  No  executive  apparatus  distinct  from 
the  general  congress  could  be  detected  in  the  sys- 
tem. Judicial  power  over  questions  arising  between 
the  states  was  provided  for;  and  courts  might  be 
established  to  exercise  primary  jurisdiction  over 
crimes  committed  on  the  high  seas,  with  appellate 
jurisdiction  over  captures;  but  there  was  not  even 
a  rudimentary  organ  from  which  a  court  for  exe- 
cuting the  ordinances  of  the  confederacy  could  be 
developed ;  and  as  a  consequence  there  existed  no 
real  legislative  authority.  The  congress  could  trans- 
act specific  business,  but  not .  enact  general  laws ; 
could  publish  a  journal,  but  not  a  book  of  statutes. 
Even  this  anarchical  scheme,  which  was  but  the 
reflection  of  the  long-cherished  repugnance  to  cen- 
tral power,  a  reminiscence  of  the  war-cries  of 
former  times,  not  a  creation  for  the  coming  age, 
alarmed  Edward  Rutledge,  who  served  with  industry 
on  the  committee  with  Dickinson.  He  saw  danger  in 
the  very  thought  of  an  indissoluble  league  of  friend- 
ship between   the   states  for  their  general  welfare; 


CONFEDERATION;   SIGNING  THE  DECLARATION.  51 

saying  privately,  but  deliberately:  "If  the  plan  now  chap. 
proposed  should  be  adopted,  nothing  less  than  ruin 
to  some  colonies  will  be  the  consequence.  The  idea 
of  destroying  all  provincial  distinctions,  and  making 
everything  of  the  most  minute  kind  bend  to  what 
they  call  the  good  of  the  whole,  is  in  other  terms 
to  say  that  these  colonies  must  be  subject  to  the 
government  of  the  eastern  provinces.  The  force 
of  their  arms  I  hold  exceeding  cheap,  but  I  confess 
I  dread  their  overruling  influence  in  council ;  I  dread 
their  low  cunning,  and  those  levelling  principles 
which  men  without  character  and  without  fortune 
in  general  possess,  which  are  so  captivating  to  the 
lower  class  of  mankind,  and  which  will  occasion 
such  a  fluctuation  of  property  as  to  introduce  the 
greatest  disorder.  I  am  resolved  to  vest  the  con- 
gress with  no  more  power  than  what  is  absolutely 
necessary,  and  to  keep  the  staff  in  our  own  hands ; 
for  I  am  confident,  if  surrendered  into  the  hands  of 
others,  a  most  pernicious  use  will  be  made  of  it." 

While  the  projected  confederation  was  thus  cav- 
illed at  with  morbid  distrust,  its  details  offered  ques- 
tions of  difficult  solution.  Dickinson,  assuming  popu- 
lation to  be  the  index  of  wealth,  proposed  to  obtain 
supplies  by  requisitions  upon  each  state  in  propor- 
tion to  the  number  of  its  inhabitants,  excepting 
none  but  Indians  not  paying  taxes.  Chase  moved 
to  count  only  the  "  white  inhabitants ; "  for  "  negroes 
were  property,  and  no  more  members  of  the  state 
than  cattle."  "  Call  the  laboring  poor  freemen  or 
slaves,"  said  John  Adams,  a  they  increase  the  wealth 
and  exports  of  the  state  as  much  in  the  one  case 
as  in  the  other;   and  should,  therefore,  add  equally 


52  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  to  the  quota  of  its  tax."  Harrison  of  Virginia  pro- 
« — y — '  posed  as  a  compromise,  that  two  slaves  should  be 
j,  counted  as  one  freeman.  "To  exempt  slaves  from 
taxation/'  said  Wilson,  "  will  be  the  greatest  encour- 
agement to  slave  keeping  and  the  importation  of 
slaves,  on  which  it  is  our  duty  to  lay  every  dis- 
couragement. Slaves  increase  profits,  which  the 
southern  states  take  to  themselves;  they  also  in- 
crease the  burden  of  defence,  which  must  fall  so 
much  the  more  heavily  on  the  northern.  Slaves 
prevent  freemen  from  cultivating  a  country.  Dis- 
miss your  slaves,  and  freemen  will  take  their  places." 
"Freemen,"  said  young  Lynch  of  South  Carolina, 
"have  neither  the  ability  nor  the  inclination  to  do 
the  work  that  the  negroes  do.  Our  slaves  are  our 
property;  if  that  is  debated,  there  is  an  end  of 
confederation.  Being  our  property,  why  should  they 
be  taxed  more  than  sheep?"  "There  is  a  differ- 
ence," said  Franklin;  "sheep  will  never  make  insur- 
rections." Witherspoon  thought  the  value  of  lands 
and  houses  was  the  true  barometer  of  the  wrealth 
of  a  people,  and  the  criterion  for  taxation.  Edward 
Eutledge  objected  to  the  rule  of  numbers  because 
it  included  slaves,  and  because  it  exempted  the 
wealth  to  be  acquired  by  the  eastern  states  as  car- 
riers for  the  southern.  Hooper  of  North  Carolina 
cited  his  own  state  as  a  striking  exception  to  the 
rule  that  the  riches  of  a  country  are  in  proportion 
to  its  numbers ;  and  commenting  on  the  unprofit- 
ableness of  slave  labor,  he  expressed  the  wish  to 
see  slavery  pass  away.  The  amendment  of  Chase 
was  rejected  by  a  purely  geographical  vote  of 
all    the    states    north    of  Mason    and    Dixon's    line 


CONFEDERATION;   SIGNING   THE  DECLARATION.  53 

against  all  those  south  of  it,  except  that  Georgia  chap. 
was  divided.  The  confederation  could  not  of  itself  w-^ — > 
levy  taxes,  and  no  rule  for  apportioning  requisitions  Jul  * 
promised  harmony. 

A  second  article  which  divided  the  states  related 
to  the  distribution  of  power  in  the  general  con- 
gress. Delaware  from  the  first  bound  her  delegates 
to  insist  that,  "in  declaring  questions,  each  colony 
shall  have  one  vote ; "  and  that  was  the  rule  adopted 
by  Dickinson.  Chase  saw  the  extreme  danger  of  a 
hopeless  conflict,  and  proposed  as  a  compromise, 
that  in  votes  relating  to  money  the  voice  of  each 
state  should  be  proportioned  to  the  number  of  its 
inhabitants.  Franklin  insisted  that  they  should  be 
so  proportioned  in  all  cases ;  that  it  was  unreasonable 
to  set  out  with  an  unequal  representation ;  that  a 
confederation  on  the  iniquitous  principle  of  allowing 
to  the  smaller  states  an  equal  vote  without  their 
bearing  equal  burdens  could  not  last  long.  "All 
agree,"  replied  Witherspoon,  "  that  there  must  and 
shall  be  a  confederation  for  this  war;  in  the  en- 
lightened state  of  men's  minds,  I  hope  for  a  lasting 
one.  Our  greatest  danger  is  of  disunion  among 
ourselves.  Nothing  will  come  before  congress  but 
what  respects  colonies  and  not  individuals.  Every 
colony  is  a  distinct  person;  and  if  an  equal  vote  be 
refused,  the  smaller  states  will  be  vassals  to  the 
larger."  "  "We  must  confederate,"  said  Clark  of  New 
Jersey,  "or  apply  for  pardons."  "We  should  settle 
some  plan  of  representation,"  said  Wilson.  John 
Adams  agreed  with  Franklin:  "We  represent  the 
people ;  and  in  some  states  they  are  many,  in  others 
they  are  few;   the  vote  should  be  proportioned  to 

5* 


54  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  numbers.  The  question  is  not  whether  the  states 
are  how  independent  individuals,  making  a  bargain 
together,  but  what  we  ought  to  be  when  the  bar- 
gain is  made.  The  confederacy  is  to  make  us  one 
individual  only;  to  form  us,  like  separate  parcels  of 
metal,  into  one  common  mass.  We  shall  no  longer 
retain  our  separate  individuality,  but  become  a  single 
individual  as  to  all  questions  submitted  to  the  con- 
federacy; therefore  all  those  reasons  which  prove 
the  justice  and  expediency  of  a  proportional  repre- 
sentation in  other  assemblies  hold  good  here.  An 
equal  vote  will  endanger  the  larger  states ;  while 
they,  from  their  difference  of  products,  of  interest, 
and  of  manners,  can  never  combine  for  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  smaller."  Rush  spoke  on  the  same 
side :  "  We  represent  the  people ;  we  are  a  nation ; 
to  vote  by  states  will  keep  up  colonial  distinctions; 
and  we  shall  be  loath  to  admit  new  colonies  into 
the  confederation.  The  voting  by  the  number  of 
free  inhabitants  will  have  the  excellent  effect  of 
inducing  the  colonies  to  discourage  slavery.  If  we 
vote  by  numbers,  liberty  will  always  be  safe ;  the 
larger  colonies  are  so  providentially  divided  in  situ- 
ation as  to  render  every  fear  of  their  combining 
visionary.  The  more  a  man  aims  at  serving  Amer- 
ica, the  more  he  serves  his  colony :  I  am  not  plead- 
ing the  cause  of  Pennsylvania;  I  consider  myself 
a  citizen  of  America."  Hopkins  of  Rhode  Island 
spoke  for  the  smaller  colonies :  "  The  German  body 
votes  by  states ;  so  does  the  Helvetic ;  so  does  the 
Belgic.  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  and. 
Maryland  contain  more  than  half  the  people ;  it 
cannot    be    expected   that   nine    colonies   will   give 


CONFEDERATION;   SIGNING  THE  DECLARATION.  55 

way  to  four.  The  safety  of  the  whole  depends  on  chap. 
the  distinction  of  the  colonies."  "The  vote/'  said 
Sherman  of  Connecticut,  a  should  be  taken  two 
ways :  call  the  colonies,  and  call  the  individuals, 
and  have  a  majority  of  both."  This  idea  he  proba- 
bly derived  from  Jefferson,  who  enforced  in  pri- 
vate as  the  means  to  save  the  union,  that  "any 
proposition  might  be  negatived  by  the  representa- 
tives of  a  majority  of  the  people,  or  of  a  majority 
of  the  colonies."  Here  is  the  thought  out  of  which 
the  great  compromise  of  our  constitution  was  evolved. 
Aside  from  the  permanent  question  of  taxation 
and  representation,  what  most  stood  in  the  way  of 
an  early  act  of  union  was  the  conflict  of  claims  to 
the  ungranted  lands,  which  during  the  connection 
with  Great  Britain  had  belonged  to  the  king. 
Reason  and  equity  seemed  to  dictate  that  they 
should  inure  to  the  common  benefit  of  all  the 
states  which  joined  to  wrest  them  from  the  crown. 
The  complete  transfer  of  ownership  from  the  de- 
throned authority  to  the  general  congress  would, 
however,  have  been  at  variance  with  the  fixed  and 
undisputed  idea,  that  each  state  should  have  the 
exclusive  control  of  its  internal  policy.  It  was 
therefore  not  questioned  that  each  member  of  the 
confederacy  had  acquired  the  sole  right  to  the 
public  domain  within  its  acknowledged  limits  ;  but 
it  was  proposed  to  vindicate  to  the  United  States 
the  great  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  by  in- 
vesting congress  "with  the  exclusive  power  of  lim- 
iting the  bounds  of  those  colonies  which  were  said 
to  extend  to  the  South  sea,  and  ascertaining  the 
bounds    of   any  other    that    appeared    to    be    inde- 


56  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  terminate."  Maryland,  which  had  originally  been 
formed  out  of  Virginia,  retained  a  grudge  against 
the  Old  Dominion  for  its  exorbitant  appetite  for 
western  territory ;  and  Chase  spoke  strongly  for 
the  grant  of  power  to  limit  the  states.  "Gentle- 
men shall  not  pare  away  Virginia,"  said  Harrison, 
taking  fire  at  the  interference  with  its  boundaries 
as  defined  by  the  second  charter  of  James  the 
First.  Stone  of  Maryland  came  to  the  rescue  of 
his  colleague :  "  The  small  colonies  will  have  no 
safety  in  the  right  to  happiness,  if  the  great  colo- 
nies are  not  limited.  All  the  colonies  defend  the 
lands  against  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  at 
the  expense  of  all.  Does  Virginia  wish  to  estab- 
lish quit-rents  ?  Shall  she  sell  the  lands  for  her 
own  emolument  ?  I  do  not  mean  that  the  United 
States  shall  sell  them,  to  get  money  by  them;  we 
shall  grant  them  in  small  quantities,  without  quit- 
rent,  or  tribute,  or  purchase-money."  Jefferson 
spoke  against  the  proposed  power  as  too  great 
and  vague;  and  protested  against  the  competency 
of  congress  to  decide  upon  the  right  of  Virginia; 
but  he  expressed  the  confident  hope,  "that  the  col- 
onies would  limit  themselves."  Unless  they  would 
do  so,  Wilson  claimed  for  Pennsylvania  the  right 
to  say  she  would  not  confederate. 

The  dispute  developed  germs  of  delay;  but  all 
divisions  might  at  that  time  have  been  reconciled, 
had  the  general  scheme  of  confederation  in  itself 
been  attractive ;  but  its  form  was  so  complicate, 
and  its  type  so  low,  that  it  could  not  live.  At 
the  outset  the  misshapen  organism,  the  worthless 
fruit  of  learning  and  refining  and  prejudice,  struck 


CONFEDERATION;   SIGNING  THE  DECLARATION.  57 

with  paralysis  the  zeal  for  creating  a  government,  chap. 
Had  such  a  scheme  been  at  once  adopted,  the 
war  could  not  have  been  carried  on ;  but  by  a 
secret  instinct,  congress  soon  grew  weary  of  con- 
sidering it,  and  postponed  it,  leaving  the  revolution 
during  its  years  of  crisis  to  be  conducted  by  the 
more  efficient  existing  union,  constituted  by  the 
instructions  under  which  the  delegates  of  the  sev- 
eral colonies  were  assembled,  held  together  by  the 
necessities  of  war,  and  able  to  show  energy  of 
will  by  its  acknowledgment  of  the  right  of  the 
majority   to    decide    a   question. 

The  country  had,  therefore,  to  fight  the  battles 
of  independence  under  the  simple  organization  by 
which  it  had  been  declared;  but  preconceived  no- 
tions and  the  never-sleeping  dread  of  the  absorption 
of  the  states  interfered  with  the  vigorous  prosecution 
of  the  war.  Not  a  single  soldier  had  been  enlisted 
directly  by  the  United  States;  and  the  fear  of  a 
standing  army  as  a  deadly  foe  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people  had  thus  far  limited  the  enlistment  of  citizens 
to  short  terms ;  so  that  on  the  approach  of  danger 
the  national  defence  was  committed  to  the  ebb  and 
flow  of  the  militia  of  the  separate  states.  Thus 
good  discipline  was  impossible,  and  service  insecure. 

In  the  urgency  of  danger  Washington  made  a 
requisition  on  Connecticut  for  foot-soldiers;  unable 
to  despatch  infantry,  Trumbull  sent  three  regiments 
of  light  horse,  composed  chiefly  of  heads  of  families 
and  freeholders,  mounted  on  their  farm-horses,  armed 
with  fowling-pieces,  without  discipline,  or  compacts 
ness,  or  uniformity  of  dress.  Their  rustic  manners 
were  an  object  of  ridicule  to  officers  from  the  south, 


58  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  whom  they  in   return  scorned   as   "  butterflies   and 
< — v— '  coxcombs."      Washington    could    not   furnish    them 

Jul  '  forage,  and  had  no  use  for  them  as  cavalry. 
They  consented  to  mount  guard,  though  with  re- 
luctance ;  but  they  persistently  quoted  the  laws  of 
Connecticut  in  support  of  their  peremptory  demand 
of  exemption  from  fatigue  duty.  Less  than  ten 
days  in  camp  wore  out  their  patience ;  and  at  their 
own  request  they  were  discharged. 

The  pride  of  equality  prevailed  among  the  offi- 
cers. The  instructions  of  congress  to  Washington 
were  by  some  interpreted  to  have  made  the  deci- 
sion of  the  council  of  war  paramount  to  that  of 
the  general  in  command.  Every  one  insisted  on 
his  own  opinion,  and  was  ready  to  question  the 
wisdom  of  those  above  him.  In  July,  Crown  Point 
was  abandoned  by  the  northern  army,  on  the  con- 
current advice  of  the  general  officers,  against  the 
protest  of  Stark  and  twenty  field-officers.  Mean- 
time Gates,  though  holding  a  command  under 
Washington,  purposely  neglected  to  make  reports 
to  his  superior  j  and  when  Washington  saw  fit  to 
"open  the  correspondence,"  and,  after  consulting  his 
council,  "  expressed  his  sorrow  at  the  retreat  from 
Crown  Point,"  Gates  resented  the  interference.  He 
censured  the  behavior  of  Washington  and  his  offi- 
cers as  "unprecedented,"  insisted  that  he  and  his 
council  were  in  "nothing  inferior"  to  "their  breth- 
ren and  compeers"  of  the  council  of  the  command- 
er-in-chief, and  transmitted  to  congress  copies  of 
Washington's  letter  and  his  answer,  with  a  declara- 
tion that  he  and  the  generals  with  him  "would 
not  be  excelled  in  zeal  or  military  virtue  by  any 


CONFEDERATION;   SIGNING  THE  DECLARATION.  59 

of  the   officers,  however  dignified  or  distinguished."   chap. 
"While  Gates  so  hastily  set  himself  up   as  the  rival  ^-y — < 
of  Washington,  he  was  intriguing  with  New  Eng-    Jul 
land  members  of  congress    to    supersede    Schuyler, 
and  was  impatient  at  the   dilatoriness    of  his    sup- 
porters. 

To  these  petty  dissensions  "Washington  opposed  Aug. 
his  own  public  spirit.  In  the  general  order  for  the 
first  of  August  he  spoke  for  union :  "  Divisions 
among  ourselves  most  effectually  assist  our  ene- 
mies; the  provinces  are  all  united  to  oppose  the 
common  enemy,  and  all  distinctions  are  sunk  in 
the  name  of  an  American."  On  the  next  day  the  2. 
members  of  congress,  having  no  army  but  a  tran- 
sient one,  no  confederation,  no  treasury,  no  supplies 
of  materials  of  war,  signed  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, which  had  been  engrossed  on  parchment. 
The  first,  after  the  President,  to  write  his  name  was 
Samuel  Adams,  to  whom  the  men  of  that  day  as- 
cribed "the  greatest  part  in  the  greatest  revolution 
of  the  world."  The  body  was  somewhat  changed 
from  that  which  voted  on  the  fourth  of  July. 
Chase  was  now  present,  and  by  his  side  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton,  a  new  member  in  whom  the 
long  disfranchised  Catholics  of  Maryland  saw  an  em- 
blem of  their  disinthralment.  "Wythe  and  Kichard 
Henry  Lee  had  returned  from  Richmond ;  Dickinson 
and  two  of  his  colleagues  had  made  way  for  Cly- 
mer,  Rush,  and  others ;  Robert  Morris,  who  had  been 
continued  as  a  representative  of  Pennsylvania,  now 
joining  heartily  with  John  Adams  and  Jefferson 
and  Franklin,  put  his  hand  to  the  instrument,  which 
he  henceforward  maintained  with  all  the  resources 


60  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  of  his  hopeful  mind.  Mackean  was  with  the  army, 
and  did  not  appear  on  the  roll  before  1781.  For 
New  York,  Philip  Livingston  and  Lewis  Morris 
joined   with   Francis   Lewis   and   William   Floyd. 

American  independence  was  the  work  not  of 
one,  or  a  few,  but  of  all;  and  was  ratified  not  by 
congress  only,  but  by  the  instincts  and  intuitions 
of  the  nation ;  just  as  the  sunny  smile  of  the  ocean 
comes  from  every  one  of  its  millions  of  waves. 
The  courageous  and  unselfish  enthusiasm  of  the 
people  was  an  inexhaustible  storehouse  of  means 
for  supporting  its  life ;  the  boundlessness  of  the 
country  formed  its  natural  defence;  and  the  self- 
asserting  individuality  of  every  state  and  of  every 
citizen,  though  it  forbade  the  organization  of  an 
efficient  government,  with  executive  unity,  imposed 
on  Britain  the  impossible  task  of  conquering  them 
one  by  one. 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  IN  EUEOPE. 

July — October,  1776. 

Since  America  must  wage  a  war  for  existence  as  chap. 

.  .  in 

a  nation  without  a  compacted  union,  or  an  efficient 

government,  there  was  the  more  need  of  foreign 
alliances.  The  maritime  powers,  which  had  been 
pursued  by  England  with  overbearing  pride  till 
they  had  been  led  to  look  upon  her  as  their  nat- 
ural foe,  did  not  wait  to  be  entreated.  On  the 
seventh  of  July,  when  there  was  danger  of  a  rup- 
tiire  between  Spain  and  Portugal,  Vergennes  read 
to  the  king  in  council  his  advice  : 

"The  catholic  king  must  not  act  precipitately; 
for  a  war  by  land  would  make  us  lose  sight  of 
the  great  object  of  weakening  the  only  enemy 
whom  France  can  and  ought  to  distrust.  The 
spirit  and  the  letter  of  the  alliance  with  Austria 
promise  her  influence  to  hold  back  Russia  from 
falling  upon  the  king  of  Sweden,  or  listening  to 
English    overtures.      In   Holland'  it  will   be  proper 

VOL.   LX.  6 


62  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

to  reanimate  the  ashes  of  the  too  much  neglected 
republican  party,  and  to  propitiate  favor  for  neu- 
trality as  a  source  of  gain.  The  Americans  must 
be  notified  of  the  consequences  which  the  actual 
state  of  things  presages,  if  they  will  but  await  its 
development.  As  the  English  are  armed  in  North 
America,  we  cannot  leave  our  colonies  destitute  of 
all  means  of  resistance.  The  Isles  of  France  and 
Bourbon  demand  the  same  foresight.  The  English, 
under  pretence  of  relieving  their  squadron  in  the 
Indies,  will  double  its  force ;  and  such  is  their 
strength  in  the  peninsula  of  Hindostan,  they  might 
easily  drive  us  from  Pondicherry  and  our  colonies 
if  we  do  not  prepare  for  defence.  Time  is  pre- 
cious; every  moment  must  be  turned  to  account." 
The  well-considered  policy  of  the  French  minister 
was  traversed  by  the  arrival  of  Silas  Deane.  His 
instructions  had  been  drawn  by  Franklin,  who, 
from  habitual  circumspection,  never  needed  to  be 
suspicious.  They  directed  Deane  to  obtain  informa- 
tion of  what  was  going  forward  in  England,  through 
his  old  acquaintance,  one  Edward  Bancroft,  a  native 
of  Connecticut,  who,  as  an  adventurer  in  quest  of 
fortune,  had  migrated  back  to  the  mother-country, 
and  had  there  gained  some  repute  as  a  physician 
and  a  naturalist.  In  1769  he  had  published  an 
able  and  spirited  pamphlet,  vindicating  the  legisla- 
tive claims  of  the  colonies;  and,  under  some  super- 
vision from  Franklin,  he  had  habitually  written  for 
the  "Monthly  Review"  notices  of  publications  re- 
lating to  America.  It  was  his  avowed  belief  that 
"every  part  of  animated  nature  was  created  for  its 
own  happiness  only ; "  and  he  accepted  the  post  of 


THE   DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE  IN  EUROPE.  63 

a  paid  American  spy,  to  prepare  himself  for  the  chap. 
more  lucrative  office  of  a  double  spy  for  the  Brii>  s — ^ 
ish   ministers.  jul  * 

The  French  government  was  deliberating  on  the  10. 
methods  of  encouraging  commerce  with  the  United 
Colonies.  Eeplying  to  an  inquiry  of  the '  comptrol- 
ler-general, Vergennes,  on  the  tenth,  advised  to 
admit  their  ships  and  cargoes  without  exacting 
duties  or  applying  the  restrictive  laws  on  their 
entry  or  departure  ;  so  that  France  might  become 
the  emporium  of  their  commerce  with  other  Euro- 
pean nations.  "Take  every  precaution,"  so  he 
admonished  his  colleague,  "that  our  motives,  our 
intentions,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  our  proceedings, 
may  be  hidden  from  the   English." 

The  attempt  at  concealment  was  vain.  On  the  ll. 
eleventh,  Vergennes  admitted  Deane  to  an  inter- 
view. Reserving  for  the  king's  consideration  the 
question  of  recognising  the  independence  and  pro- 
tecting the  trade  of  the  United  Colonies,  he  lis- 
tened with  great  satisfaction  to  the  evidences  of 
their  ability  to  hold  out  against  British  arms  to 
the  end  of  the  year,  and  gave  it  as  his  private 
opinion  that,  in  case  they  should  reject  the  sove- 
reignty of  his  Britannic  majesty,  they  might  count 
on  the  unanimous  good  wishes  of  the  government 
and  people  of  France,  whose  interest  it  would  not 
be  to  see  them  reduced  by  force.  Received  again  20. 
on  the  twentieth,  Deane  made  a  formal  request  for 
two  hundred  light  brass  field-pieces,  and  arms  and 
clothing  for  twenty-five  thousand  men.  The  arms 
were  promised ;  Du  Coudray,  a  distinguished  engi- 
neer, who  had  given  lessons  to  Count  d'Artois,  and 


64  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  who  wished  to  serve  in  America,  was  employed  to 
* — y — '  select  from   the   public   arsenals  cannon  of  the   old 

jul  '  pattern  that  could  be  spared;  and  Beaumarchais, 
whom  Vergennes  authoritatively  recommended,  of- 
fered merchandise  on  credit  to  the  value  of  three 
millions  of  livres.  The  minister  did  not  suspect 
that  congress  had  committed  its  affairs  to  a  man 
who  was  wanting  in  discernment  and  integrity. 
But  Deane  called  over  Bancroft  as  if  he  had  been 
a  colleague,  showed  him  his  letters  of  credence  and 
his  instructions,  took  him  as  a  companion  in  his 
journeys  to  Versailles,  and  repeated  to  him  exactly 
all  that  passed  in  the  interviews  with  the  minister. 
August.  Bancroft  returned  to  England,  and  his  narrative  for 
the  British  ministry  is  a  full  record  of  the  first 
official  intercourse  between  France  and  the  United 
States.  The  knowledge  thus  obtained  enabled  the 
British  ambassador  to  embarrass  the  shipment  of 
supplies  by  timely  remonstrances;  for  the  French 
cabinet  was  unwilling  to  appear  openly  as  the 
complice    of  the    insurgents. 

The  arrival  of  the  declaration  of  independence 
gave  more  earnestness  to  the  advice  of  Vergennes. 
31.  On  the  last  day  of  August  he  read  to  the  king,  in 
committee  with  Maurepas,  Sartine,  SaimVGermain, 
and  Clugny,  considerations  on  the  part  which 
France  should  now  take  towards  England :  "  Ruin 
hangs  over  a  state  which,  trusting  to  the  good 
faith  of  its  rivals,  neglects  precautions  for  safety, 
and  disdains  the  opportunity  of  rendering  its  habit- 
ual foe  powerless  to  injure.  England  is  without 
question  and  by  inheritance  the  enemy  of  France. 
If  to-day  .she  veils  her  ancient  jealousy  under  the 


THE   DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE  IN  EUROPE.  65 

specious  exterior  of  friendship,  her  desires  and  her   chap. 
principles   are   unchanged.      She    fears    lest    France  w-y^> 

•  "1776 

should  profit  by  the  truly  singular  opportunity  to  Au(TUSt* 
take  revenge  for  her  frequent  injustice,  her  out-  si- 
rages,  and  her  perfidies;  it  would  be  a  great  mis- 
take to  flatter  ourselves  that,  under  a  sense  of 
the  beneficent  moderation  of  the  king,  she  will  be 
disposed  in  more  quiet  times  to  a  corresponding 
conduct.  For  this  there  is  no  guaranty  in  her  in- 
tense nationality  of  character,  to  which  the  feeblest 
gleam  of  prosperity  in  France  is  an  unsupportable 
grief.  She  regards  our  measures  for  restoring  our 
navy  as  an  attack  on  the  exclusive  empire  which 
she  arrogates  over  the  seas,  and  her  animosity  is 
restrained  by  nothing  but  a  sense  of  danger  or 
a  want  of  power.  It  is  her  constant  maxim  to 
make  war  upon  us,  as  soon  as  she  sees  us  ready 
to  assume  our  proper  place  as  a  maritime  power. 
Left  to  herself,  she  will  fall  upon  our  marine, 
taking  the  same  advantages  as  in  1755.  What 
reparation  have  we  thus  far  obtained  for  the  af- 
fronts that  have  been  put  upon  us  in  India,  and 
the  habitual  violation  of  our  rights  at  Newfound- 
land under  the  clear  and  precise  stipulations  of 
a  solemn  treaty?  Moreover,  the  English  cruisers, 
near  the  mouths  of  our  harbors  in  America,  have 
committed  violent  acts  in  contempt  of  the  flag  of 
the  king.  Do  the  English  treat  Spain  with  more 
respect  than  France  ?  In  the  bosom  of  peace  they 
labor  to  form  establishments  in  the  centre  of  her 
possessions,  and  excite  savage  nations  to  rise 
against  her.  In  the  south  of  America,  Portugal 
openly    attacks    Spain  j   England  justifies   her   ally, 

6* 


66  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  whom  she  values  more  than  a  rich  province ;  and 
nourishes  the  germ  of  this  quarrel,  in  order  to 
direct  its  development  as  may  suit  her  ambition 
and  convenience.  England  has  in  America  a  nu- 
merous army  and  fleet,  equipped  for  prompt  action; 
if  the  Americans  baffle  her  efforts,  will  not  the 
chiefs  of  the  ministry  seek  compensation  at  the 
expense  of  France  or  Spain  ?  Her  conduct  makes 
it  plain  even  to  demonstration,  that  we  can  count 
little  upon  her  sincerity  and  rectitude ;  still  it  is 
not  for  me  to  draw  the  conclusion,  that  with  a 
power  of  so  doubtful  fidelity  war  is  preferable  to 
a  precarious  peace,  which  can  be  no  more  than  a 
truce  of  uncertain  duration.  The  object  of  these 
reflections  is,  not  to  anticipate  the  resolution  which 
can  come  only  from  the  high  wisdom  of  the  su- 
preme authorit}^,  but  only  to  present  the  motives 
which  may  give   it  light. 

"The  advantages  of  a  war  with  England  in 
the  present  conjuncture  prevail  so  eminently  over 
its  inconveniences,  that  there  is  no  room  for  a 
comparison.  What  better  moment  could  France 
seize,  to  efface  the  shame  of  the  odious  surprise 
of  1755,  and  all  the  ensuing  disasters,  than  this, 
when  England,  engaged  in  a  civil  war  a  thousand 
leagues  off,  has  scattered  the  forces  necessary  for 
her  internal  defence  ?  Her  sailors  are  in  America, 
not  hi  ships  of  war  only,  but  in  more  than  four 
hundred  transports.  Now  that  the  United  States 
have  declared  their  independence,  there  is  no 
chance  of  conciliation  unless  supernatural  events 
should  force  them  to  bend  under  the  yoke,  or  the 
English    to    recognise    their    independence.      While 


THE  DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE  IN  EUROPE.  67 

the   war  continues  between  the  insurgents  and   the   chap. 

,.  .        ni- 

English,  the  American  sailors  and  soldiers,  who    m 

the  last  war  contributed  to  make  those  enormous 
conquests  of  which  France  felt  so  keenly  the  hu- 
miliation, will  be  employed  against  the  English, 
and    indirectly    for    France. 

"The  war  will  form  between  France  and  North 
America  a  connection  which  will  not  grow  up  and 
vanish  with  the  need  of  the  moment.  No  interest 
can  divide  the  two  nations.  Commerce  will  form 
between  them  a  very  durable,  if  not  an  eternal, 
chain;  vivifying  industry,  it  will  bring  into  our 
harbors  the  commodities  which  America  formerly 
poured  into  those  of  England,  with  a  double  ben- 
efit, for  the  augmentation  of  our  national  labor 
lessens   that   of  a   rival. 

"  Whether  war  against  England  would  involve  a 
war  on  the  continent  deserves  to  be  discussed. 
The  only  three  powers  whom  England  could  take 
into  her  pay  are  Austria,  Prussia,  and  Russia.  The 
last  of  these  will  not  come  to  attack  France  and 
Spain  with  her  armies ;  should  she  send  ships  of 
war,  it  would  only  make  a  noise  in  the  news- 
papers ;  if  she  should  attempt  a  diversion  by  a  war 
on  Sweden,  France  must  at  any  rate  have  war 
with  England,  for  England  would  never  suffer  a 
French  fleet  to  prescribe  laws  in  the  Baltic.  The 
alliance  between  France  and  Austria,  and  the  un- 
limited love  of  the  empress  queen  for  peace,  guar- 
antee her  neutrality.  The  mutual  distrust  of  the 
courts  of  Vienna  and  Berlin  will  keep  them  both 
from  mixing  in  a  war  between  the  house  of  Bour- 
bon  and  England.     The  republic  of  Holland,  having, 


68  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   beyond  all  other  powers,  reason  to  complain  of  the 
• — y-^  tyranny  of  the   English  in  all  parts   of  the   globe, 

1776  .... 

August  cann°t  fear  their  humiliation,  and  would  regard 
si.  the  war  on  the  part  of  France  as  one  of  conserva- 
tion rather  than  of  conquest.  As  it  is  the  dearest 
desire  of  the  king,  in  conformity  to  his  principles, 
to  establish  the  glory  of  his  reign  on  justice  and 
peace,  it  is  certain  that  if  his  majesty,  seizing  a 
unique  occasion  which  the  ages  will  perhaps  never 
reproduce,  should  succeed  in  striking  England  a 
blow  sufficient  to  lower  her  pride  and  to  confine 
her  pretensions  within  just  limits,  he  will  for  many 
years  be  master  of  peace,  and  without  displaying 
his  power,  except  to  make  order  and  peace  every- 
where reign,  he  will  have  the  precious  glory  of 
becoming  the  benefactor,  not  of  his  people  only, 
but  of  all  the  nations. 

"  The  fidelity  and  the  oath  of  a  zealous  minister 
oblige  him  to  explain  frankly  the  advantages  and 
the  inconveniences  of  whatever  policy  circumstances 
may  recommend;  this  is  the  object  of  the  present 
memoir ;  this  duty  fulfilled,  nothing  remains  but 
to  await  in  respectful  silence  the  command  which 
may  please  the  wisdom  of  the  king. 

"Should  his  majesty,  on  the  other  hand,  prefer 
a  doubtful  and  ill-assured  peace  to  a  war  which 
necessity  and  reason  can  justify,  the  defence  of 
our  possessions  will  exact  almost  as  great  an  ex- 
penditure as  war,  without  any  of  the  alleviations 
and  resources  which  war  authorizes.  Even  could 
we  be  passive  spectators  of  the  revolution  in  North 
America,  can  we  look  unmoved  at  that  which  is 
preparing  in  Hindostan,  and  which  will  be  as  fatal 


THE  DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE  IN  EUROPE.  69 

to  us  as  that  in  America  to  England?     The   revo- 
lution  in  Hindostan,  once  begun,  will    console  En- 
gland for  her  losses,  by  increasing  her  means  and  Auo.us^ 
her   riches  tenfold.     This  we  are  still  able  to  pre-      si. 
vent." 

The  words  of  Vergennes  were  sharp  and  pene- 
trating; now  that  Turgot  and  Malesherbes  were 
removed,  he  had  no  antagonist  in  the  cabinet ; 
his  comprehensive  policy  embraced  all  parts  of  the 
globe;  his  analysis  of  Europe  was  exact  and  just; 
his  deference  to  the  king  of  two-and-twenty  re- 
moved every  appearance  of  presumption ;  but  the 
young  prince  whose  decision  was  invoked  was  too 
weak  to  lead  in  affairs  of  magnitude  ;  his  sluggish 
disposition  deadened  every  impulse  by  inertness ; 
his  devotion  to  the  principle  of  monarchical  power 
made  him  shrink  from  revolution ;  his  intuitions, 
dim  as  they  were,  repelled  all  sympathy  with  in- 
surgent republicans;  his  severe  probity  struggled 
against  aggression  on  England ;  with  the  utmost 
firmness  of  will  of  which  his  feeble  nature  was 
capable,  he  was  resolved  that  the  peace  of  France 
should  not  be  broken  in  his  day.  But  deciding 
firmly  against  war,  he  shunned  the  labor  of  fur- 
ther discussion;  and  indolently  allowed  his  minis- 
ters to  aid  the  Americans,  according  to  the  prece- 
dents set  by  England  in  Corsica. 

Meantime,  Beaumarchais,  with  the  connivance  of  Sept. 
Vergennes,  used  delicate  flattery  to  awaken  in  the 
cold  breast  of  the  temporizing  Maurepas  a  passion 
for  glory.  The  profligate  Count  d'Artois,  younger 
brother  of  the  king,  and  the  prodigal  Duke  de 
Chartres,   better    known    as    the    Duke   of  Orleans, 


70  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  innovators    in    manners,    throwing    aside    the    stiff 

in.         .  •  i      -i  ■ 

* — y — '  etiquette    and    rich    dress    of  former    days   for    the 

Se  t '  English  fashion  of  plain  attire,  daring  riders  and 
charioteers,  eager  patrons  of  the  race-course,  which 
was  still  a  novelty  in  France,  gave  their  voices  for 
war  with  all  the  pride  and  levity  of  youth.  The 
Count  de  Broglie  was  an  early  partisan  of  the 
Americans.  A  large  part  of  the  nobility  of  France 
panted  for  an  opportunity  to  tame  the  haughtiness 
of  England,  which,  as  they  said  to  one  another, 
after  having  crowned  itself  with  laurels,  and  grown 
rich  by  conquests,  and  mastered  all  the  seas,  and 
insulted  every  nation,  now  turned  its  insatiable 
pride  against  its  own  colonies.  First  among  these 
was  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  then  just  nineteen, 
master  of  two  hundred  thousand  livres  a  year,  and' 
happy  in  a  wife  who  had  the  spirit  to  approve  his 
enthusiasm.  He  whispered  his  purpose  of  joining 
the  Americans  to  two  young  friends,  the  Count  de 
Segur  and  the  Viscount  de  Noailles,  who  wished, 
though  in  vain,  to  be  his  companions.  At  first 
the  Count  de  Broglie  opposed  his  project,  saying : 
"I  have  seen  your  uncle  die  in  the  wars  of  Italy; 
I  was  present  when  your  father  fell  at  the  battle 
of  Minden;  and  I  will  not  be  accessory  to  the  ruin 
of  the  only  remaining  branch  of  the  family."  But 
when  it  appeared  that  the  young  man's  heart  was 
enrolled,  and  that  he  took  thought  of  nothing  but 
how  to  join  the  flag  of  his  choice,  the  count  re- 
spected his  unalterable  resolution.  Beside  disinter- 
ested and  chivalrous  volunteers,  a  crowd  of  selfish 
adventurers,  officers  who  had  been  dropped  from 
the    French    service    under    the    reforms    of    Saint- 


THE   DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE  IN  EUROPE.  71 

Germain,  and    even    Swiss    and    Germans,  thronged   chap. 
Deane's   apartments   in    quest   of  employment,   and  * — Y — ' 
by   large   promises,   sturdy    importunity,    or   real   or     ge    ' 
pretended  recommendations  from  great  men,  wrung 
from  him   promiscuous   engagements   for  high   rank 
in  the  American  army. 

In  Spain,  the  interest  in  America  was  confined  Sept.- 
to  the  court.  Like  Louis  the  Sixteenth,  the  cath- 
olic  king  was  averse  to  hostile  measures ;  his  chief 
minister  wished  not  to  raise  up  a  republic  on  the 
western  continent,  but  only  to  let  England  worry 
and  exhaust  herself  by  a  long  civil  war.  Ameri- 
can ships  were  received  in  Spanish  harbors,  and 
every  remonstrance  was  met  by  the  plea  that  they 
hoisted  English  colors,  and  that  their  real  character 
could  not  be  known.  Even  the  privateers  fitted 
out  at  Salem,  Cape  Ann,  and  Newburyport  hovered 
off  the  rock  of  Lisbon  and  Cape  St.  Vincent,  or 
ventured  into  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  sure  of  not  being 
harmed  when  they  ran  into  Corunna  or  Bilbao ; 
but  Grimaldi  adhered  strictly  to  the  principle  of 
wishing  no  change  in  the  relation  of  the  British 
colonies  to  their  parent  country;  being  persuaded 
that  nothing  could  be  more  alarming  to  Spain 
than    their    independence. 

The  new  attitude  of  the  United  States  changed 
the  relation  of  parties  in  England.  The  former 
friends  to  the  rights  of  Americans  as  fellow-subjects 
were  not  friends  to  their  separate  existence ;  and 
all  parties  were  summoned,  as  Englishmen,  to  una- 
nimity. The  virtue  of  patriotism  is  more  attractive 
than  that  of  justice ;  and  the  minority  opposed  to 
the   government,  dwindling   almost  to   nothing,  was 


72  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  now  to  have  against  them  king,  lords,  and  com' 
mons,  nearly  the  whole  body  of  the  law,  the  more 
considerable  part  of  the  landed  and  mercantile 
Oct.  interests,  and  the  political  weight  of  the  church. 
The  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  his  proclamation 
for  a  fast,  to  be  read  in  all  the  churches,  charged 
the  "  rebel  "  congress  with  uttering  "  specious 
falsehoods;"  in  a  commentary  on  the  declaration 
of  independence,  Hutchinson  referred  its  origin  to  a 
determined  design  formed  in  the  interval  between 
the  reduction  and  the  cession  of  Canada;  the  young 
Jeremy  Bentham,  unwarmed  by  hope,  misled  by  his 
theories,  rejected  the  case  of  the  insurgents  as 
"founded  on  the  assumption  of  natural  rights, 
claimed  without  the  slightest  evidence  for  their 
existence,  and  -supported  by  vague  and  declam- 
atory generalities."  Yet  the  reflective  judgment 
of  England  justifies  America  with  almost  perfect 
accord.  The  revolution  began  in  the  attempt  of 
the  British  government  to  add  to  the  monopoly 
of  the  commerce  of  the  colonies  their  systematic 
taxation  by  parliament,  so  that  the  king  might 
wield  with  one  sovereign  will  the  forces  of  the 
whole  empire  for  the  extension  of  its  trade  and 
its  dominion.  On  this  issue  all  English  statesmen 
now  approve  the  act  of  independence.  Even  in 
that  day,  Charles  Townshend's  policy  of  taxes  in 
1767  was  condemned  by  Mansfield  and  Jenkinson, 
not  less  than  by  Camden  and  Burke,  as  "the  most 
absurd  measure  that  could  possibly  be  imagined;" 
the  power  of  parliament  to  tax  colonies  was  already 
given  up  in  the  mind  of  parliament  itself,  and  was 
soon  to  be  renounced  by  a  formal  act. 


THE   DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE  IN  EUROPE.  73 

Blood  was  first  shed  in  the   attempt   to   enforce   chap. 
the    alterations    in    the    charter    of    Massachusetts.  ^ — Y — > 
The   few  English   statesmen  who   took   the   trouble    Se  t_[ 
to  understand  the  nature  of  the  change  pronounced     Oct. 
it   a   useless   violation   of  a  time-hallowed  constitu- 
tion.    But  the   British   parliament   has   never   abdi- 
cated   the    general    power    over    charters;    it    has, 
from    that    day    to    this,   repeatedly    exercised    the 
function    of    granting,   revoking,    and    altering    the 
fundamental   law  of    British   colonies;   and   has   in- 
terfered   in    their    internal    affairs    to    regulate   the 
franchises    of  English    emigrants ;    to    extend    civil 
privileges   to   semi-barbarous  races ;    to    abolish   the 
slave-trade ;   and  to   set  free   the  slave. 

The  conquest  of  the  United  States  presented 
appalling  difficulties.  The  task  was  no  less  than 
to  recover  by  force  of  arms  the  vast  region  which 
lies  between  Nova  Scotia  and  Florida;  the  first 
campaign  had  ended  in  the  expulsion  of  the  Brit- 
ish from  New  England ;  the  second  had  already 
been  marked  by  the  repulse  from  South  Carolina, 
and  by  delays.  The  old  system  of  tactics  was  out 
of  place ;  nor  could  the  capacity  of  the  Americans 
for  resistance  be  determined  by  any  known  rule 
of  war;  the  depth  of  their  passions  had  not  been 
fathomed :  they  will  long  shun  an  open  battle- 
ground ;  every  thicket  will  be  an  ambuscade  of 
partisans ;  every  stone  wall  a  hiding-place  for  sharp- 
shooters; every  swamp  a  fortress;  the  boundless 
woods  an  impracticable  barrier;  the  farmer's  house 
a  garrison.  Wherever  the  armies  go,  food  and 
forage  and  sheep  and  cattle  will  disappear  before 
them  ;     a    country    over    which  the    invaders    may 


VOL.  IX. 


74  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   march   in   victory   will   rise    up   in  their  rear  with 
* — y — '  life  and  elasticity.     Nothing  is  harder  than  to  beat 

geTt6J  down  a  people  who    are  resolved   never   to   yield; 
Oct.     and    of    all    persons    the   English    themselves   were 
the   least   suited    to    abridge    the    liberties    of  their 
own  colonies. 

"Can  Britain  fail?"  asked  the  poet-laureate  of 
England  in  his  birthday  ode.  "Every  man,"  said 
the  wise  political  economist  Tucker,  "is  thoroughly 
convinced  that  the  colonies  will  and  must  become 
independent  some  time  or  other;  I  entirely  agree 
with  Franklin  and  Adams,  to  make  the  separation 
there  is  no  time  like  the  present."  David  Hume 
from  his  death-bed  advised  his  country  to  give 
up  the  war  with  America,  in  which  defeat  would 
destroy  its  credit,  and  success  its  liberties.  "A 
tough  business,  indeed,"  said  Gibbon ;  "  they  have 
passed  the  Rubicon,  and  rendered  a  treaty  infinitely 
more  difficult;  the  thinking  friends  of  government 
are  by  no  means  sanguine."  It  was  known  that 
Lord  North  had  declared  his  intention  to  resign  if 
his  conciliatory  proposition  should  fail.  Lord  George 
Germain,  who  had  been  assured  by  refugees  that 
if  the  king's  troops,  in  the  course  of  the  campaign, 
would  alarm  the  rebels  in  their  rear  from  Canada 
and  the  Ohio,  they  would  submit  by  winter  to  tlie 
attack  from  the  side  of  the  sea,  was  embittered 
against  the  admiralty  for  having  delayed  the  em- 
barkations of  troops,  and  against  Carleton  for  his 
lenity  and  slowness.  "  The  more  money  you  spend 
as  a  naval  power  the  better,"  said  the  British 
secretary  at  war  to  Garnier;  "it  will  all  be  thrown 
away."    "  How  so  ? "  retorted  Garnier ;  "  is  not  France 


THE  DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE  LN  EUROPE.  75 

bounded  on  both  seas,  from  Dunkirk  to  Antibes?" 
But  if  Barrington  did  not  fear  France  upon  the 
ocean,  the  colonial  policy  of  England  involved  him 
in  difficulties  affecting  his  conscience  and  his  char- 
acter. "  I  have  my  own  opinions  in  respect  to  the 
disputes  in  America,"  said  he  imploringly  to  the 
king ;  "  I  am  summoned  to  meetings,  where  I  some- 
times think  it  my  duty  to  declare  them  openly 
before  twenty  or  thirty  persons;  and  the  next  day 
I  am  forced  either  to  vote  contrary  to  them,  or  to 
vote  with  an  opposition  which  I  abhor."  Yet  when 
the  king  chose  that  he  should  remain  secretary  at 
war  and  member  of  the  house  of  commons,  he 
added:  "I  shall  continue  to  serve  your  majesty  in 
both  capacities."  The  prospect  of  the  interference 
of  France  excited  in  George  the  Third  such  rest- 
less anxiety  that  he  had  an  interview  with  every 
Englishman  of  distinction  who  returned  from  Paris 
or  Versailles ;  and  he  was  impatient  to  hear  from 
America  that  General  Howe  had  struck  decisive 
blows. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

battle  of  long  island. 

August,  1776. 

chap.       It  was  the  fixed  purpose  of  Washington  "to  obey 

v^^-y^,  implicitly  the  orders  of  congress  "with  a  scrupulous 

1776.  exactness;"   and  he  reiected  "every  idea  of  inter- 
August.  .  J  J 

fering    with    the    authority    of    the    state    of    New 

York."  In  obedience  to  their  united  wishes,  he 
attempted  the  defence  of  New  York  island.  The 
works  for  its  protection,  including  the  fortifications 
in  Brooklyn,  were  planned  by  Lee  in  concert  with 
a  New  York  committee  and  a  committee  from  con- 
gress. Jay  thought  it  proper  to  lay  Long  Island 
waste,  burn  New  York,  and  retire  to  the  impreg- 
nable Highlands;  but  as  it  was  the  maxim  of  con- 
gress not  to  give  up  a  foot  of  territory  that  could 
possibly  be  held,  Washington  promised  "his  utmost 
exertions  under  every  disadvantage ; "  "  the  appeal," 
he  said,  "may  not  terminate  so  happily  as  I  could 
wish,  yet  any  advantage  the  enemy  may  gain,  I 
trust  will  cost  them  dear."     To  protect  New  York 


BATTLE   OF  LONG  ISLAND.  77 

city  he  was  compelled  to  hold  Kingsbridge,  Govern-   chap. 
or's  island,  Paulus-hook,  and  the  heights  of  Brook-  v — ^^ 
lyn.     For    all   these    posts,    divided    by   water,   and  A^_  T 
some   of  them  fifteen   miles   apart,  he   had   in    the 
first  week   of  August   but   ten   thousand   five   hun- 
dred   and    fourteen    men    fit    for    duty.      Of   these, 
many  were   often   obliged    to    sleep  without    cover, 
exposed  to  the  dews.     There  was   a  want  of  good 
physicians,    medicines,    and    hospitals  ;    more    than 
three  thousand  lay  sick;  their  number  was  increas- 
ing;   they    were    to    be    seen    seeking    shelter    in 
every    barn    or    stable     or     shed,    and    sometimes 
nestling    in    thickets    and    beside    fences. 

Of  the  effective  men,  less  than  six  thousand  had 
had  any  experience ;  and  none  had  seen  more  than 
one  year's  service.  Some  were  wholly  without  arms ; 
not  one  regiment  of  infantry  was  properly  equipped. 
The  regiment  of  artillery,  five  hundred  and  eighty- 
eight  in  number,  including  officers,  had  no  skilled 
gunners  or  engineers.  Knox,  its  colonel,  had  been 
a  Boston  bookseller.  Most  of  the  cannon  in  the 
field-works  were  of  iron,  old  and  honey-combed, 
broken  and  defective.  The  constant  arrival  and 
departure  of  militia  made  good  discipline  impos- 
sible. The  government  of  New  Jersey  called  out 
one  half  of  its  militia,  to  be  relieved  at  the  end  of 
one  month  by  the  other  half;  but  the  call  was  little 
heeded.  "We  shall  never  do  well  until  we  get  a 
regular  army ;  and  this  will  never  be  until  men 
are  enlisted  for  a  longer  duration;  and  that  will 
never  be  until  we  are  more  generous  in  our  en- 
couragement. Time  alone  will  persuade  us  to  this 
measure ;  and  in  the  mean  while  we  shall  very  indis- 

7* 


IV, 

1776. 

August. 


78  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  creetly  waste  a  much  greater  expense  than  would 
be  necessary  for  this  purpose,  in  temporary  calls 
upon  the  militia,  besides  risking  the  loss  of  many 
lives  and  much  reputation."  So  wrote  John  Adams, 
the  head  of  the  board  of  war,  a  man  of  executive 
ability,  but  sometimes  misled  by  his  own  energy. 
He  rejected  the  thought  of  retiring  from  Long 
Island,  demanded  of  others  zeal  and  hardihood 
like  his  own,  inclined  to  judge  an  army  capable 
of  victory  when  orders  for  the  supply  of  men  had 
gone  forth,  and  never  duly  estimated  the  resist- 
ing force  of  indifference  and  inexpertness.  While 
he  cultivated  confidential  relations  with  Lee  and 
Gates,  he  never  extended  the  same  cordial  frank- 
ness to  Washington,  never  comprehended  his  supe- 
rior capacity  for  war,  and  never  weighed  his  diffi- 
culties with  generous  considerateness.  Moreover, 
congress  was  always  ready  to  assume  the  conduct 
of  the  campaign,  and  to  issue  impracticable  resolu- 
tions. To  Gates  it  intrusted  a  limited  power  of 
filling  up  vacancies  as  they  occurred  in  his  army , 
but  it  refused  to  grant  the  same  authority  to  the 
commander-in-chief,  saying :  "  Future  generals  may 
make  a  bad  use  of  it."  The  natural  modesty  of 
Washington,  and  his  sense  of  his  imperfectness  in 
the  science  and  practice  of  war,  led  him  to  listen 
with  thoughtful  attention  to  the  suggestions  of 
others;  while  his  comprehensive  vigilance,  unwea- 
ried close  attention,  and  consummate  reflective 
powers  were  fast  bringing  out  the  qualities  of 
a  great  commander.  Among  the  major-generals 
around  him,  there  was  not  one  on  whom  he  could 
fully  rely.     As  yet  the  military  judgment  of  Greene 


BATTLE   OF  LONG  ISLAND.  79 

was    crude.      The    brigadiers    were    untrained,   and    chap. 
some   of  them  without  aptitude  for  service.      Poor  v— , — 
as  had  been  his  council  at  Cambridge,  that  in  New  ^uo-usL 
York  was  worse.     The    general   officers,  whose   ad- 
vice  his   instructions  bound   him   to   ask,  knew   not 
enough  of  war  to  rightly  estimate  danger ;  and  the 
timid,    and    the    time-serving    who  .had    their    eyes 
on   congress,  put    on    the    cheap    mask    of  courage 
by  spirited   votes. 

On  the  fifth  of  August,  at  the  darkest  moment, 
Trumbull  wrote  from  Connecticut :  "  Notwithstand- 
ing our  enemies  are  numerous,  yet  knowing  our 
cause  righteous,  and  trusting  Heaven  will  support 
us,  I  do  not  greatly  dread  what  they  can  do  against 
us."  On  the  seventh,  Washington  answered :  "  To 
trust  altogether  in  the  justice  of  our  cause,  without 
our  own  utmost  exertions,  would  be  tempting  Prov- 
idence ; "  and  he  laid  bare  the  weakness  of  his 
army.  On  receiving  this  letter,  Trumbull  convened 
his  council  of  safety.  Five  regiments  from  the 
counties  of  Connecticut  nearest  New  York  had 
already  been  sent  forward;  he  called  out  nine 
regiments  more,  and  exhorted  those  not  enrolled 
in  any  trainband  to  volunteer :  "  Be  roused  and 
alarmed  to  stand  forth  in  our  just  and  glorious 
cause.  Join  yourselves  to  some  one  or  other  of 
the  companies  of  the  militia  now  ordered  to  New 
York,  or  form  yourselves  into  distinct  companies, 
and  choose  captains  forthwith.  March  on :  this 
shall  be  your  warrant.  Play  the  man  for  God 
and  for  the  cities  of  our  God :  may  the  Lord  of 
hosts,  the  God  of  the  armies  of  Israel,  be  your 
leader."     At  these  words,  the  farmers,  though  their 


80  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  harvest  was  but  half  gathered,  their  meadows   half 

iv.  .  . 

v--^ — -  cut,  their   chance   of  return  in  season  to  sow  their 

At  Sram  before  winter  uncertain,  rose  instantly  in 
arras,  forming  nine  regiments  each  of  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men,  and,  self-equipped,  marched  to 
New  York,  just  in  time  to  meet  the  advance  of 
the  British.  True,  their  arms  were  ill-suited  for 
the  day  of  battle,  their  habits  of  life  too  stiff  for 
military  discipline,  their  term  of  service  too  short 
for  becoming  soldiers,  so  that  they  were  rather  a 
rally  of  the  people  than  a  division  of  an  army; 
but  they  brought  to  their  country's  defence  the 
best  will  and  all  that  they  could  offer,  and  their 
spirit  evinced  the  existence  of  a  nation. 

In  like  manner,  in  New  York,  where  two  thirds 
of  the  men  of  wealth  kept  aloof  from  the  struggle, 
or  sided  with  the  enemy,  the  country  people  turned 
out  of  their  harvest-fields  with  surprising  alacrity, 
leaving  their  grain  to  perish  for  want  of  the  sickle. 
The  body  thus  suddenly  levied  in  New  York,  the 
nine  regiments  from  Connecticut,  the  Maryland 
regiment  and  companies,  the  regiment  of  Dela- 
wares,  and  two  more  battalions  of  Pennsylvania 
riflemen,  raised  the  number  of  men  fit  for  duty 
under  Washington's  command  to  about  seventeen 
thousand ;  but  most  of  them  were  fresh  from  rustic 
labor,  ill-armed  or  not  armed  at  all,  and,  from 
ignorance  of  life  in  camp,  prone  to  disease- 
In  spirited  orders  that  were  issued  from  day  to 
day,  the  general  mixed  counsel  with  animating 
words.  He  bade  them  "remember  that  liberty, 
property,  life,  and  honor  were  all  at  stake ; "  that 
they    were    fighting    for    everything    that    can    be 


BATTLE   OF  LONG  ISLAND.  81 

dear  to  freemen ;   that   Heaven  would   crown  with   chap. 
success  so  just  a  cause.     To  the  brave  he  promised  * — Y — ' 
rewards;   the  coward  who  should  skulk  in  time  of   A     g* 
battle,    or    retreat    without    orders,    he    threatened 
with   instant   death;   and  he   summoned  all   to   re- 
solve to  conquer  or  die. 

To  baffle  the  ministerial  plan  of  separating  New 
England  from  the  Middle  states  by  the  junction  of 
the  army  of  Canada  with  Howe,  the  command  of 
the  Hudson  must  be  maintained.  The  New  York 
convention  dwelt  anxiously  on  this  idea;  the  sur- 
vey of  the  river,  at  a  point  about  two  miles  and 
a  half  below  Kingsbridge,  was  made  by  Putnam 
and  Mifflin;  and  Putnam  undertook  to  complete 
the  obstruction  of  the  channel  by  a  scheme  of 
his  own.  In  connection  with  this  object,  he  was 
an  advocate  for  building  a  fort  on  the  height  now 
known  as  Fort  Washington;  and  he  thought  the 
position,  if  properly  fortified,  was  in  itself  almost 
impregnable,  without  any  regard  to  the  heights 
above   the   bridge. 

Of  the  batteries  by  which  New  York  was  pro- 
tected, the  most  important  was  the  old  Fort  George 
on  the  south  point  of  the  island;  a  barrier  crossed 
Broadway  near  the  Bowling  Green;  a  redoubt  was 
planted  near  the  river,  west  of  Trinity  church; 
another,  that  took  the  name  of  Bunker  hill,  near 
the  site  of  the  present  Centre  market.  Earthworks 
were  thrown  up  here  and  there  along  the  East 
and  Hudson  rivers  within  the  settled  parts  of  the 
town,  and  at  the  northern  end  of  the  island,  on 
hills  overlooking  Kingsbridge ;  but  many  interme- 
diate points,  favorable  for  landing,  were  defenceless. 


1776. 

Aujjust. 


82  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  Two  regiments,  one  of  which  was  Prescott's,  were 
all  that  could  be  spared  to  garrison  Governor's 
island. 

The  American  lines  in  Brooklyn,  including  an- 
gles, and  four  redoubts  which  mounted  twenty 
large  and  small  cannon,  ran  for  a  mile  and  a  half 
from  Wallabout  bay  to  the  marsh  of  Gowanus  cove ; 
they  were  defended  by  ditches  and  felled  trees;  the 
counterscarp  and  parapet  were  fraised  with  sharp- 
ened stakes.  A  fortress  of  seven  guns  crowned 
Brooklyn  heights.  The  entrance  into  the  East  river 
was  guarded  by  a  battery  of  five  guns  at  Red-hook. 
Six  incomplete  continental  regiments,  with  two  of 
Long  Island  militia,  constituted  all  the  force  with 
which  Greene  occupied  this  great  extent  of  works. 
The  expected  British  reinforcements  had  ar- 
rived :  the  troops  with  Clinton  and  Cornwallis 
on  the  first,  and  eleven  days  later  more  than 
twenty-five  hundred  British  troops  from  England, 
and  more  than  eighty-six  hundred  Hessians.  Sir 
Peter  Parker  had  also  come,  bringing  Campbell 
and  Dunmore,  who  with  Tryon  and  Martin  hoped 
from  victory  their  restoration  to  their  governments. 
On  the  fifteenth,  the  Hessians,  who  were  in  excel- 
lent health  after  their  long  voyage,  landed  on 
Staten  Island,  eager  for  war.  Before  a  conflict  of 
arms,  Lord  Howe  once  more  proposed  the  often- 
rejected  plan  of  Lord  North.  To  his  messenger, 
Lord  Drummond,  who  had  been  allowed  to  leave 
the  country  on  conditions  that  he  had  broken, 
Washington  made  no  answer  but  by  a  rebuke  for 
his  want  of  "that  attention  to  his  parole  which 
belongs  to  the  character  of  a  man  of  strict  honor;" 


BATTLE   OF  LONG  ISLAND.  83 

and  lest  the  sight  of  the   flag  of  truce  should  lull   chap. 
the    army  into    a   fatal   security,   on   the   twentieth  - — y-— ' 

1  T  T  fi 

he  announced,  "that  no  offer  of  peace  had  been  Au„ust* 
made,  that  the  army  might  expect  an  attack  as 
soon  as  the  wind  and  tide  should  prove  favorable, 
and  that  every  man  should  prepare  his  mind  and 
his  arms  for  action."  To  congress  he  on  the  same 
day  wrote  frankly,  that  it  would  not  be  possible 
to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  British  on  Long 
Island ;  "  however,"  he  said,  "  we  shall  attempt  to 
harass  them  as  much  as  possible,  which  will  be  all 
that  we  can  do."  Just  at  this  time  Greene  became 
ill  of  a  raging  fever,  and  owed  his  life  to  rest, 
change  of  air,  and  the  unwearied  attention  of  Mor- 
gan, his  physician.  The  loss  of  his  service  was 
irreparable;  for  the  works  in  Brooklyn  had  been 
built  under  his  eye,  and  he  was  familiar  with  the 
environs.  His  place  was,  on  the  twentieth,  assigned 
to  Sullivan. 

Very  heavy  rains  delayed  the  movements  of  the 
British.  About  nine  on  the  morning  of  the  twen- 
ty-second, the  men-of-war  moved  near  the  shore  in 
Gravesend  bay,  to  protect  the  landing  of  more 
than  fifteen  thousand  men,  chiefly  British  troops, 
from  Staten  Island.  The  English  and  the  High- 
landers,  with  the  artillery,  consisting  of  forty  can- 
non, were  the  first  to  disembark ;  last  came  Donop's 
brigade  of  grenadiers  and  yagers,  in  large  flat-boats, 
standing  in  the  clear  sun,  with  their  muskets  in 
hand,  in  line  and  order  of  battle.  As  it  was  at 
first  reported  to  Washington  that  the  British  in- 
tended   by    a    forced    march    to    surprise   the  lines 


84  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  at  Brooklyn,  he  at  once  reenforced  them  with  six 
< — y — '  regiments;  before  sending  more,  he  waited  to  be 
Au  ug*  certain  that  the  enemy  were  not  making  a  feint 
upon  Long  Island,  with  the  real  design  to  fall 
directly  upon  New  York.  The  troops  went  off 
in  high  spirits,  and  all  the  army  was  cheerful; 
but  the  inhabitants  were  struck  with  terror,  and 
could  hardly  be  persuaded  that  their  houses  would 
not  be  burnt  in  case  of  the  retreat  of  the  Amer- 
ican army;  women  and  children  spread  dismay  by 
their  shrieks  and  wailing,  and  families  deserted  the 
city,  which  they  were  not  to  revisit  for  seven  years. 
The  main  body  of  the  British  army  spread  itself 
out  upon  the  plain  which  stretches  from  Gravesend 
bay  towards  the  east;  the  country  people  could 
offer  no  resistance;  the  British  camp  was  thronged 
by  farmers  of  the  neighborhood,  wearing  badges  of 
loyalty  and  seeking  protection;  while  the  patriots 
took  to  flight,  driving  cattle  before  them,  and 
burning  all  kinds  of  forage.  Cornwallis  with  the 
reserve,  two  battalions  of  infantry  and  the  corps 
of  Germans,  advanced  to  Flatbush.  Hand's  Penn- 
sylvania riflemen  retired  before  him,  burning  stacks 
of  wheat  and  hay  on  their  march;  his  artillery 
drove  the  Americans  from  their  slight  barrier 
within  the  village  to  the  wooded  heights  beyond, 
where  in  the  afternoon  they  were  strengthened  by 
fresh  arrivals  from  the  lines. 

In  the  following  days,  during  which  Washington 
divided  his  time  between  the  two  islands,  encoun- 
ters took  place  between  the  advanced  parties  of 
the   two    armies;    in   these   the  American   riflemen, 


BATTLE   OF  LONG  ISLAND.  85 

poor  as  were  their  arms,  proved    their   superiority   chap. 
as    skirmishers ;    on    the   twenty-fourth,  Donop  was 
aimed  at  and  narrowly  escaped   death. 

On  that  day,  Putnam,  in  right  of  his  rank  as 
second  to  Washington,  took  the  command  on  Long 
Island,  but  with  explicit  instructions  to  guard  the 
passes  through  the  woods;  while  the  New  York 
congress  sent  independent  orders  to  Woodhull,  a 
provincial  brigadier,  to  drive  off  the  horses,  horned 
cattle,  and  sheep,  and  destroy  the  forage,  which 
would  otherwise  have  fallen  into  the  possession  of 
the  enemy. 

On  the  twenty-fifth,  two  more  brigades  of  Hes-  25. 
sians  with  Von  Heister  came  over  to  Flatbush, 
increasing  the  force  of  Howe  on  Long  Island  to 
"upwards  of  twenty  thousand"  rank  and  file.1  It 
was  the  most  perfect  army  of  that  day  in  the 
world,  for  experience,  discipline,  equipments,  and 
artillery;  and  was  supported  by  more  than  four 
hundred  ships  and  transports  in  the  bay;  by  ten 
ships  of  the  line  and  twenty  frigates,  besides  bomb- 
ketches,  galiots,  and  other  small  vessels.  Among 
them  were  the  "Phoenix"  and  the  "Rose,"  which, 
after  repelling  an  attack  from  six  American  galleys 

1  Howe,  in  the  Observations  an-  24,247,  apart  from  the  royalist  force 
nexed  to  his  Narrative,  p.  45,  wrote  under  Brigadier  De  Lancey.  MSS. 
thus:  "I  landed  upon  Long  Island  in  my  possession  from  the  British 
with  between  15,000  and  16,000  state-paper  office.  Sir  George  Col- 
rank  and  file,  having  left  the  re-  lier  writes  that  the  army  with  Howe 
mainder  of  the  army  for  the  defence  on  Long  Island  "  amounted  now  to 
of  Staten  Island ;  my  whole  force  upwards  of  20,000,  besides  those 
at  that  time  consisted  of  20,121  who  remained  on  Staten  Island." 
rank  and  file,  of  which  1677  were  Detail  of  Services  by  Sir  George 
sick."  It  is  charitable  to  suppose  Collier  in  Naval  Chronicle,  xxxii. 
that  his  memory  was  for  the  mo-  271.  Sir  George  Collier  was  em- 
inent confused ;  on  August  27, 1776,  ployed  at  the  time  to  cover  the 
his    rank    and    file     amounted    to  landing  of  the  troops. 

VOL.  IX.  8 


86  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  in  Tappan  bay,  and  narrowly  escaping  destruction 


IV. 


by  fire-ships,  had  taken  advantage  of  a  strong  wind 
August  anc^  ^e  ^°  descend  the  river  and  rejoin  the  fleet 
25.  Against  this  vast  armament  the  Americans  on  the 
island,  after  repeated  reinforcements,  were  no  more 
than  eight  thousand  men,  most  of  whom  were  vol- 
unteers or  militia;  and  they  had  not  the  aid  of  a 
single  platoon  of  cavalry,  nor  of  one  ship  of  war. 
The  unequal  armies  were  kept  apart  by  the  ridge 
which  runs  through  Long  Island  to  the  southwest, 
and,  at  the  distance  of  two  miles  from  the  Amer- 
ican lines,  throws  out  to  the  north  and  south  a 
series  of  hills,  as  so  many  buttresses  against  the 
bay.  Over  these  very  densely  wooded  heights, 
which  were  steep  and  broken,  three  obvious  routes 
led  from  the  British  encampments  to  Brooklyn: 
the  one  which  followed  a  lane  through  a  gorge 
south  of  the  present  Greenwood  cemetery,  to  a 
coast-road  from  the  bay  to  Brooklyn  ferry,  was 
guarded  by  -Pennsylvanian  musketeers  and  riflemen 
under  Atlee  and  Kichline ;  across  the  direct  road 
to  Brooklyn  the  regiments  of  Henshaw  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  Johnston  of  New  Jersey  lay  encamped, 
at  the  summit  of  the  ridge  on  Prospect  hill  over- 
looking Flatbush ;  while  a  third,  the  li  clove "  road, 
which  diverged  from  the  second,  and  a  little  further 
to  the  east  descended  into  the  village  of  Bedford, 
was  guarded  chiefly  by  Connecticut  levies,  and 
infantry  from  Pennsylvania.  Besides  these,  three 
miles  to  the  east  of  Bedford,  on  a  road  from  the 
hamlet  of  Jamaica  to  Brooklyn,  there  was  a  jDass 
which  seemed  even  more  easy  of  defence  than  the 
others.     The   whole  number  of  the  Americans  sta- 


BATTLE   OF  LONG  ISLAND.  87 

tioned    on    the    coast-road   and   along   the   ridge    as   chap. 
far    as    their    posts    extended    was    not    far    from  * — y^~> 
twenty-five  hundred;    and  they  were    expected    by  Auaus[ 
Washington,  not  so  much   to   prevent    the   advance      25. 
of  the   British,  as  "to    harass    and    annoy   them  in 
their  march." 

On  the  twenty-sixth,  Washington  remained  on  26. 
Long  Island  till  the  evening.  Putnam  and  Sullivan 
visited  the  party  that  kept  guard  furthest  to  the 
left,  and  the  movements  of  the  enemy  plainly  dis- 
closed that  it  was  their  intention  to  get  into  the 
rear  of  the  Americans  by  the  Jamaica  road ;  yet  ■ 
"Washington's  order  to  secure  the  Jamaica  road 
was    not    obeyed." 

The  plan  of  attack,  by  General  Howe  was  as 
elaborate  as  if  he  had  had  to  encounter  an  equal 
army.  A  squadron  of  five  ships  under  Sir  Peter 
Parker  was  to  menace  New  York,  and  act  with 
effect  against  the  right  flank  of  the  American 
defences ;  Grant  with  two  brigades,  a  regiment  of 
Highlanders,  and  two  companies  of  New  York 
provincials,  was  to  advance  upon  the  coast-road 
toward  Gowanus;  the  three  German  brigades  and 
yagers,  stationed  half  a  mile  in  front  of  Flatbush, 
in  a  line  of  nearly  a  mile  in  length,  were  to  force 
the  direct  road  to  Brooklyn;  while,  at  the  evening 
gun,  Howe,  and  much  the  larger  part  of  the  army, 
under  Clinton,  Cornwallis,  and  Percy,  with  eighteen 
field-pieces,  leaving  their  tents  and  equipage  be- 
hind, moved  from  Flatlands  across  the  country 
through  the  New  Lots,  to  turn  the  left  of  the 
American    outposts. 

The  American    camp  which  was  furthest   to    the 


88  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  left  in  the  woods  was  alarmed  three  times  during 
the   night  j    but   each   time   the    alarm  died   away. 

At  three  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty-seventh, 
Putnam  was  told  that  the  picket  which  guarded 
the  approach  to  the  coasi>road  had  been  driven  in; 
and  without  further  inquiry  he  ordered  Stirling, 
then  a  brigadier,  with  two  regiments  nearest  at 
hand,  "to  advance  beyond  the  lines  and  repulse 
the  enemy:'  The  two  regiments  that  were  chosen 
for  this  desperate  service  were  the  large  and  well- 
equipped  one  of  Delawares  and  that  of  Maryland, 
composed  of  the  young  sons  of  freeholders  and 
men  of  property  from  Baltimore  and  its  neighbor- 
hood, though  the  colonels  and  lieutenant-colonels 
of  both  chanced  to  be  absent  on  duty  in  New 
York  city.  They  were  followed  by  Huntington's 
regiment  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  from  Con- 
necticut, under  the  lead  of  Parsons,  a  lawyer  of 
that  state,  who  eighteen  days  before  had  been 
raised  from  the  bar  to  the  rank  of  brigadier. 
Putnam's  rash  order,  directing  Stirling  to  stop  the 
approach  of  a  detachment  which  might  have  been 
"ten  times  his  number,"  left  him  no  discretion. 
The  position  to  which  he  was  sent  was  dangerous 
in  the  extreme.  His  course  was  oblique,  inclining 
to  the  right;  and  this  movement,  relinquishing  his 
direct  communication  with  the  camp,  placed  in  his 
rear  a  marsh  extending  on  both  sides  of  Gowanus 
creek,  which  was  scarcely  fordable  even  at  low 
tide,  and  was  crossed  by  a  bridge  and  a  causeway 
that  served  as  a  dam  for  one  of  two  tide-mills; 
on  his  left  he  had  no  connecting  support;  in  front 
he  had  to  encounter  Grant's  division,  which  outnum- 


BATTLE   OF   LONG  ISLAND.  89 

bered  him  four  to  one ;  and  on  his  right  he  had  chap. 
the  bay,  commanded  by  the  fleet  of  Lord  Howe. 
About  where  now  runs  Nineteenth  street  in  Brook- 
lyn, he  formed  his  line  along  a  ridge  from  the  left 
of  the  road  to  woods  on  a  height  now  enclosed 
within  the  cemetery  and  known  as  Battle  hill. 
Two  field-pieces,  all  that  he  had  to  oppose  against 
ten,  were  placed  on  the  side  of  the  hill  so  as  to 
command  the  road  and  the  only  approach  for  some 
hundred  yards.  He  himself  occupied  the  right, 
which  was  the  point  of  greatest  danger;  Atlee  and 
Kichline  formed  his  centre;  Parsons  commanded 
the  left. 

Early  in  the  morning  Putnam  was  informed  that 
infantry  and  cavalry  were  advancing  on  the  Ja- 
maica road.  He  gave  Washington  no  notice  of 
the  danger;  he  sent  Stirling  no  order  to  retreat; 
but  Sullivan  went  out  with  a  small  party,  and 
took  command  of  the  regiments  of  Henshaw  and 
Johnston. 

The  sun  rose  with  an  angry  red  glare,  forebod- 
ing a  change  of  weather;  the  first  object  seen 
from  New  York  was  the  squadron  of  Sir  Peter 
Parker  attempting  to  sail  up  the  bay  as  if  to 
attack  the  town;  but  the  wind  veering  to  the 
northward,  it  came  to  anchor  at  the  change  of 
tide,  and  the  "Roebuck"  was  the  only  ship  that 
fetched  high  enough  to  exchange  shot  with  the 
battery  at  Red-hook.  Relieved  from  apprehension 
of  an  attack  on  the  city,  Washington  repaired  to 
Long  Island;  but  he  rode  through  the  lines  only 
in  time  to  witness  the  disasters  which  were  be- 
come  inevitable. 

8* 


90  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

The  van  of  the  British  army  under  Clinton, 
guided  by  tory  farmers  of  the  neighborhood,  hav- 
ing captured  a  patrol  of  American  officers  in  the 
night  and  learnt  that  the  Jamaica  pass  was  not 
occupied,  gained  the  heights  on  the  first  appear- 
ance of  clay.  The  whole  force  with  Howe,  after 
passing  them  without  obstruction,  and  halting  to 
give  the  soldiers  time  for  refreshment,  renewed  its 
march.  At  half-past  eight,  or  a  little  later,  it 
reached  Bedford,  in  the  rear  of  the  American  left, 
and  the  signal  was  given  for  a  general  attack. 
At  this  moment  the  whole  force  of  the  Americans 
on  Long  Island  was  but  about  eight  thousand,1  less 
rather  than  more ;  of  these  only  about  four  thou- 
sand, including  all  who  came  out  with  Stirling  and 
Sullivan,  were  on  the  wooded  passes  in  advance 
of  the  Brooklyn  lines.  They  were  environed  by 
the  largest  British  army  which  appeared  in  the 
field  during  the  war.  Could  the  American  parties 
have  acted  together,  the  disproportion  would  yet 
have  been  more  than  five  to  one ;  but  as  they 
were  disconnected,  and  were  attacked  one  by  one, 
and  were  routed  in  a  succession  of  skirmishes,  the 
disproportion  was  too  great  to  be   calculated.     The 

1  I  make  this  statement  of  the  land."  Almon's  Debates,  xiii.  9. 
force  under  Putnam  after  a  very  General  Robertson  testifies  that  he 
laborious  examination  of  all  the  believed  Howe  at  the  time  was  not 
returns  which  I  could  find.  The  aware  of  the  weakness  of  the  Amer- 
rodomontade  of  Howe,  Almon's  De-  icans  ;  and,  from  what  he  had  heard 
bates,  xi.  349,  is  repeated  by  Sted-  since,  he  estimates  them  to  have 
man,  i.  194.  But  in  1779  testimo-  been  seven  thousand;  whom,  how- 
ny  was  taken  on  the  subject  be-  ever,  he  divides  between  the  lines 
fore  the  British  house  of  commons;  and  the  hills  in  a  very  strange  man- 
Lord  Cornwallis,  answering  as  a  ner.  Almon,  xiii.  314.  Montresor's 
witness,  says :  "  It  was  reported  estimate  was  eight  to  ten  thousand, 
they  [the  Americans]  had  six  or  Almon,  xiii.  54.  But  Cornwallis  is 
eight  thousand  men    on   Long:   Is-  the  best  witness. 


BATTLE   OF  LONG  ISLAND.  91 

regiments  on  the  extreme  left  did  not  perceive  chap. 
their  danger  till  the  British  had  turned  their  flank; 
they  were  the  first  to  fly,  and  they  reached  the 
lines,  though  not  without  grievous  losses.  The 
regiment  of  Ward  of  Connecticut,  which  made 
its  way  seasonably  by  the  mill-pond,  burned  the 
bridge  as  it  passed,  unmindful  of  those  who  were 
to  follow. 

When  the  cannonading  from  the  main  army  and 
the  brigades  under  Grant  was  heard,  the  Hessians, 
with  flying  colors  and  music  of  drums  and  haut- 
boys, moved  up  the  ridge,  the  yagers  under  Donop 
and  some  volunteers  going  in  advance  as  flanking 
parties,  and  clearing  the  way  with  their  small 
cannon ;  the  battalions  followed,  not  after  the  Euro- 
pean tactics,  but,  on  account  of  the  hills  and  valleys 
where  three  men  could  not  march  abreast,  with 
a  widely  extended  front,  and  in  ranks  but  two 
deep,  using  only  the  bayonet.  At  first  Sullivan's 
party  fired  with  nervous  rapidity,  and  too  high, 
doing  little  injury;  then,  on  becoming  aware  of 
the  danger  on  their  flank  and  rear,  they  turned 
to  retreat.  The  Hessians  took  possession  of  their 
deserted  redoubt,  its  three  brass  six-pounders,  one 
howitzer,  and  two  baggage-wagons,  and  chased  the 
fugitives  relentlessly  through  the  thickets.  The 
Americans,  stopped  on  their  way  by  British  regi- 
ments, were  thrown  back  upon  the  Hessians.  For 
a  long  time  the  forest  rung  with  the  cries  of  the 
pursuers  and  the  pursued,  the  crash  of  arms,  the 
noise  of  musketry  and  artillery,  the  notes  of 
command  given  by  trumpets  and  hautboys ;  the 
ground    was    strewn    with    the    wounded    and   the 


92  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  dead.      Here    and    there    a    Hessian    found    amuse- 
iv.  ...  . 

ment    in    pinning  with    his    bayonet  a  rifleman  to 

a  tree;  the  British  soldiers  were  equally  merciless. 
The  Jersey  militia  fought  well,  till  Johnston,  their 
colonel,  was  shot  in  the  breast,  after  showing  the 
most  determined  courage.  Sullivan,  seeing  himself 
surrounded,  desired  his  men  to  shift  for  themselves. 
Some  of  them,  fighting  with  desperate  valor,  cleaved 
a  passage  through  the  British  to  the  American 
lines ;  others,  breaking  into  small  parties,  hid 
themselves  in  the  woods,  from  which  they  escaped 
to  the  lines,  or  were  picked  up  as  prisoners. 
Sullivan  concealed  himself  in  a  field  of  maize, 
where  he  was  found  by  three  of  Knyphausen's 
grenadiers. 

The  contest  was  over  at  the  east  and  at  the 
centre.  Near  the  bay,  Stirling  still  maintained 
his  position,  inspiring  his  men  with  hatred  of  the 
thought  of  retiring  before  Grant,  who  in  the  house 
of  commons  had  insulted  the  Americans  as  cow- 
ards. Lord  Howe,  having  learned  that  Grant's 
division,  which  halted  at  the  edge  of  the  woods, 
was  in  want  of  ammunition,  went  himself  with  a 
supply  from  his  ship,  sending  his  boat's  crew  with 
it  on  their  backs  up  the  hill,  while  further  supplies 
followed  from  the  store-ships.  Early  in  the  day, 
Parry,  lieutenant-colonel  under  Atlee,  was  shot  in 
the  head  as  he  was  encouraging  his  men.  Parsons, 
thinking  it  time  to  retreat,  left  his  men  in  quest 
of  orders ;  he  was  intercepted,  concealed  himself  in 
a  swamp,  and  came  into  camp  the  next  morning 
by  way  of  the  East  river.  His  party,  abandoned  to 
themselves,  were  nearly  all  taken  prisoners;  among 


BATTLE   OF   LONG  ISLAND.  93 

them  Jewett  of  Lyme,  captain  of  volunteers,  after  chap. 
his  surrender  was  run  through  the  body  by  the 
officer  to  whom  he  gave  up  his  sword.  None 
remained  in  the  field  but  Stirling,  with  the  regi- 
ment of  Maryland  and  that  of  Delaware.  For 
nearly  four  hours  they  had  stood  in  their  ranks 
with  colors  flying;  when  Stirling,  finding  himself 
without  hope  of  a  reenforcement,  and  perceiving 
the  main  body  of  the  British  army  rapidly  com- 
ing behind  him,  gave  them  the  word  to  retreat. 
They  withdrew  in  perfect  order ;  twenty  marines, 
who  mistook  the  Delawares,  from  the  facing  of  their 
uniforms,  for  Hessians,  were  brought  off  as  prisoners. 
The  only  avenue  of  escape  was  by  wading  through 
Gowanus  creek;  and  this  passage  was  almost  cut 
off  by  troops  under  Cornwallis,  who  had  advanced 
by  the  Port  road,  and,  with  the  second  regiment 
of  grenadiers  and  the  seventy-first  of  Highlanders, 
blocked  the  retreat  at  a  house  near  the  tide- 
mills,  within  less  than  a  half-mile  of  the  American 
lines.  Stirling  had  not  a  moment  to  deliberate; 
he  must  hold  Cornwallis  in  check,  or  his  whole 
party  is  lost;  with  the  quick  inspiration  of  disin- 
terested valor,  he  ordered  the  Delaware  regiment 
and  one  half  of  that  of  Maryland  to  make  the 
best  of  their  way  across  the  marsh  and  creek ; 
while,  to  secure  them  time  for  this  movement,  he 
confronted  the  advancing  British  with  only  five 
companies  of  Marylanders.  His  heroic  self-sacrifice 
animated  the  young  soldiers  whom  he  retained 
with  almost  invincible  resolution;  they  flew  a^the 
enemy  with  "unparalleled  bravery,  in  view  of 
all  the  American    generals    and    troops   within    the 


94  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  lines,  who  alternately  praised  and  pitied  them." 
« — y — '  Washington  wrung  his  hands  as  he  exclaimed : 
August  K  ^y  ^°^ '  wna^  brave  men  must  I  this  day  lose ! " 
27-  They  seemed  likely  to  drive  back  the  foremost 
ranks  of  the  British ;  and  when  forced  to  give  way, 
rallied  and  renewed  the  onset.  In  this  manner  ten 
minutes  were  gained,  so  that  the  Delawares  with 
their  prisoners,  and  all  of  the  Maryland  regiment 
but  its  five  devoted  companies,  succeeded  in  reach- 
ing the  creek.  Seven  were  drowned  in  its  deep 
waters;  the  rest  got  safely  over,  and  were  escorted 
to  the  camp  by  a  regiment  and  a  company,  which 
Washington  had  sent  out  to  their  relief.  Stirling 
and  the  few  who  were  with  him  attempted  to 
pass  between  Cornwallis  and  an  American  fort,  but 
were  beaten  back  by  masses  of  troops.  Pressed 
by  the  enemy  in  the  front  and  the  rear,  attacked 
on  the  right  flank  and  on  the  left,  they  gave  up 
the  contest.  Most  of  them,  retreating  to  the  right 
through  the  woods,  were  cut  to  pieces  or  taken  j 
nine  only  succeeded  in  crossing  the  creek.  Stir- 
ling himself,  refusing  to  surrender  to  the  British 
general,  sought  Von  Heister,  and  gave  up  his 
sword    to    the    veteran. 

During  the  engagement,  a  deep  column  of  the 
British  descended  from  the  woods  with  General 
Vaughan,  and  drew  near  the  American  lines ;  they 
were  met  by  the  fire  of  cannon  and  small  arms. 
Howe  would  not  risk  an  assault,  and  ordered  them 
back  to  a  hollow  way,  where  they  were  out  of 
the  reach  of  musketry.  The  works  were  carefully 
planned,  protected  by  an  abatis,  manned  by  fresh 
troops,  who  were  strengthened  by  three   regiments 


BATTLE   OF  LONG  ISLAND.  95 

of  Scott's   brigade,   just    arrived    from    New    York.    chap. 
Washington   was  present  to   direct    and   to   encour-  , — ^* 
age.     The   attenrpt   to    storm  the    redoubt,  without   JJ6' 
artillery    or    fascines     or     axes     or    scaling-ladders,      27. 
might  have  been  repulsed  with  losses  greater  than 
at  Bunker  Hill;   had   the   works   been    carried,   all 
the    American    troops   on   Long   Island   must    have 
surrendered. 

Of  the  British,  at  the  least  five  officers  and  fifty- 
six  others  were  killed,  twelve  officers  and  two  hun- 
dred and  forty-five  others  wounded,  one  officer 
and  twenty  marines  taken  prisoners.  Much  more 
than  one  half  of  this  loss  fell  upon  the  troops  who 
successively  encountered  Stirling.  Of  the  Hessians, 
only  two  privates  were  killed ;  three  officers  and 
twenty-three  privates  were  wounded.  The  total 
loss  of  the  Americans,  including  officers,  was,  after 
careful  inquiry,  found  to  be  less  than  a  thousand, 
of  whom  three  fourths  were  prisoners;  this  is  the 
account  always  given  by  Washington,  alike  in  his 
official  report  and  in  his  most  private  letters ;  its 
accuracy  is  confirmed  by  the  special  returns  from 
those  regiments  which  were  the  chief  sufferers. 
More  than  half  of  this  loss  fell  upon  Stirling's 
command ;  more  than  a  fourth  on  the  Maryland 
regiment  alone. 

From  the  coast-road  on  the  bay  to  the  pass  on 
the  road  from  Jamaica  was  a  distance  of  more 
than  five  miles,  too  great  to  be  occupied,  except 
by  pickets.  The  approach  of  the  British  to  the 
American  lines  could  not  have  been  prevented ; 
and  nothing  but  inexperience  or  blind  zeal  could 
have  expected   a   different   result.     But   the   extent 


96  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  of  the   disasters  of  the   day  was   due   to  the   inca- 
iv.  . 

w^-^/  pacity  of  Putnam,  who,  in  spite  of  warning,  suffered 

y7^6*   himself  to   be   surprised;    and   having  sent   Stirling 

27.     and  "  the  flower  of  the  American  army "    into    the 

most    dangerous    position    into    which    brave    men 

could  have  been  thrown,  neglected  to  countermand 

his  orders. 

The  day,  though  so  full  of  sorrow  for  the  Amer- 
icans, shed  little  glory  on  British  arms.  The  Hes- 
sians, who  received  the  surrender  of  Sullivan,  Stir- 
ling, and  more  than  half  the  captives,  made  no 
boast  of  having  routed  disconnected  groups  of  ill- 
armed  militia,  who  were  supported  only  by  a  few 
poor  cannon,  and  were  destitute  of  engineers. 


CHAPTER    V. 

the  retreat  from  long  island. 
August  27  —  30,  1776. 

A  bleak  northeasterly  wind  sprung  up  at  the  chap. 
close  of  the  day.  The  British  army,  whose  tents 
had  not  yet  been  brought  up,  slept  in  front  of  the 
lines  at  Brooklyn,  wrapped  in  their  blankets  and 
warmed  by  fires.  Those  of  the  patriot  army  who  in 
their  retreat  from  the  woody  heights  had  left  their 
blankets  behind  them,  and  the  battalions  of  Scott's 
brigade,  which  had  come  over  in  haste,  passed  the 
night  without  shelter,  suffering  from  the  cold.  The 
dead  of  the  Americans  lay  unburied  in  the  forest; 
the  severely  wounded  languished  where  they  fell, 
to  suffer  uncared  for,  and  to  die  alone;  here  and 
there  a  fugitive  who  had  concealed  himself  in  a 
thicket  or  a  swamp  found  his  way  back  to  his 
old  companions.  The  captives  were  forced  to  en- 
dure coarse  revilings  and  cowardly  insults;  and, 
when  consigned  to  the  provost-marshal,  were  hud- 
dled together  in  crowded  rooms  or  prison-ships,  cut 


98  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   off  from   good   air    and   wholesome   food,   to    know 

v. 
. — y — -  the  intensest  bitterness  of  bondage,  and  waste  away 

a       T  ana"  die.     Sadness  prevailed  in  the  American  camp; 

27.  distrust  and  dejection  succeeded  the  rash  presump- 
tion of  inexperience.  The  privates  began  to  hold, 
most  of  their  general  officers  in  light  esteem;  and 
Washington  alone  could  inspire  confidence.  He  was 
everywhere  in  person ;  and  only  when  it  became 
certain  that  the  British  would  remain  quiet  during 
the  night,  did  he  retire  for  short  rest. 

28.  The  next  morning,  which  was  Wednesday,  was 
chill,  and  the  sky  lowered  with  clouds.  Unable  to 
rely  on  either  of  his  major-generals,  Washington 
again,  at  the  break  of  day,  renewed  the  inspection 
of  the  American  works,  which  from  their  great 
extent  left  many  points  exposed.  He  watched 
closely  the  British  encampments,  which  appeared 
large  enough  for  twenty  thousand  men;  wherever 
he  passed,  he  encouraged  his  soldiers  to  engage  in 
continual  skirmishes.  During  the  morning,  Mifflin 
brought  over  from  New  York  a  reenforcement  of 
nearly  one  thousand  men,  composed  of  Glover's 
regiment  of  Massachusetts  fishermen,  and  the  Penn- 
sylvania regiments  of  Shee  and  Magaw,  which 
were  "the  best  disciplined  of  any  in  the  army." 
Their  arrival  was  greeted  with  cheers.  They  raised 
the  number  of  the  Americans  to  nine  thousand. 
In  the  afternoon,  rain  fell  heavily;  the  lines  were 
at  some  places  so  low  that  men  employed  in  the 
trenches  stood  up  to  their  waists  in  water;  pro- 
visions could  not  be  regularly  served,  and  whole 
regiments  had  nothing  to  eat  but  raw  pork  and 
bread;  but  they  bore   up  against  all  hardships,  for 


THE   RETREAT  FROM  LONG  ISLAND!  99 

their  commander-in-chief  was   always   among  them,   chap. 
exposing  himself  more   than    any  one   to   the   fury  ^ — Y — ' 
of  the    storm,   restoring    order    and    obedience    by  AufTUSJ 
his    incessant    care,    and    teaching  patience    by    his      28. 
example.     When    the    soldiers   were  ready   to   sink, 
the   sight  of  their  general   calmly  and  persistently 
enduring  the    same   hardships    with   themselves    re- 
conciled them  to  their  sufferings. 

But  the  physical  pains  of  Washington  were  his 
least;  it  shows  how  clear  was  his  perception  that 
he  alone  must  watch  for  his  generals  and  his  army, 
that  for  eight- and -forty  hours  he  gave  no  one 
moment  to  sleep,  and  for  nearly  all  that  time 
was  on  horseback  in  the  lines. 

The  British  commander-in-chief,  General  Wil- 
liam Howe,  by  illegitimate  descent  an  uncle  to  the 
king,  was  of  a  very  different  character.  Six  feet 
tall,  of  an  uncommonly  dark  complexion,  a  coarse 
frame,  and  a  sluggish  mould,  he  was  unresistingly 
ruled  by  his  sensual  nature.  He  was  not  much  in 
earnest  against  the  Americans,  partly  because  he 
was  persuaded  that  they  could  not  be  reduced  by 
arms,  partly  because  he  professed  to  be  a  liberal  in 
politics,  partly  because  he  never  kindled  with  zeal 
for  anything.  He  had  had  military  experience,  and 
had  read  books  on  war;  but  being  destitute  of 
swiftness  of  thought  and  will,  he  was  formed  to 
carry  on  war  by  rule.  He  would  not  march  till 
he  could  move  deliberately,  with  ample  means  of 
transportation.  On  the  field  of  battle  he  sometimes 
showed  talent  as  an  executive  officer ;  but,  except 
in  moments  of  high  excitement,  he  was  lethargic, 
wanting  alertness  and  sagacity.     He  hated  business, 


100  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  and  his  impatience  at  being  forced  to  attend  to  it, 
' — v^  joined  to  a  family  gloom,  made  him  difficult  of 
Au  ust  access?  an^  gained  him  the  reputation  of  being 
28.  haughty  and  morose.  His  indolence  was  his  bane  : 
not  wilfully  merciless,  he  permitted  his  prisoners  to 
suffer  from  atrocious  cruelty;  not  meaning  that  his 
troops  should  be  robbed,  he  left  peculators  uncon- 
trolled, and  the  army  and  the  hospitals  were 
wronged  by  contractors.  His  notions  of  honor  in 
money  matters  were  not  nice;  but  he  was  not  so 
much  rapacious  as  insatiable.  Disliking  to  have 
his  personal  comforts  infringed,  he  indulged  freely 
in  the  pleasures  of  the  table ;  without  any  delicacy 
of  passion,  kept  a  mistress;  and  loved  to  shake  off 
dull  indifference  by  the  hazards  of  the  faro-table. 
His  officers  were  expected  to  be,  in  the  field, 
insensible  to  danger  like  himself;  in  their  quarters, 
he  was  willing  they  should  openly  lead  a  profligate 
life  ;  and  his  example  led  many  of  the  young  to 
their  ruin  by  gaming.  He  had  nothing  heroic 
about  him,  wanting  altogether  the  quick  eye,  the 
instant  combination,  and  the  commanding  energy 
of  a  great  warrior. 

During  the  day,  a  party  of  provincial  loj^alists, 
under  the  command  of  De  Lancey,  overtook  Wood- 
hull  two  miles  beyond  Jamaica;  after  he  had  sur- 
rendered, his  captors  struck  him  on  the  head  with 
a  cutlass,  and  slashed  his  arm,  inflicting  wounds 
which  before  many  days  proved  fatal.  He  and 
several  of  the  militia  who  were  taken  with  him 
are  included  in  Howe's  list  of  the  captives  of  the 
previous  day. 

All    the    following    night   Washington    kept    an 


THE   RETREAT  FROM  LONG  ISLAND.  101 

unceasing  watch  over  the  intentions  of  the  British   chap. 
army   and   the   condition  of  his   own.     In  Philadel-  . — y~~> 
phia,  rumor  quadrupled   his  force ;   the   continental  Auaust' 
congress  expected  him  to    stay  the  English  at  the      28. 
threshold,  as  had  been  done  at  Charleston;  but  the 
morning  of  Thursday  showed  him  that  the   British      29. 
had    broken    ground   within    six    hundred    yards   of 
the  height   now  known    as   Fort  Greene.     He   saw 
that   they    intended    to   force    his   lines    by    regular 
approaches,   which    the    nature  of  the    ground    and 
his  want  of  heavy   cannon   extremely  favored ;   he 
saw    that    all    Long    Island    was    in    their    hands, 
except  only  the  neck  on  which  he  was  intrenched, 
and    that   a   part   of  his   camp   would  soon  be    ex- 
posed to  their  guns ;  his  men  were    cast    down  by 
misfortune,  and   falling  sick  from  hard  service,  ex- 
posure,  and   bad   food ;    his   force   was   divided   by 
a    channel,    more    than    half    a    mile    broad,    and 
swept    by    swift   tides;    on    a    change    of  wind,   he 
might  be  encircled  by  the   entrance  of  the  British 
fleet  into  the  East  river;  or  ships  which  had  sailed 
round   Long   Island    into    Flushing   bay   might  sud- 
denly convey  a  part  of  the  British  army  to  Harlem, 
or  to  Fordham  heights,  in  his  rear. 

It  was  his  first  care  to  provide  means  of  trans- 
portation for  the  retreat  which  it  was  no  longer 
safe  to  delay.  Through  Mifflin,  in  whom  he  con- 
fided more  than  in  any  general  on  the  island,  and 
who  agreed  with  him  in  opinion,  he  despatched,  at 
an  early  hour,  a  written  command  to  Heath,  at 
Kingsbridge,  "  to  order  every  flat-bottomed  boat 
and    other    craft    at    his    post,    fit   for   transporting 

9  * 


102  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  troops,  down  to  New  York  as  soon  as  possible, 
without  the  least  delay."  In  like  manner,  before 
noon,  he  sent  Trumbull,  the  commissary-general,  to 
New  York,  with  orders  for  Hugh  Hughes,  the 
assistant  quartermaster-general,  "  to  impress  every 
kind  of  water-craft,  on  either  side  of  New  York, 
that  could  be  kept  afloat,  and  had  either  oars  or 
sails,  or  could  be  furnished  with  them,  and  to  have 
them  all  in  the  East  river  by  dark." 

To  prevent  confusion,  these  orders  were  issued 
in  such  profound  secrecy  that  not  even  his  aids 
knew  his  purpose.  All  day  long  he  continued 
abroad  in  the  wind  and  rain,  visiting  the  stations 
of  his  men  as  before,  and  restraining  their  impa- 
tience. Not  till  "late  in  the  day"  did  he  alight 
from  his  horse  to  meet  his  council  of  war  at  the 
house  of  Philip  Livingston  on  Brooklyn  heights. 
The  abrupt  proposal  to  retreat  startled  the  impul- 
sive zeal  of  Morin  Scott,  and  against  his  better 
judgment  he  objected  to  "  giving  the  enemy  a 
single  inch  of  ground."  But  unanswerable  reasons 
were  urged  in  favor  of  Washington's  design :  the 
Americans  were  invested  by  an  army  of  more  than 
double  their  number  from  water  to  water;  Mac- 
dougall,  whose  nautical  experience  gave  weight  to 
his  words,  declared  u  that  they  were  liable  every 
moment,  on  the  change  of  wind,  to  have  the  com- 
munication between  them  and  the  city  cut  off  by 
the  British  frigates ; "  their  supply  of  almost  every 
necessary  of  life  was  scant;  the  rain  which  had 
fallen  for  two  days  and  nights  with  little  intermis- 
sion had  injured  their  arms  and  spoiled  a  great 
part  of  their  ammunition ;    the    soldiery,   of  whom 


THE  RETREAT  FROM  LONG  ISLAND.  103 

many  were  without  cover  at  night,  were  worn  out  chap. 
by  incessant  duties  and  watching.  The  resolution 
to  retreat  was  therefore  unanimous ;  yet,  in  the 
ignorance  of  what  orders  Washington  had  issued 
and  how  well  they  had  been  obeyed,  an  opinion 
was  entertained  in  the  council  that  success  was 
not   to   be    hoped   for. 

After  dark,  the  regiments  were  ordered  to  pre- 
pare for  attacking  the  enemy  in  the  night;  sev- 
eral of  the  soldiers  published  to  their  comrades 
their  unwritten  wills;  but  the  intention  to  with- 
draw from  the  island  was  soon  surmised.  At 
eight  o'clock  Macdougall  was  at  Brooklyn  ferry, 
charged  to  superintend  the  embarkation;  and  Glov- 
er of  Massachusetts,  with  his  regiment  of  Essex 
county  fishermen,  the  best  mariners  in  the  world, 
manned  the  sailing-vessels  and  flat-boats.  The  raw- 
est troops  were  the  first  to  be  embarked;  Mifflin, 
with  the  Pennsylvania  regiments  of  Hand,  Magaw, 
and  Shee,  the  Delawares,  and  the  remnant  of  the 
Marylanders,  claimed  the  honor  of  being  the  last 
to  leave  the  lines.  About  nine,  the  tide  of  ebb 
made  with  a  heavy  rain  and  a  strong  adverse 
wind,  so  that  for  three  hours  the  sail-boats  could 
do  little,  and,  with  the  few  row-boats  at  hand,  it 
seemed  impossible  to  transport  all  the  army ;  but 
at  eleven,  the  northeast  wind,  which  had  raged 
for  three  days,  died  away;  the  water  became  so 
smooth  that  the  row-boats  could  be  laden  nearly 
to  the  gunwales ;  and  a  breeze  sprung  up  from 
the  south  and  southwest,  swelling  the  canvas  from 
the  right  quarter.  It  was  the  night  of  the  full 
moon;   the  British  were    so    nigh    that    they   were 


29. 


80. 


104  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  heard  with  their  pickaxes  and  shovels;  yet  neither 
v— r-^  Agnew,  their  general  officer  for  the  night,  nor  any 
Au«ust  one  °f  them,  took  notice  of  the  deep  murmur  in 
the  camp,  or  the  plash  of  oars  on  the  river,  or  the 
ripple  under  the  sail-boats.  All  night  long,  Wash- 
ington was  riding  through  the  camp,  insuring  the 
regularity  of  every  movement.  Some  time  before 
dawn  on  Friday  morning,  Mifflin,  through  a  mis- 
take of  orders,  began  to  march  the  covering  party 
to  the  ferry;  it  was  Washington  who  discovered 
them,  in  time  to  check  their  premature  withdrawing. 
The  order  to  resume  their  posts  was  a  trying  test 
of  young  soldiers;  the  regiments  wheeled  about 
with  precision,  and  recovered  their  former  station 
before  the  enemy  perceived  that  it  had  been  relin- 
quished. As  day  approached,  the  sea-fog  came 
rolling  in  thickly  from  the  ocean;  welcomed  as  a 
heavenly  messenger,  it  shrouded  the  British  camp, 
completely  hid  all  Brooklyn,  and  hung  over  the 
East  river  without  enveloping  New  York.  When, 
after  three  hours  or  more  of  further  waiting,  and 
after  every  other  regiment  was  safely  cared  for, 
the  covering  party  came  down  to  the  water-side, 
Washington  remained  standing  on  the  ferry-stair, 
and  would  not  be  persuaded  to  enter  a  boat  till 
they  were  embarked.  It  was  seven  o'clock  before 
all  the  companies  reached  the  New  York  shore. 
At  four,  Montresor  had  given  the  alarm  that  the 
Americans  were  in  full  retreat;  but  the  English 
officers  were  sluggards,  and  some  hours  elapsed 
before  he  and  a  corporal,  with  six  men,  clambered 
through  the  fallen  trees,  and  entered  the  works, 
only    to    find    them    evacuated.      From    Brooklyn 


1776. 

August 


THE  RETREAT  FROM  LONG  ISLAND.  105 

heights   four   boats  were   still   to   be    seen   through   chap. 

o  v. 

the   lifting   fog   on   the  East  river;   three   of  them, 

filled  with  troops,  were  half-way  over,  and  escaped ; 
the  fourth,  manned  by  three  vagabonds  who  had  30 
loitered  behind  to  plunder,  was  taken ;  otherwise 
the  whole  nine  thousand  who  were  on  Long 
Island,  with  their  provisions,  military  stores,  field- 
artillery,  and  ordnance,  except  a  few  worthless  iron 
cannon,  landed  safely  in  New  York. 

"Considering  the  difficulties,"  wrote  Greene,  "the 
retreat  from  Long  Island  was  the  bestreftected  re- 
treat I  ever  read  or  heard  of." 


NOTE. 

My  account  of  the  retreat  from  Long  Island  differs  so  materially  from  27-3(X 
that  given  by  the  biographer  of  Joseph  Reed,  that  I  will  not  demand  it  to 
be  received  as  accurate  without  explaining  the  authority  on  which  it  rests. 
This  is  the  more  necessary  as  the  ability  and  reputation  of  that  author, 
William  B.  Reed,  have  misled  others  to  adopt  his  narrative.  The  biog- 
rapher represents  Washington  in  council  "on  the  night  of  the  26th," 
(Reed's  Reed,  i.  221);  that  "sources  of  deep  anxiety  were  open,  and  yet 
Washington  acted  as  if  in  command  of  veteran  troops,"  (Ibid.  222) ;  that 
on  the  28th  "he  still  adhered  to  his  intention  to  risk  a  battle  at  his  intrench- 
ments,"  (Ibid.  224) ;  that  "  the  heavy  rain  of  the  28th  was  succeeded  on 
the  29th  by  a  fog  on  the  island,"  (Ibid.  225) ;  that  "  Colonel  Reed,  with 
Mifflin  and  Grayson,  rode  to  the  western  extremity  of  the  lines;"  that, 
"  whilst  there  the  fog  was  lifted  by  a  shift  of  wind,  and  the  British  fleet 
within  the  Narrows  could  be  plainly  seen;"  that  "some  movement  was  in 
contemplation;  and  if  the  wind  held,  and  the  fog  cleared  off,  the  fleet 
would  come  up  and  surround  the  American  army,"  (Ibid.  225)  ;  that  "  it 
was  determined  that  the  three  officers  should  at  once  return  to  General 
Washington's  quarters,  and  urge  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  army  ; " 
that  "  they  "  [namely,  Colonel  Reed  and  Mifflin  and  Grayson]  "  had  reason 
Jo  believe  that  this  counsel  would  not  be  acceptable,  and  that  the  command- 
er-in-chief desired  to  try  the  fortune  of  war  once  more  in  his  present 
position;"  that  "  Colonel  Reed,  as  the  most  intimate,  and  the  most  entitled 
to  respect,  was  fixed  on  as  the  one  to  suggest  the  movement ; "  and  that 


106  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

CHAP.     Colonel  Reed's  advice,  thus  forced  upon  the  general,  prevailed,  and  occa- 

*•        sioned  the  call  of  a  council  of  war,  (Ibid.  226). 

■tfrff  c  That  this  story  would  lead  to  the  inference  that  Washington  was  a  most 

Auo-ust    mcomPetent  general,  and  a  very  weak  man,  and  utterly  unfit  for  his  place, 

27-30.    must  not  bias  the  mind  of  the  historical  inquirer.     It  is  the  office  of  the 

historian  to  find  out  the  truth  and  to  tell  it,  even  though  it  should  convict 

Washington  of  imbecility,  while  placing  Colonel  Reed  among  the  saviours 

of  the  country. 

The  main  authority  of  the  biographer  for  his  statement  is  a  paper  pur- 
porting to  be  a  letter  from  an  old  man  of  eighty-four,  just  three  days  before 
his  death,  when  he  was  too  ill  to  write  a  letter,  or  to  sign  his  name,  or  even 
t  to  make  his  mark,  and  professing  to  detail  the  substance  of  conversations 
held  by  the  moribund,  fifty-six  years  before,  with  Colonel  Grayson  of  Vir- 
ginia, ten  or  eleven  years  after  the  retreat  from  Long  Island,  to  which  the 
conversations  referred.  The  eyes  of  the  witness  closed  too  soon  to  admit 
of  his  being  cross-examined,  but  nature  comes  in  with  its  protest:  his 
story  turns  on  a  change  of  wind,  which  he  represents  as  having  taken 
place  before  the  council  of  war  was  called ;  now  no  such  change  of  wind 
took  place  before  the  council  of  war  met,  as  appears  from  their  unani- 
mous written  testimony  at  the  time.  Proceedings  of  a  council  of  war 
held  August  29,  1776,  at  head-quarters  in  Brooklyn,  printed  by  Onder- 
donk,  161,  and  in   Force's  Archives,  fifth  series,  i.  1246. 

The  lifting  of  the  fog  and  consequent  sight  of  the  British  fleet  which  the 
biographer  dwells  upon  is,  as  far  as  I  know,  supported  by  no  witness  at 
all;  and  this  little  bit  of  romance,  which  forms  the  pivot  of  the  biogra- 
pher's attribution  of  special  merit  to  Colonel  Reed,  is  refuted  by  posi- 
tive testimony.  The  sea- fog,  following  the  change  of  wind  did  not  take 
place  till  after  the  retreat  began.  The  accounts  of  contemporaries  all 
agree  that  the  fog  did  not  rise  till  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth.  Account 
in  the  Boston  Independent  Chronicle  of  September  19,1776:  "At  sunrise  " 
on  the  thirtieth.  Benjamin  Tallmadge's  Memoirs,  10,  11  :  "As  the  dawn 
of  the  day  approached,  a  very  dense  fog  began  to  rise."  Gordon's  History 
of  the  American  Revolution,  ii.  314,  English  edition  of  1788:  "A  thick 
fog  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning."  Gordon  wrote  from  the  letters  of 
Glover,  and  from  the  information  of  persons  who  were  present.  Note  to 
the  Thanksgiving  sermon  of  Dr.  John  Rogers  of  New  York,  delivered  in 
New  York,  December  11,  1783,  and  printed  in  1784 :  "Not  long  after  day 
broke,  a  heavy  fog  rose."  Graydon  makes  his  first  mention  of  the  fog  in 
his  account  of  what  happened  in  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth.  Some  of 
these  authorities  are  cited  in  the  accurate  and  judicious  work  of  Henry 
Onderdonk,  Jr.:  Revolutionary  Incidents  in  Suffolk  and  King's  Counties; 
158,  162. 


THE  RETREAT  FROM  LONG  ISLAND.  107 

Graydon,  -who  is  cited  by  Reed's  biographer  as  a  corroborative  witness,    CHAP, 
leaves  Mifflin  out  of  the  number  of  those  who  spoke  with  Reed  in  favor       V. 
of  a  retreat.     Littell's  edition  of  Graydon's  Memoirs,  166.  177  6 

The  biographer  of  Reed  seems  not  to  have  borne  in  mind  the  wonderful  j^uo.usj; 
power  of  secrecy  of  "Washington,  in  which  he  excelled  even  Franklin  ;  for  27-30. 
Franklin  sometimes  left  the  impression  that  he  knew  more  than  he  was 
willing  to  utter,  but  "Washington  always  seemed  to  have  said  all  that  the 
occasion  required.  The  perfect  unity  and  method  of  the  retreat  prove 
the  controlling  mind  of  one  master.  Washington's  order  given  to  Heath, 
who  was  stationed  at  Kingsbridge,  to  provide  boats  for  transportation, 
may  be  found  in  Force,  (American  Archives,  fifth  series,  i.  1211);  how 
Heath  understood  and  executed  it  is  told  by  Heath  himself,  (Heath's 
Memoirs,  57).  Of  the  precise  hour  in  which  Washington's  order  to  Heath 
was  issued  or  received  I  have  found  no  minute;  but  that  it  must  have 
been  issued  soon  after  daylight  on  the  twenty-ninth  appears  from  this :  the 
messenger  who  bore  it  had  to  cross  the  East  river  against  a  strong  head- 
wind, and  to  travel  about  fifteen  miles  by  land  ;  and  Heath  received  the 
order  in  season  to  execute  it  thoroughly  well,  and  he  makes  no  complaint 
of  any  want  of  time  or  necessity  for  hurry.  The  council  of  war  was  not 
held  till  "  late  in  the  day,"  as  we  know  from  a  member  of  the  council  itself, 
writing  within  a  few  days  of  the  event.  Brigadier-General  John  Morin 
Scott  to  John  Jay,  September  6,  1776.  It  follows,  therefore,  if  Reed 
during  the  day  was  ignorant  of  Washington's  design  to  retreat  from  Long 
Island,  that  Washington  kept  it  as  much  a  secret  from  him  as  he  did  from 
others.  I  have  met  with  no  evidence  that  Washington,  before  noon,  com- 
municated his  intentions  to  more  than  two  persons  on  Long  Island, 
namely,  to  Mifflin,  through  whom  the  order  was  sent  to  Heath,  and  to 
Colonel  Joseph  Trumbull,  the  commissary-general  through  whom  a  mes- 
sage was  transmitted  to  Hugh  Hughes,  the  acting  quartermaster-general 
in  New  York.  Memorial  of  Hugh  Hughes,  32,  &c.  All  the  orders 
relating  to  the  retreat  were  veiled  under  the  appearance  of  a  movement 
against  the  enemy. 

Why  Washington  decided  to  retreat  from  Long  Island  is  rightly  told 
in  what  remains  of  a  letter  written  on  the  thirtieth  of  August,  1776,  by 
Joseph  Reed  to  William  Livingston  of  New  Jersey,  and  printed  in  Sedg- 
wick's Life  of  Livingston,  201.  That  Washington  was  deliberately  resolved 
"  to  avoid  a  general  action,"  and  put  as  little  as  possible  to  risk,  we  have 
under  his  own  hand.     Sparks's  Washington,  iv.  81. 


CHAPTER    VL 

THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  HOWES. 

August   30 — September  15,  1776. 

Care  sat  heavily  on  the  brow  of  the  young 
people,  who  were  to  be  formed  to  fortitude  by 
1776.  tribulation,  and  endeared  to  after  ages  by  familiarity 
30.  with  sorrows.  After  the  disaster  of  Long  Island, 
Lord  Howe  received  Sullivan  on  board  of  the 
(( Eagle "  with  hospitable  courtesy,  approved  his 
immediate  exchange  for  General  Prescott,  who  was 
at  Philadelphia,  and  then  spoke  so  strongly  of  his 
own  difficulty  in  recognising  congress  as  a  legal 
body,  of  the  prevailing  misconception  respecting 
his  authority  to  enter  into  any  discussion  of  griev- 
ances, and  yet  of  his  ample  powers  to  open  a 
way  for  their  redress,  that  the  American  general 
proposed  to  visit  Philadelphia  as  a  go-between,  and 
undeceive  those  who  entertained  so  confined  an 
opinion.  His  indiscretion  was  without  bounds; 
volunteering  to  act  as  a  messenger  from  an  ene- 
my of  his  country  to  its  government,  he  took  no 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  HOWES.  109 

minute  of  the  offer  which  he  was  to  bear,  relying  chap. 
only  on  his  recollection  of  desultory  conversations.  « — v — * 
A  few  hours  after  the  troops  got  over  from  Long  \n    [ 
Island,  he  followed  on  parole.     The  American  com-     so. 
mander-in-chief  disapproved  his  mission;  but  deemed 
it   not   right   to    prohibit   by  military  authority  an 
appeal  to  the  civil  power. 

For  the  time,  Washington  could  only  hope  to  30,  si 
keep  at  bay  the  great  army  opposed  to  him.  The 
dilatoriness  of  his  antagonist  left  him  leisure  to 
withdraw  the  garrison  from  Governor's  island,  where 
Prescott  ran  almost  as  great  a  risk  of  captivity  as 
at  Bunker  Hill ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  Long  Island 
were  left  at  the  mercy  of  the  English,  and  some 
from  choice,  some  to  escape  the  prison-ship  and 
ruin  from  confiscation,  took  the  engagement  of 
allegiance.  Yet  the  delay  caused  by  the  defence  Sept 
of  Brooklyn  had  done  much  towards  preventing  a 
junction'  with  Carleton.  Of  this  the  thought  was 
now  abandoned  for  the  season;  and  in  a  letter  to 
Germain,  the  British  general  frankly  announced 
the  necessity  of  another  campaign.  His  report  of 
the  events  on  Long;  Island  hid  his  chagrin  at  the 
escape  of  Washington's  army  under  boastful  exag- 
gerations, magnifying  the  force  which  he  encoun- 
tered two  or  three  times,  the  killed  and  wounded 
eight  or  ten  times,  and  enlarging  the  number  of 
his  prisoners.  His  own  loss  he  somewhat  dimin- 
ished. 

Conscious    that    congress   were    expecting   impos-      2. 
sibilities,  Washington   saw  the   necessity    of  setting 
forth  to  them   plainly  the    condition    of  his    army. 
He   reminded  them  of  his  frequent  representation, 

VOL.  IX  10 


110  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  that  the  public  safety  required  enlistments  for  the 
war;  the  defeat  on  Long  Island  had  impaired  the 
confidence  of  the  troops  in  their  officers  and  in 
one  another;  the  militia,  dismayed,  intractable,  and 
impatient,  went  off  by  half-companies,  by  compa- 
nies, and  almost  by  whole  regiments  at  a  time ; 
their  example  impaired  all  subordination,  and  forced 
him  to  confess  his  "want  of  confidence  in  the  gen- 
erality of  the  troops ; "  the  city  of  New  York  must 
be  abandoned;  and  the  necessity  for  doing  it  was 
so  imminent,  that  the  question  whether  its  houses 
should  be  left  to  stand  as  winter-quarters  for  the 
enemy  would  "  admit  of  but  little  time  for  delib- 
eration." His  judgment  was  right;  Rufus  Putnam, 
his  ablest  engineer,  reported  that  the  enemy,  from 
their  command  of  the  water,  could  land  where 
they  pleased  at  any  point  between  the  bay  and 
Throg's  neck;  while  Greene  advised  a  general  re- 
treat, and  that  the  city  and  its  suburbs  should  be 
burned. 

When,  on  the  second  of  September,  Sullivan  was 
introduced  to  the  congress,  John  Adams  broke  out 
to  the  member  who  sat  next  him :  "  Oh,  the  decoy- 
duck;  would  that  the  first  bullet  from  the  enemy 
in  the  defeat  on  Long  Island  had  passed  through 
his  brain!"  In  delivering  his  message,  the  emis- 
sary went  so  far  as  to  affirm  that  Lord  Howe 
said  "  he  was  ever  against  taxing  us ;  that  he  was 
very  sure  America  could  not  be  conquered;  that 
he  would  set  aside  the  acts  of  parliament  for 
taxing  the  colonies  and  changing  the  charter  of 
Massachusetts."  Congress  directed  Sullivan  to  re- 
duce  his    communication   to   writing.      He    did    so, 


THE  PROGRESS   OF  THE  HOWES.  Ill 

and  presented  it  the  next  morning.  Its  purport  C1^p- 
was,  "that  though  Lord  Howe  could  not  at  pres- 
ent treat  with  congress  as  such,  he  was  very 
desirous  as  a  private  gentleman  to  meet  some 
of  its  members  as  private  gentlemen;  that  he,  in 
conjunction  with  General  Howe,  had  full  powers 
to  compromise  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain 
and  America;  that  he  wished  a  compact  might  be 
settled  at  this  time ;  that  in  case,  upon  conference, 
they  should  find  any  probable  ground  of  an  accom- 
modation, the  authority  of  congress  must  be  after- 
wards acknowledged." 

Having  received  this  paper,  which  proposed  the 
abandonment  of  independence  and  of  union,  and 
the  abdication  of  congress,  that  body  proceeded  to 
the  business  of  the  day.  In  committee  of  the 
whole,  they  took  into  consideration  the  unreserved 
confession  of  Washington,  that  he  had  not  a  force 
adequate  to  the  defence  of  New  York.  They  were 
unwilling  to  give  room  for  a  suspicion  of  their 
firmness  by  consenting  in  advance  to  the  surren- 
der of  that  city;  they  therefore  decided  that  "it 
should  in  no  event  be  damaged,  for  they  had  no 
doubt  of  being  able  to  recover  it,  even  though 
the  enemy  should  obtain  possession  of  it  for  a 
time."  They  ordered  for  its  defence  three  more 
battalions  from  Virginia,  two  from  North  Carolina, 
and  one  from  Rhode  Island ;  and  they  invited  the 
assemblies  and  conventions  of  every  state  north 
of  Virginia  to  forward  all  possible  aid;  but  the 
strange  expectation  that  the  British  could  be 
kept    off   by    speculative    reinforcements    increased 


112  ,  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  the  difficulties  and  the  peril  which  environed 
• — y — '  Washington. 
Sept  *  ^n  ^ne  fourth  &nd  fifth,  congress  debated  the 
4,5.  message  of  Lord  Howe,  which  Witherspoon,  with  a 
very  great  majority  of  the  members,  looked  upon 
as  an  insult.  "We  have  lost  a  battle  and  a  small 
island,"  said  Rush,  "but  we  have  not  lost  a  state; 
why  then  should  we  be  discouraged?  Or  why 
should  we  be  discouraged,  even  if  we  had  lost  a 
state  ?  If  there  were  but  one  state  left,  still  that 
one  should  peril  all  for  independence."  George 
Ross  sustained  his  colleague.  "The  panic  may  seize 
whom  it  will,"  wrote  John  Adams;  "it  shall  not 
seize  me;"  and  like  Rush  and  Witherspoon,  he 
spoke  vehemently  against  the  proposed  conference. 
On  the  other  hand,  Edward  Rutledge  favored  it, 
as  a  means  of  procrastination ;  and  at  last  New 
Hampshire,  Connecticut,  and  even  Virginia  gave 
way  for  the  sake  of  quieting  the  people.  Sullivan 
was  directed  to  deliver  to  Lord  Howe  a  written 
"resolve,  that  the  congress,  being  the  represent- 
atives of  the  free  and  independent  states  of 
America,  could  not  send  their  members  to  confer 
with  him  in  their  private  characters;  but,  ever 
desirous  of  peace  on  reasonable  terms,  they  would 
send  a  committee  of  their  body  to  learn  whether 
he  had  any  authority  to  treat  with  persons  author- 
ized by  them,  what  that  authority  was,  and  to 
6.  hear  his  propositions."  On  the  sixth,  the  commit- 
tee was  elected  by  ballot,  and  the  choice  fell  on 
Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge.  For 
the   future,   it   was   ordered   that   no   proposals   for 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  HOWES.  113 

peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States   chap. 
should  be  received,  unless  they  should  be  made  in 
writing,  and  should  recognise   the   authority  of  the 
states  in  congress. 

Notwithstanding  the  desire  of  congress  that  New 
York  should  be  held,  Washington  remained  con- 
vinced that  it  was  impossible ;  and  on  the  seventh 
he  convened  his  general  officers,  in  the  hope 
of  their  concurrence  and  support.  The  case  was 
plain ;  yet  Mercer,  who  was  detained  at  Amboy, 
wrote  his  untimely  wish  to  maintain  the  post ; 
others  interpreted  the  vote  of  congress  as  an  in- 
junction that  it  was  to  be  defended  at  all  hazards ; 
and  as  one  third  of  the  army  had  no  tents,  and 
one  fourth  were  sick,  many  clung  to  the  city  for 
shelter.  The  majority,  therefore,  decided  to  hold 
it  with  five  thousand  men,  and  to  distribute  the 
rest  of  the  army  between  Kingsbridge  and  Harlem 
heights.  The  power  to  overrule  the  majority  of 
his  general  officers  had  not  been  explicitly  con- 
ferred on  Washington,  and  as  he  might  be  consid- 
ered but  as  first  among  his  peers,  he  most  reluc- 
tantly submitted  to  their  advice  till  he  could 
convince  congress  that  the  proposed  evacuation 
was  an  absolute  necessity.  Meantime  he  removed 
such  stores  as  were  not  immediately  needed,  and 
began  the  slow  and  difficult  task  of  transferring 
the  sick  to  the  inland  towns  of  New  Jersey. 

The  plainly  perceptible  hesitancy  of  decision  was 

very  unjustly  attributed  by  the  ill-informed  to  the 

general  himself.     In  August  congress  had   sent  for 

Charles    Lee,    as    the    proper    head    of   the    army, 

should    any    accident   befall  Washington;    and  now 
10* 


114  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  officers  of  merit  as  well  as  privates  "were  con- 
tinually praying  most  earnestly  for  the  arrival  of 
General  Lee  as  their  guardian  angel." 

Abandoned  by  his  council,  Washington  still  ad- 
hered firmly  to  his  plan  for  the  campaign;  and 
foreseeing  the  danger  of  risking  by  delay  the  loss 
of  arms  and  stores,  he  appealed  to  congress  with 
increased  earnestness.  While  the  troops  voted  him 
did  not  arrive,  the  militia  were  all  the  time  return- 
ing home,  so  that  the  number  from  Connecticut 
was  reduced  from  six  thousand  to  two  thousand. 
To  those  members  of  congress  whose  unreasoning 
zeal  would  not  surrender  an  inch  of  land,  still  less 
the  city  which  was  the  point  of  connection  between 
the  north  and  the  south,  least  of  all,  fortifications 
which  represented  the  labor  of  thousands  of  men 
during  many  months,  Washington  replied :  u  To  be 
prepared  at  each  point  of  attack  has  occasioned  an 
expense  of  labor  which  now  seems  useless,  and  is 
regretted  by  those  who  form  a  judgment  from 
after-knowledge ;  but  men  of  discernment  will  think 
differently,  and  see  by  such  works  and  preparations 
we  have  delayed  the  operations  of  the  campaign  till 
it  -  is  too  late  to  effect  any  capital  incursion  into 
the  country.  It  is  now  obvious  that  they  mean  to 
enclose  us  on  the  island  of  New  York,  by  taking 
post  in  my  rear,  while  the  shipping  secures  the 
front;  and  thus  oblige  us  to  fight  them  on  their 
own  terms,  or  surrender  at  discretion.  On  every 
side  there  is  a  choice  of  difficulties.  Every  measure 
is  to  be  formed  with  some  apprehension  that  all 
our  troops  will  not  do  their  duty.  On  our  side  the 
war  should  be  defensive ;  it  has  even  been  called  a 


THE  PROGRESS   OF   THE   HOWES.  115 

war  of  posts;  we  should  on  all  occasions  avoid  a  chap. 
general  action,  and  never  be  drawn  into  a  neces- 
sity to  put  anything  to  risk.  Persuaded  that  it 
would  be  presumptuous  to  draw  out  our  young 
troops  into  open  ground  against  their  superiors 
both  in  number  and  discipline,  I  have  never  spared 
the  spade  and  pickaxe.  I  have  not  found  that 
readiness  to  defend  even  strong  posts  at  all  hazards 
which  is  necessary  to  derive  the  greatest  benefit 
from  them.  We  are  now  in  a  post,  strong,  but 
not  impregnable  ;  nay,  acknowledged  by  every  man 
of  judgment  to  be  untenable.  It  has  been  consid- 
ered as  the  key  to  the  northern  country;  but  by 
establishing  strong  posts  at  Mount  Washington  on 
the  upper  part  of  this  island,  and  on  the  Jersey 
side  opposite  to  it,  and  by  the  assistance  of  obstruc- 
tions in  the  water,  not  only  the  navigation  of  Hud- 
son river,  but  a  communication  between  the  north- 
ern and  southern  states,  may  be  more  effectually 
secured.  I  am  sensible  that  a  retreating  army  is 
encircled  with  difficulties,  that  declining  an  engage- 
ment subjects  a  general  to  reproach,  and  may 
throw  discouragement  over  the  minds  of  many ; 
but  when  the  fate  of  America  may  be  at  stake  on 
the  issue,  we  should  protract  the  war  if  possible. 
That  the  enemy  mean  to  winter  in  New  York, 
there  can  be  no  doubt;  that  they  can  drive  us 
out,  is  equally  clear;  nothing  seems  to  remain,  but 
to  determine  the  time  of  their  taking  possession." 

Congress  received  with  coldness  this  remonstrance      10. 
of  Washington ;  but  it  was  unanswerable,  and  they 
resolved,  on  the  tenth,  that  it  had  not  been  "their 
sense,  that  any  part  of  the  army  should  remain  in 


116  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

New  York  a  moment  longer  than  he  should  think 
it  proper  for  the  public  service." 

On  the  eleventh,  Lord  Howe  sent  his  barge  for 
Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Rutledge ;  relying  on 
his  honor,  they  took  with  them  the  officer  sent  as 
a  hostage  for  their  security.  They  were  met  by 
him  at  the  water's  edge,  and  conducted  through 
files  of  grenadiers,  armed  with  fixed  bayonets,  to  a 
large  stone  house,  where,  in  a  room  carpeted  with 
moss  and  green  boughs,  they  partook  of  an  excel- 
lent collation.  In  the  discussion  of  business,  a 
difficulty  presented  itself  at  the  outset.  As  they 
had  been  formally  announced  as  a  committee  from 
congress,  Lord  Howe  premised,  with  some  embar- 
rassment of  manner,  that  he  was  bound  to  say  he 
conversed  with  them  as  private  individuals.  At 
this,  John  Adams  came  to  his  relief,  saying :  "  Con- 
sider us  in  any  light  you  please,  except  that  of 
British  subjects."  During  a  conversation  which 
lasted  for  several  hours  Lord  Howe  was  discursive 
in  his  remarks:  he  went  back  to  the  last  petition 
of  congress  to  the  king,  and  to  the  time  anterior 
to  the  declaration  of  independence ;  he  hoped  that 
this  interview  might  prepare  the  way  for  the 
return  of  America  to  her  allegiance,  and  for  an 
accommodation  of  the  two  countries.  To  bring  the 
discussion  to  a  point,  Edward  Rutledge  cited  to 
him  the  declaration  of  Sullivan,  "that  he  would 
set  the  acts  of  parliament  wholly  aside,  because 
parliament  had  no  right  to  tax  America,  or  meddle 
with  her  internal  polity." 

Lord  Howe  had  no  discretionary  power  whatever 
with  regard  to  these  two  vital  points  in  the  con- 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  HOWES.  117 

troversy;  he  therefore  answered  Butledge,  like  a  chap. 
man  of  honor,  with  truth  and  frankness,  "that  Sul-  » — y — ' 
livan  had  extended  his  words  much  beyond  their  1ge7^" 
import;  that,  while  the  king  and  ministry  were  h- 
willing  that  instructions  and  acts  of  parliament 
complained  of  should  be  revised,  his  commission 
in  respect  to  them  was  confined  to  powers  of 
consultation  with  private  persons."  Franklin  in- 
quired if  the  commissioners  would  receive  and 
report  propositions  from  the  Americans;  as  no 
objection  was  interposed,  he  represented  "  that  it 
was  the  duty  of  good  men  on  both  sides  of  the 
water  to  promote  peace  by  an  acknowledgment 
of  American  independence,  and  a  treaty  of  friend- 
ship and  alliance  between  the  two  countries;"  and 
he  endeavored  to  prove  that  Great  Britain  would 
derive  more  durable  advantages  from  such  an 
alliance  than  from  the  connection  which  it  was 
the  object  of  the  commission  to  restore.  Lord 
Howe  did  not  fail  to  report  this  overture,  which 
he  in  his  heart  was  beginning  to  approve.  The 
committee  of  congress,  on  their  return  to  Philadel- 
phia, reported  that  he  had  made  no  proposition 
of  peace,  except  that  the  colonies  should  return  to 
their  allegiance  to  the  government  of  Great  Britain ; 
and  that  his  commission  did  not  appear  to  contain 
any  other  authority  of  importance  than  what  was 
expressed  in  the  act  of  parliament,  namely,  that  of 
granting  pardons,  and  declaring  America,  or  any 
part  of  it,  to  be  in  the  king's  peace,  upon  submis- 
sion. "  Our  sins  against  God,"  wrote  the  governor 
of  Connecticut,    "need    pardon    from    the    supreme 


118  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  Director  of  all  events;  the  rebels  who  need  pardon 
from  the  king  of  Britain  are  not  yet  discovered." 

By  this  time  the  army  of  General  Howe  ex- 
tended along  the  high  ground  that  overlooks  the 
East  river  and  the  sound,  from  Brooklyn  to  Flush- 
ing, and  occupied  the  two  islands  which  we  call 
Ward's  and  Randall's;  a  battery  erected  at  Astoria 
replied  to  the  American  works  on  the  point  just 
north  of  Hellgate  ferry.  Night  after  night,  boats 
came  in  and  anchored  just  above  Bushwick.  On 
12.  the  twelfth,  Washington,  supported  by  the  written 
request  of  Greene  and  six  brigadiers,  reconvened 
his  council  of  war  at  the  quarters  of  Macdougall ; 
and  this  time  it  was  decided  to  abandon  the  lower 
part  of  the  island,  none  dissenting  but  Spencer 
from  sheer  ignorance  and  dulness,  Heath  from  dis- 
honesty, and  George  Clinton  from  stubborn  zeal. 
The  council  was  hardly  over,  when  Washington 
was  once  more  in  the  lines ;  and  at  evening  the 
Americans  under  his  eye  doubled  their  posts  along 
the  East  river.  He  was  seen  by  the  Hessians,  and 
Krug,  a  captain  of  the  Hessian  artillery,  twice  in 
succession  pointed  cannon  at  him  and  his  staff, 
and  was  aiming  a  third  shot,  as  he  rode  on. 
is.  The  thirteenth,  the  anniversary  of  the  victory  on 
the  Plains  of  Abraham,  in  which  Howe  bore  an 
honorable  part,  was  selected  for  the  landing  of  the 
British  in  New  York;  the  watchword  was  Quebec, 
the  countersign  Wolfe ;  but  the  ships  of  war .  that 
were  to  cover  the  landing  caused  delay.  In  the 
afternoon,  four  of  them,  keeping  up  an  incessant 
fire,   and  supported  by   the   cannon   on   Governor's 


THE  PROGRESS   OF  THE  HOWES.  119 

island,  sailed  past  the  American  batteries  into  the  chap. 
East  river,  and  anchored  opposite  the  present  Thir- 
teenth street.  Washington  kept  a  close  watch  on 
their  movements,  and  one  of  their  shot  struck 
within  six  feet  of  him.  During  the  fourteenth  he 
did  all  that  his  very  scanty  means  of  transpor- 
tation would  allow,  to  save  his  stores  and  artillery 
About  sunset,  six  more  British  armed  ships  went 
up  the  East  river.  In  one  more  day,  the  city 
would   have   been   evacuated.        • 

On  the  fifteenth,  three  ships  of  war  ascended  the  is. 
Hudson  as  far  as  Bloomingclale,  which  put  a  stop 
to  the  removal  of  army  stores  by  water.  At  eleven, 
the  ships  of  war  which  were  anchored  in  the  stream 
below  Blackwell's  island  began  a  heavy  cannonade, 
to  scour  the  grounds ;  at  the  same  time,  eighty-four 
boats  laden  with  troops,  under  the  direction  of 
Admiral  Hotham,  came  out  of  Newtown  creek, 
and  with  a  southerly  wind  sailed  up  the  East  river 
in  four  columns;  till,  on  a  signal,  they  formed  in 
line,  and,  aided  by  oars  and  the  sweeping  tide, 
came  to  the  shore  between  Turtle  bay  and  the 
city,  in  array  for  battle.  At  the  sound  of  the 
first  cannon,  Washington,  who  had  supposed  the 
principal  landing  would  be  made  at  Harlem  or 
Morrisania,  rode  "with  all  possible  despatch"  to- 
wards Kip's  bay,  near  Thirty-fourth  street;  as  he 
drew  near,  he  found  the  men  who  had  been  posted 
in  the  lines  running  away,  and  the  brigades  of 
Fellows  of  Massachusetts  and  Parsons  of  Connec- 
ticut, that  were  to  have  supported  them,  flying  in 
every  direction,  heedless  of  the  exertions  of  their 
generals.     Putnam's  division  of  about  four  thousand 


120  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  troops  was  still  in  the  lower  city,  sure  to  be  cut 
off,  unless  the  British  could  be  delayed.  When  all 
else  fails,  the  commander-in-chief  must  in  person 
give  the  example  of  daring :  Washington  presented 
himself  to  lead  any  body  of  men,  however  small, 
who  would  make  an  effort  to  hold  the  advancing 
forces  in  check.  He  used  every  means  to  rally 
the  fugitives,  get  them  into  some  order,  and  rean- 
imate their  courage ;  but  on  the  appearance  of  a 
party  of  not  more  than  sixty  or  seventy,  they 
ran  away  in  the  greatest  confusion  without  firing 
a  single  shot,  panic-stricken  from  fear  of  having 
their  retreat  cut  off,  leaving  him  on  the  ground 
within  eighty  yards  of  the  enemy.  "Are  these 
the  men  by  whom  I  am  expected  to  defend  the 
liberties  of  America?"  he  asked  of  himself;  and 
he  seemed  to  seek  death  rather  than  life.  Being 
reminded  by  the  officers  nearest  him  that  it  was 
in  vain  to  withstand  the  British  alone,  he  turned 
to  give  the  wisest  orders  for  the  safety  of  Harlem 
heights,  and  for  guarding  against  ill  consequences 
from  the  morning's  disaster. 

As  the  Hessians  took  immediate  possession  of 
the  breastworks  which  guarded  the  Boston  road, 
near  the  present  Lexington  avenue,  the  fugitive 
brigades  fled,  not  without  loss,  across  woody  fields 
to  Bloomingdale.  At  ten  minutes  past  three  in  the 
afternoon,  the  American  colors  were  struck  on  the 
old  Fort  George,  and  the  English  flag  was  raised 
by  Lord  Dunmore.  Most  of  Putnam's  division  es- 
caped by  a  road  very  near  the  Hudson ;  its  com- 
mander, heedless  of  the  intense  heat  of  the  day, 
rode  from  post  to  post  to  call  off  the  pickets  and 


THE  PROGRESS   OF  THE  HOWES.  121 

guards.  Silliman's  brigade  threw  itself  in  despair  chap. 
into  the  redoubt  of  Bunker  hill,  where  Knox,  at  * — y-— •* 
the  head  of  the  artillery,  thought  only  of  a  gallant  g  .  * 
defence ;  but  Burr,  who  was  one  of  Putnam's  aids,  15- 
rode  up  to  show  them  that  a  retreat  was  prac- 
ticable, and  guided  them  by  way  of  the  old  Mon- 
ument lane  to  the  west  side  of  the  island,  where 
they  marched  along  the  winding  road  now  super- 
seded by  the  Eighth  avenue,  and  regained  the 
Bloomingdale  road  near  the  present  Sixtieth  street. 
The  respite  which  saved  Putnam's  division  was 
due  to  Mary  Lindley,  the  wife  of  Robert  Murray. 
When  the  British  army  drew  near  her  house  on 
Incleberg,  as  Murray  hill  was  then  called,  Howe  and 
his  officers,  ordering  a  halt,  accepted  her  invitation 
to  a  lunch;  and  by  the  excellence  of  her  viands 
and  old  Madeira  wine,  and  by  the  good-humor 
with  which  she  parried  Tryon's  jests  at  her  sym- 
pathy with  the  rebels,  she  whiled  away  two  hours 
or  more  of  their  time,  till  every  American  regi- 
ment had  escaped.  Washington  was  the  last  to 
retire,  riding  from  Bloomingdale  but  a  few  mo- 
ments before  it  was  occupied  by  the  British 
infantry.  The  Americans  left  behind  a  few  heavy 
cannon,  and  much  of  their  baggage  and  stores; 
fifteen  of  them  were  killed ;  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
nine  were  missing,  chiefly  men  who  had  wilfully 
loitered  behind.  The  British  gained  the  island  as 
far  as  the  eighth  mile-stone,  with  but  two  Hessians 
killed  and  about  twenty  British  and  Hessians 
wounded.  At  night,  their  bivouac  extended  from 
the  East  river  near  Hellgate  to  the  Hudson  at 
Bloomingdale.      On   Harlem   heights   the   American 

VOL.   IX.  11 


122  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

fugitives,  weary  from  having  passed  fifteen  hours 
under  arms,  disheartened  by  the  loss  of  their  tents 
and  blankets,  and  wet  by  a  cold  driving  rain  that 
closed  the  sultry  day,  lay  on  their  arms  with  only 
the  sky  above  them. 


NOTE. 

The  account  I  have  given  of  Washington's  conduct  in  his  attempt  to 
rally  the  fugitives  at  Kip's  bay  agrees  substantially  with  that  of  Marshall, 
(Marshall's  Washington,  i.  101,  ed.  1843,)  and  with  the  matured  judgment 
of  Sparks,  (Life  of  Washington,  199).  Washington  was  justly  vexed  at 
the  cowardice  of  the  men  whom  he  had  stationed  at  Kip's  bay ;  he  reported 
it  in  unsparing  terms  to  congress,  and  censured  it  in  general  orders.  All 
agree  that  he  attempted,  but  in  vain,  to  rally  the  men ;  no  one  disputes 
that,  with  the  good  judgment  of  perfect  self-possession,  he  gave  immedi- 
ately the  wisest  orders  for  the  safety  of  the  army,  nor  that  his  conduct  on 
the  occasion  struck  the  army  with  such  awe  that  he  could  count  on  its 
courage  by  the  dawn  of  another  day.  The  makers  of  gossip  have  gradually 
embroidered  upon  the  incident  of  his  serious  and  well-founded  displeasure 
a  variety  of  inconsistent  details.  Of  strictly  contemporary  accounts,  that 
is,  of  accounts  written  within  a  few  days  of  the  events,  I  find  three  of 
importance:  Washington  to  Congress,  September  16,  1776,  in  his  Official 
Letters,  i.  246,  and  in  Sparks,  iv.  94  ;  Greene  to  Governor  Cooke  of  Rhode 
Island,  September  17,  1776,  in  Force,  fifth  series,  ii.  370;  and  Ca;sar  Rod- 
ney at  Philadelphia  to  Messrs.  Read  and  Mackean,  September  18,  1776. 
The  account  of  Rodney  is  a  report  carefully  prepared  from  various  sources 
which  he  does  not  specify.  I  give  an  extract  from  it :  "  From  all  I  can 
collect,  this  was  the  situation  of  affairs  on  Sunday  morning,  when  the  ships 
before  mentioned  began  a  very  heavy  firing  at  Turtle  bay,  to  scour  the 
country  previous  to  their  landing  the  troops,  but  hurt  nobody,  that  I  can 
hear  of.  When  the  firing  ceased,  their  troops  began  to  land,  and  ours  to 
run  as  if  the  devil  was  in  them.  In  spite  of  all  the  general  could  do, 
they  never  fired  one  gun.  General  Washington,  having  discovered  the 
enemy's  intention  to  land  at  that  place,  ordered  a  reenforcement,  and  set 
out  there  himself.  However,  before  he  got  to  the  place,  he  met  our  people 
running  in  every  direction.  He  endeavored  by  persuasion  and  threats  to 
get  them  back,  but  all  to  no  purpose ;  in  short,  they  ran  till  they  left  the 
general  to  shift  for  himself."  This  letter  shows  clearly  the  opinion  pre- 
vailing among  men  of  sense  in  Philadelphia  at  the  time.  Greene's  words 
are :  "  Fellows's  and  Parsons's  whole  brigade  ran  away  from  about  fifty 


THE  PROGRESS   OF   THE   HOWES.  123 

men,  and  left  his  excellency  on  the  ground  within  eighty  yards  of  the 
enemy,  so  vexed  at  the  infamous  conduct  of  the  troops  that  he  sought 
death  rather  than  life."  That  Washington  sought  to  shame  or  to  inspirit 
his  men  by  setting  them  an  example  of  desperate  courage  may  be  true ; 
certainly  a  general  who  chides  for  cowardice  can  do  it  best  when  he  has 
just  given  evidence  of  his  own  disregard  of  danger.  The  embellishments 
of  the  narrative,  which  have  been  gradually  wrought  out,  till  they  have 
become  self-contradictory  and  ludicrous,  may  be  traced  to  the  camp. 
A  bitter  and  jealous  rivalry,  which  the  adjutant-general  had  assisted  to 
foment,  had  grown  up  between  the  New  England  troops  and  those  south 
of  New  England.  Northern  men  very  naturally  found  excuses  for  their 
brethren,  and  may  have  thought  that  Washington  censured  them  too 
severely ;  but  while  I  have  had  in  my  hands  very  many  contemporary 
letters  written  by  New  Englanders  on  the  events  of  this  campaign,  I  have 
never  found  in  any  one  of  them  the  least  reflection  on  Washington  for  his 
conduct  in  the  field  during  any  part  of  this  day,  unless  the  words  of  Greene 
are  to  be  so  interpreted.  The  imputations  began  with  officers  south  of 
New  England,  and  were  dictated  by  a  zeal  to  illumine  and  bring  out  in 
bold  relief  the  dastardly  behavior  of  the  eastern  runaways.  The  first 
effort  in  that  direction  may  be  seen  in  an  official  letter  from  Smallwood, 
the  highest  Maryland  officer,  to  the  convention  of  his  state  :  "  Sixty  light 
infantry,  upon  the  first  fire,  put  to  flight  two  brigades  of  the  Connecticut 
troops,  —  wretches  who,  however  strange  it  may  appear,  from  the  brigadier- 
general  down  to  the  private  sentinel,  were  caned  and  whipped  by  the 
Generals  Washington,  Putnam,  and  Mifflin,  but  even  this  indignity  had  no 
weight ;  they  could  not  be  brought  to  stand  one  shot."  Colonel  Smallwood 
to  Maryland  Convention,  October  12,  1776,  in  Force,  fifth  series,  ii.  1013. 
This  statement,  so  full  of  blunders  and  impossibilities,  shows  the  camp  to 
be  not  always  "a  correct  source"  of  information.  Gordon  comes  next; 
under  the  date  of  December  20,  1776,  he  writes:  "His  [Washington's] 
attempts  to  stop  them  [the  troops]  were  fruitless,  though  he  drew  his 
sword  and  threatened  to  run  them  through,  cocked  and  snapped  his 
pistols."  Gordon,  ii.  327.  Now  a  man  on  horseback,  "within  eighty 
yards"  of  an  advancing  enemy,  could  not,  at  one  and  the  same  time, 
have  managed  his  horse  and  drawn  his  sword  and  cocked  his  two  old- 
fashioned  flint-lock  horse-pistols.  Gordon  was  capable  of  prejudice,  and 
was  no  critic ;  when  he  cites  a  document,  I  hold  it  certain  that  he  cites 
it  truly,  for  I  have  found  it  so  in  every  case  where  I  have  had  occasion 
to  verify  his  citations ;  when  he  tells  a  story,  I  hold  it  certain  that  some 
one  had  told  it  before;  but  I  have  found  that  his  repeating  it  gives  it  no 
sure  claim  to  credence.  His  work,  which,  notwithstanding  all  its  faults, 
is  invaluable,  is  by  no  means  free  from  tales  that,  on  examination,  are 


124  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

found  untrustworthy.  Succeeding  writers  sometimes  find  it  hard  if  they 
cannot  add  a  little  to  the  statements  of  previous  narrators.  Ramsay  lias 
indulged  himself  in  an  exposition  of  the  train  of  thought  which  was  pass- 
ing through  Washington's  mind  at  the  time  of  the  fright  and  consequent 
confusion.  Ramsay's  Revolution,  i.  306,  307.  Heath,  publishing  "Me- 
moirs" in  1798,  improves  upon  Gordon,  and  writes  from  hearsay: 
"  Here  it  was,  as  fame  hath  said,  that  General  Washington  threw  his 
hat  on  the  ground."  Heath's  Memoirs,  60.  Graydon  repeats  the  hear- 
say, but  without  vouching  for  it,  "that  the  general  lost  all  patience, 
throwing  his  hat  upon  the  ground  in  a  transport  of  rage  and  indignation." 
Graydon  in  Littell's  edition,  174.  Now  Washington  was  on  horseback; 
did  he  get  off  his  horse  to  pick  up  his  hat  in  the  face  of  Cornwallis  and 
Clinton  ?  Did  he  ride  about  in  sight  of  the  British  and  Hessians  and  of 
his  own  army  for  the  rest  of  the  day  bareheaded,  or  in  a  begrimed  hat 
and  plume  ?  I  am  almost  ashamed  of  exposing  so  foolish  a  story,  which 
rests  on  no  authority.  To  sum  up  the  whole  :  Trustworthy  documents 
prove  that  the  party  at  Kip's  bay  retreated  in  a  cowardly  manner;  that 
Washington  was  angry  at  them  for  their  cowardice,  as  he  ought  to  have 
been;  that  he  was  the  last  to  consent  to  turn  away  from  the  enemy; 
that  he  then  with  promptness  and  unimpeached  good  judgment  did  every- 
thing which  remained  to  be  done ;  that  on  the  next  day  he  had  a  more 
perfect  command  of  the  army,  and  more  assurance  of  their  courage,  than 
for  several  weeks  before. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

THE  EMBARRASSMENTS  OF  AMERICA. 

September   15 — 30,   1776. 

The  cowardice  of  the  troops  at  Kip's  bay  was  chap. 
reported  to  congress  by  Washington  with  unspar- 
ing severity;  and  was  rebuked  in  a  general  order, 
menacing  instant  death  as  the  punishment  of  cow- 
ardice on  the  field.  Meantime  he  used  every  method 
to  revive  the  courage  of  his  army.  On  the  night 
of  their  reaching  Harlem  heights,  he  sent  orders 
to  Silas  Talbot,  who  had  accepted  the  perilous 
command  of  a  fire-brig,  to  make  an  attempt  on 
the  ships  of  war  that  lay  in  the  Hudson,  near  the 
present  One  hundred  and  twenty-fourth  street. 
At  two  o'clock  in  the  dark  and  cloudy  morning  i6. 
of  the  sixteenth,  the  officer  left  his  hiding-place, 
three  or  four  miles  above  Fort  Lee,  ran  down 
the  river  under  a  fair  wind,  and,  grappling  the 
"Renomme,"  set  his  brig  on  fire.  He  was  burned 
almost  to  blindness,  yet  escaped  with  his  crew;  the 

"Renomme"  freed  itself  without  injury;  but,  with 
11* 


126  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   the    other   ships   of  war,  quitted  its   moorings,  and 
went  out  of  the  stream. 

At  a  later  hour,  American  troops  marched  in 
good  order  from  Fort  Washington,  and  extended 
their  left  wing  as  far  as  Harlem.  As  an  offset  to 
this  movement,  Leslie,  who  commanded  the  British 
advanced  posts,  led  the  second  battalion  of  light 
infantry,  with  two  battalions  of  Highlanders  and 
seven  field-pieces,  into  a  wood  on  the  hill  which 
lies  east  of  Bloomingdale  road  and  overlooks  Man- 
hattanville.  From  this  detachment  two  or  three 
companies  of  light  infantry  descended  into  the 
plain,  drove  in  an  American  picket,  and  sounded 
their  bugles  in  boastful  defiance.  Engaging  their 
attention  by  preparations  for  attacking  them  in 
front,  Washington  ordered  Major  Leitch  with  three 
companies  of  Weedon's  Virginia  regiment,  and 
Colonel  Knowlton  with  his  volunteer  rangers,  to 
prepare  secretly  an  attack  on  the  rear  of  the  main 
detachment  in  the  wood ;  and  Beed,  who  best  knew 
the  ground,  acted  as  their  guide.  Under  the  lead 
of  George  Clinton,  the  American  party  which  en- 
gaged the  light  infantry  in  front  compelled  them 
twice  to  retreat,  and  drove  them  back  to  the  force 
with  Leslie.  The  Americans  in  pursuit  clambered 
up  the  rocks,  and  a  very  brisk  action  ensued,  which 
continued  about  two  hours.  Knowlton  and  Leitch 
began  their  attack  too  soon,  on  the  flank  rather 
than  in  the  rear.  Reed's  horse  was  wounded 
under  him ;  in  a  little  time  Leitch  was  brought  off 
with  three  balls  through  his  side.  Soon  after, 
Knowlton  was  mortally  wounded;  in  the  agonies 
of  death,   all    his   inquiry   was,   if  the    enemy   had 


THE   EMBARRASSMENTS   OF   AMERICA.  127 

been  beaten.  Notwithstanding  the  loss  of  their  chap. 
leaders,  the  men  resolutely  continued  the  engage- 
ment. Washington  advanced  to  their  support  part 
of  two  Maryland  regiments,  with  detachments  of 
New  Englanders ;  Putnam  and  Greene,  as  well  as 
Tilghman  and  others  of  the  general's  staff,  joined  in 
the  action  to  animate  the  troops,  who  charged  with 
the  greatest  intrepidity.  The  British,  worsted  a  third 
time,  fell  back  into  an  orchard,  and  from  thence 
across  a  hollow  and  up  the  hill  which  lies  east 
of  the  Eighth  avenue  and  overlooks  the  country 
far  and  wide.  Their  condition  was  desperate :  they 
had  lost  seventy  killed  and  two  hundred  and  ten 
wounded;1  the  Highlanders  had  fired  their  last 
cartridge ;  without  speedy  relief  they  must  cer- 
tainly be  cut  off.  The  Hessian  yagers  were  the 
first  of  the  reinforcements  to  reach  the  hill,  and 
were  in  season  to  share  in  the  action,  suffering  a 
loss  of  one  officer  and  seven  men  wounded.  "  Col- 
umns of  English  infantry,  ordered  at  eleven  to 
stand  to  their  arms,  were  instantly  trotted  about 
three  miles,  without  a  halt  to  take  breath;"  and 
the  Von  Linsing  battalion  was  seen  to  draw  near, 
while  two  other  German  battalions  occupied  Mac- 
gowan's  pass.  Washington,  unwilling  to  risk  a 
general  action,  ordered  a  retreat.  This  skirmish, 
in  its  effects,  was  almost  equal  to  a  victory;  it 
restored  the  spirit  and  confidence  of  the  Americans. 
Their    loss   was    about   sixty   killed   and   wounded; 

1 "  Wenn  die  Englischen  und  Hes-  leichten  Truppen  entkommen  ;  sie 

sischen   Grenadiers,  besonders   die  verloren    70   Todte  und   210   Bles- 

Hessisehen  J'ager  nicht  zur   Hiilfe  sirte."    From  Baurmeister's  full  and 

zeitig  genug   angekommen  win-en,  circumstantial  report,  dated  Camp 

so  ware  keiner  von  diesen  braven  near  Hellgate,  September  24,1776. 


128  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  but  among  these  was  Knowlton,  who  would  have 

VII. 

been  an  honor  to  any  country,  and  Leitch,  one  of 


Virginia's  worthiest  sons. 

Howe  would  never  own  how  much  he  had  suf- 
fered ;  his  general  orders  rebuked  Leslie  for  impru- 
dence. The  result  confirmed  him  in  his  caution. 
The  ground  in  front  of  the  Americans  was  so 
difficult  and  so  well  fortified  that  he  could  not 
hope  to  carry  it  by  storm ;  had  he  by  a  circuitous 
route  thrown  the  main  body  of  his  army  in  their 
rear,  he  would  have  left  the  city  of  New  York 
and  its  garrison  at  "Washington's  mercy;  he  there- 
fore waited  more  than  three  weeks,  partly  to  col- 
lect means  of  transportation,  and  partly  to  form 
redoubts  across  the  island. 
19.  During    the    delay,  Lord  Howe   and  his    brother, 

on  the  nineteenth,  in  a  joint  declaration,  going  far 
beyond  the  form  prepared  by  the  solicitor-general, 
promised  in  the  king's  name  a  revision  of  his 
instructions  and  his  concurrence  in  the  revisal  of 
all  acts  by  which  his  subjects  in  the  colonies 
might  think  themselves  aggrieved;  and,  appealing 
from  congress,  they  invited  all  well- affected  sub- 
jects to  a  conference.  The  paper  was  disingen- 
uous, for  the  instructions  to  the  commissioners, 
which  were  carefully  kept  secret,  demanded  as 
preliminary  conditions  grants  of  revenue  and  fur- 
ther changes  of  charters.  Washington  saw  through 
the  artifice.  Lord  Howe  can  escape  conviction  for 
duplicity,  only  by  supposing  that  he  was  duped  by 
his  own  wishes  to  misinterpret  his  powers;  but 
the  crafty  appeal  was  wisely  timed  for  its  end ; 
for  there  were  signs  of  despondency  and  discontent 


THE  EMBARRASSMENTS   OF  AMERICA.  129 

in  the  New  York  counties  on  the  Hudson,  in  New   chap. 

VII. 

Jersey,  and  still  more  in  Pennsylvania. 

About  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
first,  more  than  five  days  after  New  York  had 
been  in  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  British, 
a  fire  chanced  to  break  out  in  a  small  wooden 
public-house  of  low  character,  near  Whitehall  slip. 
The  weather  had  been  hot  and  dry ;  a  fresh  gale 
was  blowing  from  the  southwest;  the  fire  spread 
rapidly;  and  the  east  side  of  Broadway,  as  far  as 
Exchange  place,  became  a  heap  of  ruins.  The 
British  troops,  angry  at  the  destruction  of  houses 
which  they  had  looked  upon  as  their  shelter  for 
the  coming  winter,  haunted  with  the  thought  of 
incendiaries,  and  unwilling  to  own  the  consequences 
of  their  own  careless  carousals,  seized  persons  who 
had  come  out  to  save  property  from  destruction, 
and,  without  trial  or  inquiry,  killed  some  with  the 
bayonet,  tossed  others  into  the  flames,  and  one,  who 
happened  to  be  a  royalist,  they  hanged  by  the 
heels  till  he  died.  The  wind  veering  to  the  south- 
east, the  fire  crossed  Broadway  above  Morris  street, 
destroyed  Trinity  church  and  the  Lutheran  church, 
and,  sparing  Saint  Paul's  chapel,  extended  to  Bar- 
clay street.  The  flames  were  arrested,  not  so  much 
by  the  English  guard,  as  by  the  sailors  whom  the 
admiral  sent  on  shore,  and  who  paid  themselves 
by  plundering  houses  that  escaped.  Of  the  four 
thousand  tenements  of  the  city,  more  than  four 
hundred  were  burnt  down.  In  his  report,  Howe, 
without  the  slightest  ground,  attributed  the  acci- 
dent  to   a   conspiracy. 

When,  after  the  disasters  on  Long  Island,  Wash- 


130  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  ington  needed  to  know  in  what  quarter  the  attack 
of  the  British  was  to  be  expected,  Nathan  Hale, 
a  captain  in  Knowlton's  regiment,  a  graduate  of 
Yale  college,  an  excellent  scholar,  comparatively 
a  veteran  in  the  service,  having  served  with 
Knowlton  at  Cambridge,  but  three  months  be- 
yond one -and -twenty,  yet  already  betrothed,  vo- 
lunteered to  venture,  under  a  disguise,  within  the 

21.  British  lines.  Just  at  the  moment  of  his  return, 
he  was  seized  and  carried  before  General  Howe, 
in  New  York;  he  frankly  avowed  his  name  and 
rank  in  the  American  army,  and  his  purpose,  which 
his  papers  confirmed;  and,  without  a  trial,  Howe 
ordered  him  to  be  executed  the  following  morning 
as  a  spy.  That  night  he  was  exposed  to  the  inso- 
lent cruelty  of  his  jailer.  The  consolation  of  seeing 
a  clergyman  was  denied  him ;  his  request  for  a 
Bible  was  refused.  The  more  humane  British  offi- 
cer who  was  deputed  to  superintend  his  execution 
furnished    him  means  to  write  to  his   mother   and 

22.  to  a  comrade  in  arms.  On  the  morning  of  the 
twenty-second,  as  he  ascended  the  gallows,  he  said: 
"I  only  regret  that  I  have  but  one  life  to  lose 
for  my  country."  The  provost-marshal  destroyed 
his  letters,  as  if  grudging  his  friends  a  knowledge 
of  the  firmness  with  which  he  had  contemplated 
death.  His  countrymen  never  pretended  that  the 
beauty  of  his  character  should  have  exempted  him 
from  the  penalty  which  the  laws  of  war  imposed; 
they  complained  only  that  the  hours  of  his  impris- 
onment were  embittered  by  barbarous  harshness. 

The   Americans   kept  up   the   system   of  wearing 
out    their    enemy     by    continual    skirmishes    and 


THE  EMBARRASSMENTS   OF   AMERICA.  131 

alarms.  On  the  twenty-third,  at  the  glimmer  of  chap. 
dawn,  in  a  well-planned  but  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  recapture  Randall's  island,  Thomas  Henly,  of 
Charlestown,  Massachusetts,  "one  of  the  best  offi- 
cers in  the  army,"  lost  his  life.  He  was  buried  by 
the  side  of  Knowlton,  within  the  present  Trinity 
cemetery. 

The  prisoners  of  war,  five  hundred  in  number,  24. 
whom  Carleton  had  sent  from  Quebec  on  parole, 
were  landed  on  the  twenty-fourth  from  shallops  at 
Elizabeth  point.  It  wanted  but  an  hour  or  two 
of  midnight;  the  moon,  nearly  full,  shone  cloudless- 
ly; Morgan,  as  he  sprung  from  the  bow  of  the 
boat,  fell  on  the  earth  as  if  to  clasp  it,  and  cried : 
"  0  my  country."  They  all  ran  a  race  to  Eliza- 
bethtown,  where,  too  happy  to  sleep,  they  passed 
the  night  in  singing,  dancing,  screaming,  and  rais- 
ing the  Indian  halloo  from  excess  of  joy.  On 
hearing  that  Morgan  was  returned,  Washington 
hastened  his  exchange,  and  recommended  his  pro- 
motion. Next  to  Washington,  Morgan  was  the  best 
officer  whom  Virginia  sent  into  the  field,  though 
she  raises  no  statue  to  the  incomparable  leader 
of  her   light   troops. 

Meantime,  the  continental  government  proceeded 
with  the  dilatoriness  and  hesitancy  which  belonged 
to  the  feebleness  of  its  organization.  The  commit- 
tee for  confederation  and  that  for  foreign  alliances 
had  been  appointed  in  June,  in  connection  with 
the  committee  for  declaring  independence.  Seem- 
ingly irreconcilable  differences  of  opinion  left  con- 
gress no  heart  to  continue  the  work  of  confedera- 
tion; Edward  Rutledge  despaired  of  success,  unless 


132  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  the  states  should  appoint  a  special  convention,  to 
be  formed  of  new  representatives,  chosen  for  this 
purpose  alone. 

On  the  seventeenth,  after  many  weeks  of  delib- 
eration, the  members  of  congress  adopted  an  elabo- 
rate plan  of  a  treaty  to  be  proposed  to  France. 
Its  terms  betray  the  boundlessness  of  their  aspira- 
tions and  the  lurking  uncertainty  of  their  hopes. 
They  wished  France  to  engage  in  a  separate  war 
with  Great  Britain,  and  by  this  diversion  to  leave 
America  the  opportunity  of  establishing  her  inde- 
pendence. They  were  willing  to  assure  to  Spain 
freedom  from  molestation  in  its  territories;  they 
renounced  in  favor  of  France  all  eventual  con- 
quests in  the  West  Indies;  but  they  claimed  the 
sole  right  of  acquiring  British  continental  America, 
and  all  adjacent  islands,  including  the  Bermudas, 
Cape  Breton,  and  Newfoundland.  It  was  America 
and  not  France  which  first  applied  the  maxim  of 
monopoly  to  the  fisheries :  the  king  of  France 
might  retain  his  exclusive  rights  on  the  banks  of 
Newfoundland,  as  recognised  by  England  in  the 
treaty  of  1763;  but  his  subjects  were  not  to  fish 
"in  the  havens,  bays,  creeks,  roads,  coasts,  or 
places,"  which  the  United  States  were  to  win.  In 
maritime  law,  the  rising  nation  avowed  the  prin- 
ciple that  free  ships  impart  freedom  to  goods; 
that  a  neutral  power  may  lawfully  trade  with  a 
belligerent.  Privateering  was  not  abolished,  but 
much  restricted,  and  in  its  worst  form  was  to  be 
pHmished  as  piracy.  The  young  republic,  in  this 
moment  of  her  greatest  need,  was  not  willing  to 
make    one    common    cause    with   France,   nor   even 


THE  EMBARRASSMENTS   OF  AMERICA.  133 

to  abstain  from  commerce  with  England ;  she  only  chap. 
offered  not  to  assist  Great  Britain  in  the  war  on 
France,  nor  trade  with  that  power  in  contraband 
goods.  At  most,  the  commissioners  were  permitted 
to  stipulate  that  the  United  States  would  never 
again  be  subject  to  the  crown  or  the  parliament 
of  Great  Britain;  and,  in  case  France  should  be- 
come involved  in  the  war,  that  neither  party 
should  make  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace  without 
six  months'  notice  to  the  other.  The  commission- 
ers were  further  instructed  to  solicit  muskets  and 
bayonets,  ammunition,  and  brass  field-pieces,  to  be 
sent  under  convoy  by  France ;  and  it  was  added : 
"It  will  be  proper  for  you  to  press  for  the  imme- 
diate and  explicit  declaration  of  France  in  our 
favor,  upon  a  suggestion  that  a  reunion  with  Great 
Britain  may  be  the  consequence  of  a  delay." 

In  the  selection  of  the  three  members  of  the 
commission,  Franklin  was  placed  at  its  head ;  Deane, 
with  whom  Robert  Morris  had  associated  an  un- 
worthy member  of  his  own  family  as  a  joint  com- 
mercial agent  in  France,  was  chosen  next ;  to  them 
was  added  Jefferson,  who,  early  in  August,  had 
retired  from  congress  to  assist  his  native  state  in 
adapting  its  code  of  laws  to  its  new  life  as  a 
republic.  When  Jefferson  declared  himself  con- 
strained to  decline  the  appointment,  which  to  him 
was  so  full  of  promise,  it  was  given  to  Arthur  Lee. 
Thus  the  United  States  were  to  be  represented 
in  France,  to  its  people  and  to  the  elder  House 
of  Bourbon,  by  a  treacherous  merchant,  by  a  bar- 
rister who,  otherwise  a  patriot,  was  consumed  by 
malignant    envy,    and    by    Franklin,    the    greatest 

VOL.  IX.  12 


134  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  diplomatist  of  his  century.  Franklin  proposed  that 
the  commission  should  also  have  power  to  treat 
forthwith  for  peace  with  England. 

The  attempt  to  raise  up  a  navy  encountered 
many  difficulties.  There  was  a  want  of  guns, 
canvas,  and  ammunition.  In  the  preceding  Decem- 
ber, congress  had  ordered  the  construction  of 
thirteen  ships  of  war,  each  of  which  was  to  carry 
from  twenty-four  to  thirty-two  guns;  but  not  one 
of  them  was  ready  for  sea,  and  the  national 
cruisers  consisted  of  about  twelve  merchant  vessels, 
purchased  and  equipped  at  intervals.  The  officers, 
of  whom  the  first  formal  appointment  was  made 
on  the  twenty-second  of  December,  1775,  and  in- 
cluded the  names  of  Nicholas  Biddle  and  John 
Paul .  Jones,  were  necessarily  taken  from  merchant 
ships.  The  *  unfitness  of  the  highest  officer  in  the 
naval  service,  as  displayed  in  his  management  of 
a  squadron  which  had  gone  to  sea  in  the  spring, 
had  just  been  exposed  by  an  inquiry,  and,  in  spite 
of  the  support  of  the  eastern  states,  he  had  been 
censured  by  a  vote  of  congress;  yet,  from  tender- 
ness to  his  brother,  who  was  a  member  of  con- 
gress, a  motion  for  his  dismissal  was  obstructed, 
and  a  majority  ordered  the  aged  and  incompetent 
man  to  resume  the  command,  which  he  was  sure 
to  disgrace.  American  privateers,  in  the  year  1776, 
captured  three  hundred  and  forty-two  British  ves- 
sels; and  these  volunteer  adventures  were  so  lucra- 
tive, that  none  of  the  comparatively  few  sailors 
who  entered  upon  the  public  service  would  enlist 
for  more  than  a  twelvemonth,  and  most  of  them 
would    engage    only   for   one    cruise.     Hopkins    did 


THE   EMBARRASSMENTS   OF  AMERICA.  135 

not    lead    his    squadron    again    to    sea;    but    John   chap. 
Paul  Jones   and  others   gained   honor   as   comman- 
ders  of  single    ships   in   the   public    service. 

The  great  need  of  the  country  was  an  effective 
force  on  land.  Before  the  middle  of  June,  the 
committee  on  spies,  of  which  John  Adams  and 
Edward  Rutledge  were  members,  were  desired  to 
revise  the  articles  of  war;  yet  more  than  three 
months  elapsed  before  the  adoption  of  an  improved 
code,  formed  on  the  British  regulations. 

The  country  was  upon  the  eve  of  a  dissolution 
of  its  army ;  Washington,  almost  a  year  before,  had 
foretold  to  congress  the  evils  of  their  system  with 
as  much  accuracy  as  if  he  "had  spoken  with  a 
prophetic  spirit."  His  condition  at  present  was 
more  critical  than  before,  for  a  larger  force  was 
arrayed  against  him,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
people  had  been  deadened  by  misfortunes  and 
time.  An  unskilled  volunteer  is  no  match  for  a 
well-trained  veteran.  When,  under  the  first  impulse 
of  irritated  feeling,  men  fly  to  arms,  the  boldest 
and  most  energetic  are  the  first  to  come  forward ; 
as  the  season  of  cooler  reasoning  returns,  the  most 
forward  begin  to  murmur  at  the  inequality  of 
service  for  the  common  good.  Levies  of  militia, 
poorly  equipped,  suddenly  called  for  a  few  weeks 
from  the  tender  scenes  of  domestic  life,  unused 
to  the  din  of  arms,  and  conscious  of  their  own 
inexperience  and  ignorance,  are  distrustful  of  diem- 
selves  when  opposed  to  skilful  and  well-appointed 
troops,  and  fly  from  the  shadow  of  danger.  Un- 
practised in  subordination,  they  are  made  more 
restless  by  the  change  of  lodging  and  food;  their 


136  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  thoughts  go  back  to  their  families,  their  fields, 
< — r-^  their  flocks  and  herds;  they  begin  to  repine,  and 
Se  t*  dejection  brings  on  sickness  and  death,  or  an  un- 
conquerable yearning  for  home.  They  cost  as  much 
as  a  regular  army  of  twice  their  number.  Yet 
raw  troops,  levied  for  four  months,  or  even  but  for 
one,  formed  the  chief  part  of  Washington's  force. 
The  want  of  good  officers  was  still  more  to  be 
complained  of;  especially  those  from  New  England 
did  not  fitly  represent  the  talent,  and  military 
zeal  of  that  part  of  the  country.  The  war  had 
lasted  nearly  seventeen  months  before  congress 
could  be  partially  divested  of  their  dread  of  a 
standing  army,  or  give  up  the  idea  of  primarily 
relying  for  defence  on  the  militia  of  the  states 
nearest  the  scene  of  war.  At  last,  on  the  sixteenth 
16.  of  September,  they  resolved,  that  eighty-eight  bat- 
talions be  enlisted  as  soon  as  possible  to  serve 
during  the  war;  but  the  inducements  which  they 
offered  for  such  enlistment  were  inadequate ;  more- 
over, they  devised  no  way  of  raising  regiments, 
except  by  apportioning  to  the  thirteen  states  their 
respective  quotas;  and  this  reference  of  the  subject 
to  so  many  separate  legislatures  or  governments 
could  not  but  occasion  a  delay  of  several  months, 
even  if  the  best  will  should  prevail.  Congress  had 
no  magazines;  they  therefore  further  left  the 
states  to  provide  arms  and  clothing.  To  complete 
the  difficulty  of  organizing  a  national  army,  they 
secured  to  the  several  states  the  appointment  of 
all  officers,  except  general  officers,  even  to  the 
filling  up  of  vacancies;  so  that  no  discretion  was 
reserved    to    the    commander-in-chief)    or    formally 


THE  EMBARRASSMENTS   OF  AMERICA.  137 

even    to    themselves,    to    promote   the   meritorious,   chap. 
Vacancies  must  remain  undisposed  of  till  the  states,  * — ^ 
each  for  itself,  should  intervene;  and  it  was  feared  1ge7^* 
that  those   governments  would   be  swayed   by   the      n>. 
querulous  importunities  of  the  least  worthy   appli- 
cants. 

Before  he  received  official  notice  of  the  new 
arrangement,  Washington  borrowed  hours  allotted 
to  sleep  to  convey  to  congress  with  sincerity  and 
freedom  his  thoughts  on  the  proper  organization 
of  the  army.  For  himself  he  wished  no  recom- 
pense but  such  changes  as  would  enable  him  to 
give  satisfaction  to  the  public;  but,  said  he,  "expe- 
rience, which  is  the  best  criterion  to  work  by,  so 
fully,  clearly,  and  decisively  reprobates  the  practice 
of  trusting  to  militia,  that  no  man  Avho  regards 
order,  regularity,  and  economy,  or  his  own  honor, 
character,  or  peace  of  mind,  will  risk  them  upon 
this  issue.  The  evils  to  be  apprehended  from  a 
standing  army  are  remote,  and,  situated  as  we  are, 
not  at  all  to  be  dreaded;  but  the  consequence  of 
wanting  one  is  certain  and  inevitable  ruin.  This 
contest  is  not  likely  to  be  the  work  of  a  day; 
and,  to  carry  on  the  war  systematically,  you  must 
establish  your  army  upon  a  permanent  footing." 
The  materials  he  said  were  excellent;  to  induce 
enlistments  for  the  continuance  of  the  war,  he 
urged  the  offer  of  a  sufficient  bounty;  for  the 
officers,  he  advised  proper  care  in  their  nomina- 
tion, and  such  pay  as  Would  encourage  "gentle- 
men" and  persons  of  liberal  sentiments  to  engage: 
in  this  manner  they  would  in  a  little  time  have 
an  army  able  to  cope  with  any  adversary. 
12* 


138  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

These  earnest  expostulations  commanded  little 
more  respect  from  congress  than  a  reference  to 
1g7^'  a  committee;  three  of  its  members  had  already 
been  deputed  to  repair  to  the  camp  on  Harlem 
heights,  but  their  mission  was  attended  by  no 
perceptible  results;  troops  continued  to  be  levied 
by  requisitions  on  the  several  states,  and  officers 
to  be  nominated  by  local  authorities,  without  due 
regard  to  their  qualifications.  Washington,  there- 
fore, reluctantly  bade  adieu  to  every  present  hope 
of  getting  an  efficient  army;  and  yet  neither  the 
neglect,  distrust,  and  interference  of  congress,  nor 
the  occasional  decline  of  zeal  in  the  people  of 
some  of  the  states,  nor  the  want  of  able  or  even 
of  competent  subordinates,  nor  the  melting  away 
of  his  force  by  the  returning  home  of  his  troops 
at  the  end  of  their  term  of  enlistment,  could  ever 
for  one  moment  make  him  waver  in  his  purpose 
of  perseverance  to  the  end.  No  provocation  could 
force  from  his  pen  one  word  of  personal  petulance, 
or  even  the  momentary  expression  of  a  wish  to 
resign  his  place. 

His  reiterated  desire  that  the  officers  might  be 
selected  from  among  "gentlemen"  meant  no  more 
than  that  the  choice  misfit  fall  on  men  who  would 

o 

be  alive  to  the  sense  of  their  responsibility;  he 
befriended  and  honored  true  merit  wherever  it  was 
found.  Notwithstanding  the  warmth  of  his  entreaties 
for  a  standing  force,  Washington  always  trusted  the 
people ;  his  sympathy  with  them  was  perfect,  and 
his  abiding  judgment  of  them  just ;  but  he  wished 
the  men  of  the  people,  freeholders,  husbands,  and 
fathers,  to  be  trained  under  able  commanders,  and 


THE   EMBARRASSMENTS   OF  AMERICA.  139 

bound  to  the  country  and  to  one  another  to  per-  chap. 
severe  in  arms  like  himself  until  their  work  was  * — -r^ 
done.  So  it  had  been  in  England  during  the  civil  g  t  * 
wars  of  the  republic.  This  organization  could  not  be 
fully  attained  by  the  United  States,  but  the  people, 
without  being  permanently  embodied,  proved  their 
efficiency  by  untiring  zeal  and  vigilance  and 
courage ;  coming  forward  as  militia, .  they  ever  re- 
mained the  chief  support  of  their  country,  and  it 
was  by  them  that  American  liberty  was  asserted, 
defended,  and  made  triumphant.  To  undisciplined 
militia  belonged  the  honors  of  Concord  and  Lex- 
ington ;  militia  withstood  the  British  at  Bunker 
Hill;  by  the  aid  of  militia  an  army  of  veterans 
was  driven  from  Boston ;  and  we  shall  see  the 
unprosperous  tide  of  affairs,  in  the  central  states,  in 
the  north,  and  in  the  south,  turned  by  the  sudden 
uprising  of  devoted  volunteers.  Yet,  for  the  time, 
the  bravest  had  moments  of  despondency.  Robert 
Morris,  the  most  sanguine  of  American  statesmen, 
feared  that  General  Howe  would  not  leave  time 
for  a  diversion  from  France ;  "  I  confess,"  he  wrote, 
"as  things  appear  to  me,  the  prospect  is  gloomy." 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

the  course  of  opinion  in  england. 

September  28 — November,  1776. 

In  England  the  national  spirit  was  every  day 
becoming  more  and  more  vehement  against  the 
Americans;  and  as  their  demand  had  changed  from 
redress  to  independence,  ninety-nine  out  of  one 
hundred  of  their  old  well-wishers  desired  their 
subjection.  The  account  of  the  success  on  Long 
Island,  received  just  before  the  end  of  September, 
strengthened  the  hope  that  the  junction  of  the 
armies  of  Howe  and  Carleton  would  reduce  the 
province  of  New  York,  restore  a  legislative  gov- 
ernment under  the  crown,  dissolve  the  loosely 
joined  confederacy,  and  force  the  colonies  to  make 
Oct.  their  peace  one  by  one.  While  Germain  attributed 
"infinite  honor  to  Lord  Howe,  the  all-inspecting 
admiral  so  deservedly  beloved  and  admired  by 
men  and  officers,"  he  strained  after  words  to  praise 
"the  inborn  courage  and  active  spirit"  of  General 
Howe,  whom  he  described   as   "uniting  to  the  fire 


THE   COURSE   OF   OPINION  IN  ENGLAND.  141 

of  youth  all  the  wisdom  of  experience,"  and  whom  chap. 
the  king,  as  a  public  testimony  of  favor,  on  the 
eighteenth  of  October,  nominated  a  knight -com- 
panion of  the  order  of  the  Bath.  The  cause  of 
the  Americans  seeming  now  to  be  lost,  Fox  wrote 
to  Rockingham :  "  It  should  be  a  point  of  honor 
among  us  all  to  support  the  American  pretensions 
in  adversity  as  much  as  we  did  in  their  pros- 
perity, and  never  desert  those  who  have  acted 
unsuccessfully   upon   whig   principles." 

The  session  of  parliament  was  at  hand,  and  the 
whig  party  was  divided;  Rockingham,  Burke,  and 
their  friends  proposed  to  stay  away,  assigning  as 
their  motive  that  their  opposition  did  but  strength- 
en the  ministry  by  exhibiting  their  weakness. 
Adhering  still  more  closely  than  ever  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  free  government,  Fox  remonstrated  with 
them  earnestly  and  wisely :  "  I  conjure  you,  over 
and  over  again,  to  consider  the  importance  of  the 
crisis;  secession  at  present  would  be  considered  as 
running  away  from  the  conquerors,  and  giving  up 
a  cause  which  we  think  no  longer  tenable."  Rock- 
ingham and  Burke  occupied  a  position  which  was 
not  tenable ;  and  they  were  doubtful  what  policy 
to  choose.  To  an  insurrection  that  seemed  in  its 
last  agony  they  would  not  offer  independence; 
they  therefore  kept  aloof  for  the  time,  willing  to 
step  in  on  the  side  of  mercy  when  the  ministers 
should  have  beaten  down  the  rebellion. 

The  king,  as  he  opened  parliament  on  the  thirty-      si. 
first,  derived  from  the  declaration  of  independence 
"the  one  great  advantage  of  unanimity  at  home;" 
and   he    calmed    moderate   men   by    expressing   his 


142  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   desire   "to  restore  to  the  Americans   the   blessings 

VIII.  .  & 

of  law  and  liberty." 

Lord  John  Cavendish,  who  divided  the  house  on 
the  address,  objected  to  the  policy  and  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  ministry :  "  The  unhappy  differences 
with  the  colonies  took  their  rise  from  parliamen- 
tary proceedings;  yet,  by  the  fatal  omission  of 
parliamentary  authority,  the  commissioners,  nomi- 
nated apparently  for  peace,  have  no  legal  powers 
but  of  giving  or  withholding  pardons;  and  they 
cannot  relax  the  severity  of  a  single  penal  act  of 
parliament.  The  principles  operating  among  the 
inhabitants  of  the  colonies  in  their  commotions 
bear  an  exact  analogy  with  those  which  support 
the  most  valuable  part  of  our  constitution ;  to 
extirpate  them  by  the  sword,  in  any  part  of  his 
majesty's  dominions,  would  establish  precedents  the 
most  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  this  kingdom." 
Johnstone  justified  the  Americans,  and  railed  at 
the  king's  speech  as  a  compound  of  hypocrisy. 
"It  is  impossible  for  this  island  to  conquer  and 
hold  America,"  said  Wilkes;  "we  must  recall  our 
fleets  and  armies,  repeal  all  acts  injurious  to  the 
Americans,  and  restore  their  charters,  if  we  would 
restore  unity  to  the  empire."  It  was  said  in  de- 
bate, that  the  ministry  had  only  the  option  of 
abandoning  America  or  carrying  it  by  the  sword. 
"No,"  said  Lord  North,  "the  first  measure  will  be 
for  some  of  the  colonies  to  break  off  from  the 
general  confederacy.  Reconciliation  has  constantly 
been  my  object;  it  is  my  wish  to  use  victory  with 
moderation  rather  than  as  an  object  of  triumph." 
The    house    was    reminded     by     Barre     that    both 


THE   COURSE   OF   OPINION  IN  ENGLAND.  143 

France  and  Spain  might  interfere.  Germain  re-  chap. 
plied  :  "  Do  you  suppose  the  House  of  Bourbon  * — Y — - 
would  like  to  have  the  spirit  of  independence  0ct  * 
cross  the  Atlantic,  or  their  own  colonists  catch  fire  si. 
at  the  unlimited  rights  of  mankind  ?  They  will 
not  be  so  blind  to  their  own  interests.  General 
Howe  will  put  New  York  at  the  mercy  of  the 
king :  after  which  the  legislature  will  be  restored." 
"  Administration,"  said  Fox,  "  deserve  nothing  but 
reproach  for  having  brought  the  Americans  into 
such  a  situation  that  it  is  impossible  for  them  to 
pursue  any  other  conduct  than  what  they  have 
pursued.  In  declaring  independence  they  have 
done  no  more  than  the  English  did  against  James 
the  Second.  The  noble  lord  who  spoke  last  prides 
himself  on  a  legislature  being  reestablished  in  New 
York ;  it  has  been  very  well  said  that  the  speech 
is  a  hypocritical  one;  in  truth,  there  is  not  a  little 
hypocrisy  in  supposing  that  a  king,"  —  and  he 
made  the  allusion  more  direct,  by  ironically  except- 
ing George  the  Third,  as  one  who  really  loved 
liberty,  —  "that  a  common  king  should  be  soli- 
citous to  establish  anything  that  depends  on  a 
popular  assembly.  Kings  govern  by  means  of 
popular  assemblies,  only  when  they  cannot  do 
without  them;  to  suppose  a  king  fond  of  that 
mode  of  governing,  is  to  suppose  a  chimera.  It 
cannot  exist.  It  is  contrary  to  the  nature  of 
things.  But  if  this  happy  time  of  law  and  liberty 
is  to  be  restored  to  America,  why  was  it  ever 
disturbed  ?  It  reigned  there  till  the  abominable 
doctrine  of  gaining  money  by  taxes  infatuated  the 
heads  of  our  statesmen.     Why  did  you  destroy  the 


144  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  fair  work  of  so  many  ages,  in  order  to  reestab- 
lish it  by  the  bayonets  of  disciplined  Germans? 
If  we  are  reduced  to  the  dilemma  of  conquer- 
ing or  abandoning  America,  I  am  for  abandoning 
America." 

This  intrepid  concession  of  independence  to  the 
colonies  thrilled  the  house  of  commons.  "I  never 
in  my  life  heard  a  more  masterly  speech,"  said 
Gibbon.  "I  never  knew  any  one  better  on  any 
occasion,"  said  Burke. 

Nov.  The  division  left  the  ministry  in  the  undisputed 
possession  of  power  in  parliament,  and  confident 
of  early  success  in  reducing  America;  but  letters 
from  General  Howe  to  the  twenty-fifth  of  Septem- 
ber, which  were  received  by  Germain  late  at  night 
on  Saturday  the  second  of  November,  crushed  their 
hopes  of  an  easy  triumph.  The  occupation  of  New 
York  city  and  of  Paulus-hook  was  announced;  but 
it  was  plainly  seen  that  the  further  progress  of  the 
army  for  the  season  was  precarious;  that  the 
second  division  of  Hessians  had  not  arrived;  that 
the  loyalists  among  the  Americans  were  not  dis- 
posed to  serve  in  the  war;  that  Albany  was  safe, 
unless  Burgoyne  should  march  upon  it  with  the 
aid  of  Indians;  that  there  would  be  no  junction 
with  Carleton;  that  Washington  was  too  strongly 
posted  to  be  attacked  in  front,  and  that  there 
were  innumerable  difficulties  in  the  way  of  turn- 
ing him  on  either  side ;  that  there  was  not  the 
smallest  prospect  of  finishing  the  contest  this  cam- 
paign; and  that  success  in  the  next  was  to  be 
hoped  only  from  such  vast  preparations  as  would 
preclude    all    thoughts   of  further   resistance.      For 


THE   COURSE   OF   OPINION  IN  ENGLAND.  145 

this  end  General  Howe  asked  for  ten  line-of-battle 
ships  with  supernumerary  seamen  to  join  the  fleet 
in  February,  and  for  an  indefinite  number  of 
recruits  from  Europe. 

These  demands  were  embarrassing ;  Germain 
must  either  meet  them,  which  was  impossible,  or 
admit  the  prospect  of  failure  in  the  next  year. 
These  gloomy  forebodings  he  kept  to  himself, 
though  his  runners  about  town  were  taught  to 
screen  the  ministry  by  throwing  the  blame  of 
delays  upon  Clinton,  Carleton,  Howe,  and  others, 
as  mad  or  ignorant,  rash  or  inactive  ;  but  he 
could  not  conceal  the  second  public  declaration 
of  the  commissioners,  in  which  the  two  brothers 
pledged  the  ministers  to  concur  in  the  revisal  of 
all  the  acts  of  parliament  by  which  the  Americans 
were  aggrieved.  To  test  the  sincerity  of  this 
offer,  Lord  John  Cavendish,  on  the  sixth,  moved 
that  the  house  should  resolve  itself  into  a  com- 
mittee to  consider  of  that  revisal.  The  motion 
perplexed  Lord  North,  who  certainly  did  not  wish 
to  root  up  every  chance  of  reconciliation ;  but  the 
momentary  exigency  of  the  debate  outweighed  the 
consideration  of  a  remote  people,  and  forced  him 
to  say :  "  I  will  never  allow  the  legislative  claims 
of  this  country  to  be  a  grievance,  nor  relax  in 
pursuing  those  claims,  so  long  as  the  Americans, 
as  subjects  or  independent  states,  dispute  our 
power  and  right  of  legislation.  Let  them  acknowl- 
edge the  right,  and  I  shall  he  ready,  not  only  to 
remedy  real  grievances,  but  even,  in  some  instances, 
to  bend  to  their  prejudices."  In  this  manner  the 
prime    minister,  with    his    eyes   wide    open    to    the 

VOL.   IX.  13 


146  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  impending    calamities,    suffered    himself   to    be    the 
' — y — '  instrument  of  the  system  which  in  his  heart  he  at 

1776.  • 

Nov  *  that  very  time  condemned  as  fraught  with  mischief 
to  the  king  and  to  the  country.  Fox  directed  atten- 
tion to  the  two  principal  grievances  which  needed 
revision :  the  assumption  of  power  to  raise  taxes, 
and  of  power  to  modify  or  annihilate  charters  at 
pleasure.  "It  is  impossible/'  replied  Wedderburn, 
"to  enter  upon  the  question  of  taxation  and  char- 
ters as  a  means  of  reconciliation;  the  one  prelimi- 
nary point  which  must  be  settled  is  independence; 
till  the  spirit  of  independency  is  subdued,  revisions 
are  idle;  the  Americans  have  no  terms  to  demand 
from  your  justice,  whatever  they  may  hope  from 
your  grace  and  mercy."  Lord  John  Cavendish,  on 
the  division,  obtained  less  than  fifty  votes. 

From  this  time,  Burke  and  the  friends  of  Rock- 
ingham made  an  ostentatious  display  of  their 
secession  from  parliament :  they  attended  in  the 
morning  on  private  business,  but  so  soon  as  public 
business  was  introduced,  they  made  a  bow  to  the 
speaker  and  withdrew;  leaving  the  ministers  to 
carry  their  measures  without  opposition  or  debate. 
But  this  policy  did  not  suit  the  ardent  genius  of 
Fox,  whose  sagacity  and  fearlessness  had  now 
made  him,  at  twenty-seven,  the  most  important 
member  of  the  house  of  commons. 

The  character  of  this  unique  man  was  not  a 
chapter  of  contradictions ;  each  part  of  his  nature 
was  in  harmony  witfc  all  the  rest.  With  talents, 
good -nature,  and  truthfulness,  he  had  no  restrain- 
ing principles,  and  looked  down  with  contempt  on 
those  who  had.     Priding    himself  on    ignorance    of 


THE   COURSE   OF   OPINION  IN  ENGLAND.  147 

every  self-denying  virtue,  an  adept  in  debauch  chap. 
and  vain  of  his  excesses,  he  feared  nothing.  Un- 
lucky at  the  gaming-table  beyond  all  calculation 
of  chances,  draining  the  cup  of  pleasure  to  the 
dregs,  fond  of  loose  women  and  beloved  by  them, 
the  delight  of  profligates,  the  sport  of  usurers, 
impoverished  by  his  vices,  he  braved  scandal,  and 
gloried  in  a  lordly  recklessness  of  his  inability  to 
pay  his  debts,  as  if  superb  ostentation  in  misfortune 
raised  him  above  all  his  fellow-men.  He  had  a 
strong  will;  but  he  never  used  it  to  bridle  his 
passions,  even  though  their  indulgence  wronged 
his  own  father,  or  corrupted  his  young  admirers. 
Born  to  wealth  and  rank  and  easy  access  to  the 
service  of  the  king,  at  heart  an  aristocrat,  he  could 
scoff  at  monarchy  and  hold  the  language  of  a 
leveller  and  a  demagogue.  He  loved  poetry  and 
elegant  letters,  the  songs  of  Homer  above  all ;  but 
science  was  too  dull  for  him,  and  even  the  style 
and  lucidity  and  novelty  of  Adam  Smith  could  not 
charm  the  licentious,  rollicking  statesman  to  the 
study  of  political  economy.  His  uncurbed  licen- 
tiousness seemed  rather  to  excite  than  to  exhaust 
his  lofty  powers ;  his  perceptions  were  quick  and 
instinctively  true;  and  in  his  wildest  dissipation  he 
retained  an  unextinguishable  passion  for  activity 
of  intellect.  Living  as  though  men  and  women 
were  instruments  of  pleasure,  he  yet  felt  himself 
destined  for  great  things,  and  called  forth  to  the 
service  of  mankind.  To  be  talked  about,  he  would 
stake  all  he  had  and  more  on  a  wager;  but 
the  all-conquering  instinct  of  his  ambition  drove 
him   to   the   house  of  commons.     There  his  genius 


VIII. 


148  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  was   at  home ;   and   that  body  cherished  him   with 

1  'II  1  *  V 

the  indulgent  pride  which  it  always  manifests  to 
those  who  keep  up  its  high  reputation  with  the 
world.  A  knotty  brow,  a  dark  brown  complexion, 
thick,  shaggy  eyebrows,  and  a  compact  frame 
marked  a  rugged  audacity  and  a  commanding 
energy,  which  made  him  rude  and  terrible  as  an 
adversary;  but  with  all  this  he  had  a  loveliness 
of  teniper  which  so  endeared  him  to  his  friends 
that  the  survivors  among  them  never  ceased  the 
praise  of  the  sweetness  and  gentleness  of  his 
familiar  intercourse.  It  was  natural  to  him  to  ven- 
erate greatness  like  Edmund  Burke's;  and  a  wound 
in  his  affections  easily  moved  him  to  tears.  His 
life  was  dissolute ;  his  speech  was  austere.  His 
words  were  all  pure  English;  he  took  no  pains  to 
hunt  after  them ;  the  aptest  came  at  his  call,  and 
seemed  to  belong  to  him.  Every  part  of  his 
discourse  lived  and  moved.  He  never  gave  up 
strength  of  statement  for  beauty  of  expression; 
and  never  stopped  to  fill  up  gaps  with  fine 
phrases.  His  healthy  diction  was  unaffectedly  sim- 
ple and  nervous,  always  effective,  sometimes  majes- 
tic and  resounding,  rarely  ornate,  and  then  only 
when  he  impressed  a  saying  of  poet  or  philosopher 
to  tip  his  argument  with  fire.  He  never  dazzled 
with  brilliant  colors,  but  could  startle  by  boldness 
in  the  contrast  of  light  and  shade.  He  forced  his 
hearers  to  be  attentive  and  docile ;  for  he  spoke 
only  when  he  had  something  to  say  that  needed 
to  be  said,  and  compelled  admiration  because  he 
made  himself  understood.  What  was  entangled  he 
could    unfold    quickly    and    lucidly;    now    speaking 


THE   COURSE   OF   OPINION  IN  ENGLAND.  14S 

with  copious  fluency,  and  now  discussing  point  by  chap. 
point;  at  one  time  confining  debate  within  the  nar- 
rowest limits,  and  again  speaking  as  if  inspired  to 
plead  the  welfare  of  all  mankind.  He  had  a  won- 
derful gift  at  finding  and  bringing  together  what 
he  wanted,  though  lying  far  off  and  apart.  It  was 
his  wont  to  march  straight  forward  to  his  end ;  but 
he  knew  how  to  turn  aside  from  an  attack,  to 
retreat  with  his  eye  ever  on  his  enemy,  and 
then,  by  an  unexpected  reversion,  to  strike  him 
suddenly  as  with  talons.  When  involved  in  dispute, 
he  dashed  at  the  central  idea,  which  was  of  power 
to  decide  the  question;  grasped  it  firmly  and  held 
it  fast;  turned  it  over  and  over  on  every  side; 
presented  it  in  the  most  various  aspects;  came 
back  to  dwell  upon  it  with  fresh  force ;  renewed 
blow  after  blow  till  it  became  annealed  like  steel. 
He  hit  the  nail  again  and  again,  and  always  on 
the  head,  till  he  drove  it  home  into  the  minds  of 
his  hearers;  and  when  he  was  beaten  by  the  ma- 
jority, he  still  bore  away  the  palm  as  a  wrestler. 
His  merits,  as  summed  up  by  Mackintosh,  were 
"reason,   simplicity,   and    vehemence." 

Yet  Fox  was  great  only  as  a  speaker;  nay,  his 
sphere  was  still  narrower:  he  was  great  only  as  a 
speaker  in  the  house  of  commons,  and  there  great 
only  as  a  speaker  in  opposition.  He  was  too 
skilful  in  controversy  to  be  able  to  present  the 
connections  and  relations  of  events  with  the  com- 
prehensive fairness  of  an  historian ;  and  his  strength 
went  out  from  him  when  he  undertook  only  to 
tell  what  had  been  done.  He  failed  as  a  states- 
man, not  from  defect  of  heart,  but  from  the  uncer- 

13* 


150  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  tainty  which  attends  the  want  of  fixed  principles, 
<w-y — -  and  which  left  him  exposed  to  the  allurements  of 
Nov  *  any  promising  coalition ;  but  he  was  the  very  man 
to  storm  a  citadel.  In  running  down  a  ministry, 
his  voice  hallooed  on  the  pack,  and  he  was  sure 
to  be  the  first  in  at  the  death.  And  now,  in 
the  house  of  commons,  this  master  of  debate  had 
declared  for  the  independence  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  BORDER  WAR  IN  THE  NORTH  AND  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

July — November,  1776. 

All  hopes  of  an  early  subjugation  of  "the  rebels"   chap, 
were    growing    dim.     Subordinates    in    Canada   paid  * — Y — 
court   to   the  "  confidential   circle "   of  Germain   by    Jul    * 
echoing    censures    of    Carleton,    especially    that    he    Sept. 
had  chilled  the  zeal    of  the  Indians  by  forbidding 
them  to  pass  the  boundary  of  his  province. 

Early  in  September,  Hamilton,  the  lieutenant- 
governor  of  Detroit,  wrote  from  his  district  directly 
to  the  secretary  of  state,  promising  that  small 
parties  "  of  the  savages  assembled "  by  him  "  in 
council,"  "  chiefs  and  warriors  from  the  Ottawas, 
Chippewas,  Wyandots,  and  Potawatomies,"  with  the  16. 
Senecas,  would  "fall  on  the  scattered  settlers  on 
the  Ohio "  and  its  branches ;  and  he  checked  every 
impulse  of  mercy  towards  the  Americans,  by  say- 
ing that  "their  arrogance,  disloyalty,  and  impru- 
dence had  justly  drawn  upon  them  this  deplorable 
sort  of  war"     The  British  people  were  guiltless  of 


152  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


chap,   these    outrages:    it   was    Germain   and   his   selected 

IX. 

— y — >  agents  who  hounded    on  the   savages  to  scalp   and 

ji"  massacre  the  settlers  of  the    new  country,  enjoined 

Sept.    with  fretful  restlessness  the  extension  of  the  system 

along  all   the    border   from   New  York  to   Georgia, 

and   chid  every   commander  who  showed   signs    of 

relenting. 

In  1769,  Carleton  had  urged  the  ministry  to 
hold  the  line  of  communication  between  the  Saint 
Lawrence  and  New  York,  as  the  means  of  prevent- 
ing a  separation  of  the  colonies;  he  now  looked 
upon  the  office  of  recovering  that  line  as  reserved 
of  right  for  himself.  In  the  next  year's  campaign 
he  proposed  to  advance  to  Albany;  for  the  present 
he  designed  only  to  acquire  the  mastery  of  Lake 
Champlain,  and  did  not  imagine  that  the  govern- 
ment wished  for  more.  In  constructing  vessels  of 
war  on  these  waters,  the  Americans  had  the  advan- 
tage in  nothing  but  time;  their  skilful  ship-builders 
were  elsewhere  crowded  with  employment  in  fitting 
out  public  vessels  and  privateers;  the  scanty  naval 
stores  which  could  be  spared  had  to  be  transported 
from  tide-water  to  the  lake,  over  almost  impassable 
roads ;  and  every  stick  of  timber  was  to  be  cut  in 
the  adjacent  woods.  When  determined  zeal  had 
constructed  a  fleet  of  eight  gondolas,  three  row- 
galleys,  and  four  sloops  or  schooners,  there  were 
no  naval  officers  nor  mariners  nor  gunners  to  take 
charge  of  them.  The  chief  command  fell  on  Ar- 
nold, a  landsman;  his  second  was  Waterbury,  a 
brigadier  in  the  Connecticut  militia;  the  crews 
were    mostly    soldiers. 

On  the  other  hand,  Carleton  was  aided  by  con- 


THE  BORDER  WAR  IN  THE  NORTH  AND  IN  THE  SOUTH.        153 

structors  from  England,  from  the  fleet  in  the  Saint   chap. 

IX. 

Lawrence,  and  from  the  province  of  Quebec.  The  « — y~~> 
admiralty  contributed  naval  equipments  and  mate-  Ju] 
rials  for  ship -building  in  abundance;  it  sent  from  SePfc- 
the  British  yards  three  vessels  of  war,  fully  pre- 
pared for  service,  in  the  expectation  that  they 
could  be  dragged  up  the  rapids  of  the  Richelieu ; 
two  hundred  or  more  flat-boats  were  built  at  Mon- 
treal and  hauled  to  Saint  Johns,  whence  a  deep 
channel  leads  to  the  lake.  The  numerous  army, 
composed  in  part  of  the  men  of  Brunswick  and 
of  Waldeck,  were  most  amply  provided  with  artil- 
lery, and  were  flushed  with  confidence  of  easy 
victory.  But  while  the  vessels  and  transports  were 
being  built,  or  transferred  to  Lake  Champlain,  the 
troops  for  nearly  three  months  were  trained  as 
sharp-shooters ;  were  exercised  in  charging  upon 
imagined  enemies  in  a  wood ;  were  taught  to  row. 
They  became  familiar  with  the  manners  of  the 
savage  warriors,  of  whom  four  hundred  in  canoes 
were  to  form  their  van  on  the  lake;  and  they 
loved  to  watch  the  labors  of  the  boat-builders. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  drag  the  large  vessels 
by  land  round  the  portage  of  the  Richelieu;  but 
it  was  given  up,  as  too  costly  and  too  slow,  after 
they  had  been  moved  a  hundred  paces,  and  they 
were  taken  in  pieces,  to  be  reconstructed  at  Saint 
Johns.  The  work  went  forward  with  unexpected 
rapidity.  The  "Inflexible,"  which  was  three-masted, 
and  carried  eighteen  or  twenty  twelve -pounders 
and  ten  smaller  guns,  was  rebuilt  in  twenty-eight 
days  after  its  keel  was  laid.  About  seven  hundred 
sailors,    and    the    best    young    naval    officers,    were 


154  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   picked    from    the    ships    of   war   and    transports   to 
man  and  command  the  fleet. 

Till  October,  Arnold  roamed   the  lake   without  a 
check ;  on  the  fourth  of  that  month,  Carleton  began 

10.  his  cautious  advance ;  on  the  tenth,  all  his  fleet 
was  in  motion.  Arnold,  whose  judgment  did  not 
equal  his  courage,  moored  his  squadron  in  the  bay 
between  Valcour  island  and  the  main.  This  choice 
of  a  station  met  with  the  warm  approval  of 
General  Gates;  but  one  more  absurd  or  more  dan- 
gerous could  not  have  been  made,  for  it  left  the 
great  channel   of  the  lake  undisputed   to    his    ene- 

11.  mies,  who,  on  the  morning  of  the  eleventh,  with 
a  wind  from  the  northwest,  passed  between  Great 
and  Valcour  islands,  and  came  into  his  rear.  They 
had  much  more  than  twice  his  weight  of  metal, 
twice  as  many  fighting  vessels,  and  skilled  seamen 
and  officers  against  landsmen.  He  awoke  too  late 
to  the  hopelessness  of  his  position;  but  his  auda- 
city did  not  fail  him ;  forming  a  line  at  anchor  from 
Valcour  to  the  main,  he  advanced  in  the  schooner 
"Royal  Savage,"  supported  by  his  row -galleys. 
The  wind  favored  him,  while  it  kept  off  the 
"Inflexible,"  which  was  already  to  the  south  of 
him ;  but  the  "  Carleton "  was  able  to  get  into 
action,  and  was  sustained  by  the  artillery-boats.  Of 
these,  one  was  sunk,  though  its  men  were  saved  ; 
but  the  best  seamanship  and  gunnery  gained  the 
advantage ;  the  galleys  were  driven  back ;  the 
"Royal  Savage,"  crippled  in  its  masts  and  rigging, 
fell  to  the  leeward,  and  was  stranded  on  Valcour 
island,  whence  Arnold,  with  the  crew,  made  his 
way  to  the  "  Congress."     Meantime  the  "  Carleton," 


THE  BORDER  WAR  IN  THE  NORTH  AND  IN  THE  SOUTH.   155 

accompanied    by    the    artillery-boats,    had    the    dar-   chap. 
ing   to    beat   up    against    the    breeze,   till    it    came  - — Y — 

•  -l  •        1 T  T  ft 

within  musket-shot  of  the  American  line,  when  it  q  " 
opened  fire  from  both  sides.  The  "Congress,"  on  n. 
which  Arnold  was  obliged  to  act  as  gunner,  was 
hurt  in  her  main -mast  and  yards,  was  hulled 
twelve  times,  and  hit  seven  times  between  wind 
and  water;  the  gondola  "New  York"  lost  all  her 
officers  except  her  captain;  in  the  "Washington," 
the  first  lieutenant  was  killed,  the  captain  and 
master  wounded,  the  main -mast  shot  through  so 
that  it  became  useless.  A  gondola  was  sunk.  Of 
the  British  artillery-boats,  one,  or  perhaps  two,  went 
down.  The  "  Carleton,"  which,  owing  to  the  wind, 
could  receive  no  succor,  suffered  severely;  Dacres, 
its  captain,  fell  senseless  from  a  blow;  Brown,  a 
lieutenant  of  marines,  lost  an  arm;  but  Pellew,  a 
lad  of  nineteen,  who  succeeded  to  the  command, 
carried  on  the  fight,  to  prevent  Arnold's  escape. 
Just  before  dark,  when  sixty  or  more  of  the  Amer- 
icans and  forty  or  more  of  the  British  had  been 
killed  or  wounded,  the  artillery-boats,  on  the  signal 
of  recall,  towed  the  "  Carleton "  out  of  the  reach 
of  shot.  At  eight  in  the  evening,  the  British  fleet 
anchored,  having  their  left  wing  near  the  main- 
land, the  right  near  Valcour  island,  with  several 
armed  boats  still  further  to  the  right,  to  guard 
the  passage  between  Valcour  and  Great  island;  and 
they  were  confident  that  at  the  dawn  of  the  next 
day  all  the  "rebel"  vessels  must  be  captured  or 
destroyed.  Arnold  and  his  highest  officers,  Water- 
bury  and  Wigglesworth,  saw  no  hope  but  in  run- 
ning   the  blockade.     It  was  the  night  of  the  new 


156 


AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


chap,  moon,  and  the  air  was  hazy;  an  hour  or  two  be- 
fore midnight  they  had  the  dauntless  hardihood  to 
hoist  anchor  silently  in  the  thick  darkness;  Wig- 
glesworth,  in  the  "Trumbull,"  led  the  retreat;  the 
gondolas  and  small  vessels  followed ;  then  came 
Waterbury  in  the  "Washington,"  and,  last  of  all, 
Arnold  in  the  "  Congress ; "  and,  having  a  fair  wind 
they  stole  unobserved  through  the  British  fleet, 
close   to   its   left   wing. 

12.  When  day  revealed  their  wonderful  escape,  Carle- 
ton  could  not  restrain  his  anger.    Advancing  slowly 

13.  against  a  southerly  breeze,  in  the  morning  of  the 
thirteenth  he  came  in  sight  of  the  fugitives  near 
the  island  of  Four  Winds;  at  half-past  twelve  he 
was  near  enough  to  begin  a  cannonade.  Water- 
bury  wished  to  run  his  ship  ashore ;  but  Arnold 
hoped  still  for  a  chance  to  give  battle.  At  half- 
past  one  the  wind  came  suddenly  out  of  the  north, 
striking  the  British  sails  first ;  the  "  Washington " 
was  overtaken  near  Split  Rock,  and  compelled  to 
strike ;  the  "  Congress,"  with  four  gondolas,  keeping 
up  a  running  fight  of  five  hours,  suffered  great  loss, 
and  was  chased  into  a  small  creek  in  Panton  on 
the  east  side  of  the  lake.  To  save  them  from  his 
pursuers,  Arnold  set  them  on  fire,  with  their  colors 
flying.  The  last  to  go  on  shore,  he  formed  their 
crews,  and,  in  sight  of  the  English  ships,  marched 
off  in  perfect  order.  His  fame  for  courage  rose 
higher  than  before,  but  at  the  expense  of  a  fleet, 
which  he  had  recklessly  sacrificed  without  public 
benefit. 

Carleton  reproved  his    prisoners  for   engaging  in 
the    rebellion,   found    an    excuse    for    them    in    the 


THE  BORDER  WAR  IN  THE  NORTH  AND  IN  THE  SOUTH.        157 

orders   of  the   governor   of  Connecticut,  whose    of-   chap. 
ficial   character   the   king  still  recognised,  and   dis- 
missed them  on  their  parole. 

On  the  fourteenth,  he  landed  at  Crown  Point. 
Master  of  the  lake,  he  was  within  two  hours'  sail 
of  Ticonderoga,  which  had  for  its  garrison  not 
more  than  three  thousand  effective  men,  with 
twenty-five  hundred  more  at  Mount  Independence, 
the  new  post  on  the  eastern  side  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  Had  he  pushed  forward  and  invested  the 
place,  it  must  have  surrendered  for  want  of  pro- 
visions. But  he  never  for  a  moment  entertained 
such  a  design ;  to  Riedesel,  who  joined  him  on  the 
twenty-second,  he  announced  his  intention  to  take  22. 
back  the  army  into  winter- quarters  in  Canada. 
Riedesel  went  near  enough  to  Ticonderoga  to  see 
it  from  a  hill,  and  was  persuaded  that  it  could 
easily  be  taken ;  but  Carleton,  who  did  not  know 
that  he  was  already  superseded  by  Burgoyne,  re- 
serving that  conquest  for  a  glorious  opening  of  his 
next  campaign,  waited  only  for  tidings  from  Howe. 
News  of  the  battle  on  Long  Island  reached  him  on 
the  twenty-seventh ;  and  on  the  next  day  his  army  27,  28, 
began  its  return.  On  the  third  of  November,  his  Nov. 
rear-guard  abandoned  Crown  Point.  Many  British  3' 
officers  were  astonished  at  his  precipitate  retreat, 
which  seemed  to  the  Americans  a  shameful  and 
unaccountable  flight.  Three  days  later,  there  was  6. 
not  one  barrel  of  flour  in  Ticonderoga.  The  Con- 
necticut militia  soon  returned  home ;  the  garrison, 
which  was  left  by  Gates  under  the  command  of 
Wayne,  a  gallant  young  colonel,  consisted  nomi- 
nally   of  only  twenty-five    hundred   men;   but   the 

VOL.   IX.  14 


158  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  sick  were  very  numerous,  and  perishing  in  misery; 
and  all  suffered  for  want  of  clothing.  The  term 
of  the  Pennsylvanians  was  to  expire  on  the  fifth 
of  January;  and  they  were  unwilling  to  reenlist 
before   returning;   home. 

July.  When  Moultrie  and  his  brave  garrison  had  re- 
pulsed the  attack  on  the  south,  Lee  at  Charleston, 
in  the  utmost  haste,  used  his  undeserved  glory  to 
extort  from  congress  in  advance  an  indemnity  for 
the  possible  forfeiture  of  his  property  in  England ; 
and  Rutledge,  the  president  of  the  state  to  which 
he  had  seemingly  rendered  the  greatest  service, 
fearing  his  disgust,  or  some  other  ill  consequence, 
consented  to  ask  that  "the  enthusiast"  might  be 
gratified  with  thirty  thousand  dollars. 

Tn  July,  Jonathan  Bryan  of  Savannah,  on  the 
evening  of  his  arrival  at  Charleston,  persuaded  Lee, 
to  whom  he  was  a  stranger,  that  Saint  Augustine, 
and  with  it  East  Florida,  could  easily  be  taken. 
Without  further  reflection  or  inquiry,  Lee,  the  next 
morning,  announced  to  the  continental  troops  on 
parade,  that  he  had  planned  for  them  a  safe,  sure, 
and  remunerative  expedition,  of  which  the  very 
large  booty  should  all  be  their  own.  He  called  it 
a   secret   one,  but  let   everybody   know  its  destina- 

August.  tion.  In  the  second  week  of  August,  when  the 
heavy  dews,  the  heat,  and  exhalations  from  the 
rice -fields  filled  the  air  with  death,  he  hastily 
marched  off  the  Virginia  and  North  Carolina 
troops,  without  one  necessary  article,  without  a 
field-piece,  or  even  a  medicine-chest.  Howe  of 
North  Carolina  and  Moultrie  soon  followed;  and 
about  four  hundred  and  sixty  men  of  South  Caro- 


the"  border  war  in  the  north  and  in  the  south      159 

lina,  with  two  field-pieces,  were  sent  to  Savannah  chap. 
by  water  along  the  inland  route.  On  the  eigh-  * — y— > 
teenth,  Lee  reviewed  his  collective  force  and  a  August. 
Georgia  battalion  on  the  green  at  Yamacraw,  and, 
in  a  few  days,  advanced  the  Virginia  regiment  and 
a  part  of  the  troops  of  South  Carolina  to  Sunbury. 
There  nearly  all  the  officers,  even  those  from 
South  Carolina,  were  seized  by  a  violent  fever, 
and  fourteen  or  fifteen  men  were  buried  each  day : 
especially,  the  noble  battalion  from  the  valley  of 
Virginia,  pining  for  the  pure  air  of  the  Blue  ridge, 
was  thinned  by  sickness  and  death.  By  this  time 
Lee  sought  to  shift  from  himself  to  Moultrie  the 
further  conduct  of  the  expedition;  and  Moultrie 
could  only  reply,  that  there  were  no  available  re- 
sources which  could  render  success  possible.  No 
enterprise  during  the  war  showed  such  want  of 
judgment  in  its  designing,  or  of  executive  ability 
in  its  conduct.  Early  in  September  came  the  order  Sept. 
from  congress  directing  Lee  to  repair  to  the  north, 
to  become  commander-in-chief  in  case  of  mishap 
to  Washington ;  he  at  once  began  the  journey, 
taking  with  him  all  his  continental  force ;  but  im- 
portunities at  Charleston  wrung  from  him  leave 
for  the  North   Carolina  troops  to  stay  behind. 

Lee,  at  his  departure,  left  a  fearful  contest 
raging;  in  the  mountains  of  the  two  Carolinas  and 
Georgia.  It  was  the  fruit  of  the  elaborately  con- 
certed plan  to  bring  down  upon  defenceless  fron- 
tiers an  enemy  whose  manner  of  warfare  was 
the  indiscriminate  murder  of  men,  children,  and 
women.  The  Cherokees  heard  with  amazement  July, 
that    war    raged    between    their    father    over    the 


160  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  water  and  their  elder  brothers  of  the  Carolinas, 
for  a  war  between  men  speaking  the  same  lan- 
guage was  unknown  to  them;  but  Cameron  and 
Stuart,  British  agents,  well  skilled  in  the  methods 
of  inflaming  the  savages,  and  having  an  almost 
unlimited  credit  on  the  British  exchequer,  swayed 
them  by  lavish  largesses,  the  hopes  of  spoil,  the 
promise  of  aid  from  a  British  army  by  way  of  Pen- 
sacola,  and  the  desire  of  extending  their  hunting- 
grounds  over  wasted  settlements.  The  settlers  on 
the  Watauga  and  the  forks  of  the  Holston  had 
been  tempted  to  adhere  to  the  party  of  the  crown; 
but,  with  few  exceptions,  the  men  of  what  is  now 
eastern  Tennessee  were  faithful  to  the  patriot  cause. 
Twice  they  received  warning  from  the  Overhill 
Cherokees  to  remove  from  their  habitations ;  but 
the  messenger  brought-  back  a  defiance,  and  threats 
from  the  district  then  called  Fincastle  county  in 
Virginia.  So  stood  the  Cherokees  when  a  deputa- 
tion of  thirteen  or  more  Indians  came  to  them 
from  the  Six  Nations,  the  Shawnees  and  Delawares, 
the  Mingoes,  and  the  Ottawas.  The  moment,  they 
said,  was  come,  to  recover  their  lost  lands.  The 
Shawnees  produced  their  war-tokens,  of  which  the 
young  Cherokee  warriors  laid  hold,  showing  in  re- 
turn a  war-hatchet  received  about  six  years  before 
from  the  northern  Indians.  When  the  news  of  the 
arrival  of  Clinton  and  Cornwallis  off  Charleston 
reached  the  lower  settlements  of  the  Cherokees, 
they  took  up  the  war- club,  and  on  each  side 
of  the  mountains  all  their  warriors,  twenty-five 
hundred  in  number,  prepared  for  deeds  of  blood. 
The  Overhills  collected    a    thousand  skins  for  moc- 


THE  BORDER  WAR  IN  THE  NORTH  AND  IN  THE  SOUTH.   161 

casins,  and  beat  their  maize  into  flour.  A  few  chap. 
whites  were  to  go  with  them  to  invite  all  the 
king's  men  to  join  them;  after  which  they  were 
to  kill  and  drive  all  whom  they  could  find.  While 
Henry  Stuart  was  seeking  to  engage  the  Choctaws 
and  Chickasaws  as  allies,  the  Cherokees  sent  a 
message  to  the  Creeks  with  the  northern  war- 
tokens  ;  but  that  powerful  nation  stood  in  fear  of 
the  Americans,  and  returned  for  answer  that  "the 
Cherokees  had  plucked  the  thorn  out  of  their  foot, 
and  were  welcome  to  keep  it."  The  rebuff  came 
too  late;  at  the  news  that  the  lower  settlements 
had  struck  the  borders  of  South  Carolina  the  war- 
song  was  everywhere  sung;  the  wily  warriors  of 
all  the  western  settlements  fell  upon  the  inhab- 
itants of  eastern  Tennessee,  and  roved  as  far  as 
the  cabins  on  Clinch  river  and  the  Wolf-hills,  which 
we  now  call  Abingdon.  The  common  peril  caused 
a  general  rising  of  the  people  of  eastern  Tennessee 
and  southwestern  Virginia,  of  North  Carolina  and 
the  uplands  of  South  Carolina.  The  Overhills  re- 
ceived a  check  on  the  twentieth  of  July  at  the 
Island  Flats,  in  what  Haywood,  the  venerable  his- 
torian of  Tennessee,  calls  a  "miracle  of  a  battle," 
for  not  one  white  man  was  mortally  wounded, 
while  the  Cherokees  lost  forty.  The  next  day,  a 
party  was  repulsed  from  Fort  Watauga  by  James 
Robertson  and  his  garrison  of  forty  men.  Colonel 
Christian,  with  Virginia  levies,  joined  on  their 
march  by  troops  from  North  Carolina  and  Wa- 
tauga, soon  made  themselves  masters  of  the  upper 
settlements  on  the  Tellico  and  the  Tennessee ;  but 
when  the  Cherokees  sued  for  peace,  the   avenging 

14* 


162  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  party  granted  it,  except  that  towns  like  Tuskega, 
- — r — '  where  a  captive  boy  had  lately  been  burnt  alive, 
1IT6"  were  reduced  to  ashes. 

July. 

The  warriors  of  the  lower  settlements,  who  began 
the  war,  at  daybreak  on  the  first  of  July  poured 
down  upon  the  frontiers  of  South  Carolina,  killing 
and  scalping  all  persons  who  fell  into  their  power, 
without  distinction  of  age  or  sex.  The  people  had 
parted  with  their  best  rifles  to  the  defenders  of 
Charleston ;  and  now  flew  for  safety  to  stockade 
forts.  The  Indians  were  joined  by  the  agent  Cam- 
eron and  a  small  band  of  white  men,  who  crossed 
the  mountains  to  promote  a  rising  of  the  numerous 
loyalists  in  upper  South  Carolina.  Eleven  hundred 
men   of  that  state,  under  the   lead  of   Williamson, 

August,  made  head  against  the  invaders,  and,  in  August, 
destroyed  the  Cherokee  towns  on  the  Keowee  and 
the  Seneca  and  on  the  one  side  of  the  Tugaloo, 
while  a  party  of  Georgians  laid  waste  those  on 
the  other.  Then,  drawing  nearer  the  region  of 
precipices  and  waterfalls,  which  mark  the  eastern 
side  of  the  Alleghanies,  his  army  broke  up  the 
towns  on  the  Whitewater,  the  Toxaway,  the  Es- 
tatoe,  and  in  the  beautiful  valley  of  Jocassa,  leaving 
not  one  to  the  east  of  the  Oconee  mountain.'  The 
outcasts,  who  had  so  lately  been  engaged  in  scalp- 
ing and  murdering,  fled  to  the  Creeks,  whose  neu- 
trality was  respected. 

Sept.  In  September,  leaving  a  well-garrisoned  fort  on 
the  Seneca,  and  marching  up  War-woman's  creek, 
Williamson  passed  through  Eabun  gap,  destroyed 
the  towns  on  the  Little  Tennessee  as  far  as  the 
Unica  mountain,  and  then  toiled   over  the  dividing 


HE  BORDER  WAR  IN  THE  NORTH  AND  IN  THE  SOUTH.        163 


IX. 
1776. 


ridge  into  the  Hiwassee  valley,  sparing  or  razing  chap 
the  towns  at  his  will.  There  he  was  joined  by 
Rutherford  of  North  Carolina,  who  had  promptly 
assembled  in  the  district  of  Salisbury  an  army  of 
more  than  two  thousand  men,  crossed  the  Allegha- 
nies  at  the  Swannanoa  gap,  forded  the  French 
Broad,  and,  by  the  trace  which  still  bears  his  name, 
penetrated  into  the  middle  and  valley  towns,  of 
which  he  laid  waste  six-and-thirty.  "The  Chero- 
kees,"  wrote  Germain,  in  November,  to  his  trusty 
agent,  "must  be  supported,  for  they  have  declared 
for  us ;  I  expect  with  some  impatience  to  hear 
from  you  of  the  success  of  your  negotiation  with 
the  Creeks  and  Choctaw s,  and  that  you  have  pre- 
vailed on  them  to  join  the  Cherokees.  I  cannot 
doubt  of  your  being  able,  under  such  advantageous 
circumstances,  to  engage  them  in  a  general  con- 
federacy against  the  rebels  in  defence  of  those 
liberties  of  which  they  are  so  exceedingly  jealous, 
and  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  which  they  have 
been  always  protected  by  the  king."  But  the 
Choctaws  never  inclined  to  the  war;  the  Chick- 
asaws  seasonably  receded;  the  Creeks  kept  wisely 
at  home;  and  dearly  did  the  Cherokees  aby  their 
rising.  Before  Germain's  letter  was  written,  they 
were  forced  to  beg  for  mercy.  At  a  talk  in 
Charleston,  in  February,  1777,  the  Man-killer  said: 
"You  have  destroyed  my  homes,  but  it  is  not  my 
eldest  brother's  fault;  it  is  the  fault  of  my  father 
over  the  water;"  and  at  the  peace  in  the  following 
May,  they  gave  up  all  their  lands  as  far  as  the 
top   of  the    Oconee   mountain. 

Nor   was   the    overawing    of  the   wild    men   the 


164  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  only  good  that  came  out  of  this  bootless  eagerness 
v— -y^/  of  the  British  minister  to  crush  America  by  an 
Indian  confederacy:  henceforward  the  settlers  of 
Tennessee  with  oneness  of  heart  upheld  American 
independence;  and  putting  all  their  feelings  and 
all  their  mind  into  one  word,  they  named  their 
district  Washington. 


CHAPTER   X. 

WHITE  PLAINS. 

October  1—28,  1776. 

For  nearly  four  weeks  Washington  and  the  chap, 
main  body  of  his  army  remained  on  the  heights 
of  Harlem.  The  uneven  upland,  little  more  than  a 
half-mile  wide,  and  except  at  a  few  points  less  than 
two  hundred  feet  above  the  sea,  falls  away  pre- 
cipitously towards  the  Hudson ;  along  the  Harlem 
river,  it  is  bounded  for  more  than  two  miles  by 
walls  of  primitive  rock  or  declivities  steep  as  an 
escarpment.  Towards  Manhattanville,  it  ended  in 
pathless  crags.  There  existed  no  highway  from 
the  south,  except  the  narrow  one  which,  near  the 
One  hundred  and  forty-fourth  street,  yet  winds  up 
Breakneck  hill.  The  approach  from  that  quarter 
was  guarded  by  three  parallel  lines,  of  which  the 
first  and  weakest  ran  from  about  the  One  hundred 
and  forty-eighth  street  on  the  east  to  the  One 
hundred  and  fortv-fifth  on  the  west ;  the  second 
was  in  the  rear,  at   the  distance   of  two  fifths  of 


166  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  a  mile ;  the  third,  one  quarter  of  a  mile  still  far- 
ther to  the  north;  so  that  they  could  be  pro- 
tected, one  from  another,  by  musketry  as  well  as 
cannon.  A  little  further  than  the  third  parallel 
the  house  which  Washington  occupied  stood  on 
high  ground  overlooking  the  plains,  the  hills  above 
Macgowan's  pass,  the  distant  city,  the  bay,  and  its 
islands. 

North  of  head-quarters,  the  land  undulates  for 
yet  a  mile,  to  where  Mount  Washington,  its  high- 
est peak,  rises  two  hundred  and  thirty-eight  feet 
over  the  Hudson.  The  steep  summit  was  crowned 
by  a  five -sided  earthwork,  mounting  thirty -four 
cannon,  but  without  casemates,  or  strong  outposts. 

Just  beyond  Fort  Washington  the  heights  cleave 
asunder,  and  the  road  to  Albany,  by  an  easy  de- 
scent, passes  for  about  a  mile  through  the  rocky 
gorge.  Laurel  hill,  the  highest  cliff  on  the  Har- 
lem side,  was  occupied  by  a  redoubt;  the  opposite 
hill,  near  the  Hudson,  known  afterwards  as  Fort 
Tryon,  was  still  more  difficult  of  access.  Thence 
both  ridges  fall  abruptly  to  a  valley  which  crosses 
the  island  from  Tubby -hook.  Beyond  this  pass, 
the  land  to  Kingsbridge  on  the  right  is  a  plain 
and  marsh ;  on  the  left,  a  new  but  less  lofty  spur 
springs  up,  and  runs  to  Spyt  den  Duyvel  creek, 
by  which  the  Harlem  joins  the  Hudson.  This 
part  of  New  York  island  was  defended  by  Fort 
Independence,  on  the  high  ridge  north  of  Spyt 
den  Duyvel ;  a  series  of  redoubts  guarded  Ford- 
ham  heights,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Harlem; 
an  earthwork  was  laid  out  above  Williams'  bridge ; 
and   on  the  third   of  October  a  guard  of  riflemen 


WHITE  PLAINS.  167 

had  their  alarm-post  at  the  pass  from  Throg's  neck.  chap. 
Greene,  who  was  fast  gaining  a  name  among  the 
statesmen  of  New  York  as  "beyond  a  doubt  a 
first-rate  military  genius,"  and  "in  whose  opinion 
Washington  placed  the  utmost  confidence,"  com- 
manded a  body  in  Jersey,  at  Fort  Lee,  on  the 
summit  of  the  palisades,  where  they  were  seventy- 
three  feet  higher  than  Fort  Washington.  The 
obstructing  of  the  Hudson  between  Fort  Lee  and 
Fort  Washington  was  intrusted  to  Putnam,  who 
promised  perfect  success  through  an  invention  of 
his   own. 

If  Howe  could  force  the  Hudson  and  get  to  the 
north  of  New  York  island,  the  American  army 
would  be  caged,  and  compelled  to  surrender  or 
fight  under  the  greatest  disadvantage.  Against 
this  danger  Washington  was  on  his  guard  •  but 
with  the  Hudson  obstructed,  with  Greene  above 
the  palisades  of  Jersey,  with  Lee,  who  was  looked 
for  every  day,  in  command  on  Fordham  heights, 
he  would  have  awaited  an  attack  from  the  south, 
for  an  assault  from  that  quarter  would  not  have 
menaced  his  communications.  "  If  the  enemy  should 
not  change  their  plan  of  operations,"  so  he  wrote 
to  a  friend,  "and  if  the  men  will  stand  by  me, 
which  I  despair  of,  I  am  resolved  not  to  be  forced 
from  this  ground  while  I  have  life." 

During  this  suspense,  many  of  the  states  were 
moulding  the  forms  of  their  new  governments,  so 
as  to  fix  in  living  institutions  the  thoughts  of 
the  American  people  on  the  freedom  of  conscience, 
the  independence  of  religion,  the  legal  equality  of 
opinions,  the  safest   guardianship  of  the    principles 


168  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   of  social  order.     How  would  the  human  race  have 
x. 

suffered,  had  their  experiments  been  suppressed  ! 

The  army  sighed  for  the  coming  of  Lee,  not 
knowing  that  he  had  advised  to  give  up  the  forts 
in  Charleston  harbor  without  firing  a  gun.  He 
loomed  as  the  evil  genius  of  Clinton,  whom  he 
seemed  to  have  faced  at  New  York,  in  Virginia, 
and  in  North  Carolina,  and,  with  vastly  inferior 
numbers,  to  have  driven  with  shame  from  South 
Carolina.  A  New  York  officer  wrote  :  "  He  is 
hourly  expected,  as  if  from  heaven  with  a  legion 
of  flaming  swordsmen."  "  His  arrival,"  said  Tilgh- 
man,  the  most  faithful  member  of  Washington's 
staff,  "will  greatly  relieve  our  worthy  general,  who 
has  too  much  for  any  mortal  upon  his  hands." 
"  Pray  hasten  his  departure ;  he  is  much  wanted," 
was  the  message  of  Jay  to  a  friend  in  Philadel- 
phia. Yet  Lee,  with  all  his  ill-concealed  aspira- 
tions, had  not  one  talent  of  a  commander.  He 
never  could  see  anything  in  its  whole,  or  devise 
a  comprehensive  plan  of  action,  but,  by  the  habit 
of  his  mind,  would  fasten  upon  some  detail,  and 
always  .find  fault.  Moreover,  he  was  proud  of 
being  an  Englishman,  and  affected,  by  the  right 
of  birth,  to  look  down  upon  his  present  associates, 
whom  he  thought  to  be  "  very  bad  company ; " 
for  he  had  the  national  pride  of  his  countrymen, 
though  not  their  loyalty;  the  disdain  of  other 
nations,  without  devotedness  to  his  own.  His 
alienation  from  Britain  grew  out  of  petulance  at 
being  neglected ;  and  had  a  chance  of  favor  been 
thrown  to  him,  no  one  would  have  snapped  more 
swiftly  at  the  bait.     He  esteemed  the  people  into 


WHITE  PLAINS.  169 

whose  service  lie  had  entered  as  unworthy1  of  chap. 
a  place  among  the  nations;  their  declaration  of 
independence  jarred  on  his  feelings;  and  if,  by  fits, 
he  played  the  part  of  a  zealot  in  their  cause,  his 
mind,  after  every  swing,  came  back  to  his  first 
idea,  that  they  had  only  to  consider  how  they 
could,  "with  safety,  glory,  and  advantage,  return  to 
their  former  state  of  relation."2  He  used  after- 
wards to  say,  that  "things  never  would  have  gone 
so  far,  had  his  advice  been  taken;"  and  he  recon- 
ciled himself  to  the  declaration  of  independence  by 
the  Americans,  only  that  they  might  have  some- 
thing "  to  cede  "  as  the  price  of  "  accommodation." 3 
On  the  seventh  of  October,  Lee  appeared  before 
the  continental  congress  in  Philadelphia,  and  ob- 
tained the  coveted  grant  of  thirty  thousand  dol- 
lars as  an  indemnity  against  apprehended  losses  in 
England.  Aware  of  his  designation  to  the  chief 
command  in  case  of  a  vacancy,  he  looked  upon 
himself  as  already  the  head  of  a  party,  fretted 
more  than  ever  at  his  subordinate  position,  and 
wearied  congress  with  clamor  for  a  separate  army 
on  the  Delaware ;  but  they  proved  deaf  to  his 
cries,  and  sent  him  to  the  camp  of  Washington, 
while  he  in  return  secretly  mocked  at  them  as  "  a 
stable  of  cattle  that  stumbled  at  every  step." 


1  C.  Lee  to  B.  Kush,  Dec.  4, 1 775,  feelings ;  but  at  length  I  considered 
in  my  MS.  collections,  printed  in  that  unless  America  declared  her- 
Moore's  Lee,  99.  self  independent,  she  had   nothing 

2  C.  Lee  to  Robert  Morris,  Jan.  to  cede  which  would  not  go  to 
23,  1776,  printed  in  Reed's  Reed,  her  vitals  on  accommodation;  these 
i.  155,  156,  note.  were  my  principles,  and  on  these 

3  "  When  the  idea  of  a  declara-  principles  I  conducted  myself."  C. 
tion  of  independence  was  first  start-  Lee  to  Robert  Morris.  MS.  letter 
ed,  I  confess  I  had  my  doubts  and  of  which  I  have  an  authentic  copy. 

VOL.   IX.  15 


170  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

Lee  had  left  at  Annapolis  a  rumor  of  his  having 
"advised  that  now  was  the  time  to  make  up  with 
Great  Britain,"  and  of  having  promised  for  that 
end  to  "  use  his  influence  with  congress ; "  *  the  con- 
vention of  Maryland  chimed  in  with  his  timidity, 
and,  notwithstanding  the  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence, were  still  ready  to  come  to  terms,  as  they 
.  expressly  voted  in  November. 

On  that  question  Pennsylvania  was  divided.  At 
the  same  time  its  convention,  composed  of  new 
men,  and  guided  mainly  by  a  schoolmaster,  the 
honest  but  inexperienced  James  Cannon,  formed 
a  constitution,  under  the  complex  influence  of 
abstract  truths  and  an  angry  quarrel  with  the 
supporters  of  the  old  charter  of  the  colony.  It 
extended  the  elective  franchise  to  every  resident 
tax-payer;  while,  with  the  approbation  of  Franklin, 
it  concentrated  legislative  power  in  a  single  assem- 
bly. Moreover,  that  assembly,  in  joint  ballot  with 
a  council  whose  members  were  too  few  to  be  of 
much  weight  in  a  decision  by  numbers,  was  to 
select  the  president  and  vice-president.  The  presi- 
dent, who  stood  in  the  place  of  chief  magistrate, 
had  no  higher  functions  than  those  of  the  presi- 
dent of  a  council-board.  This  constitution,  which 
was  a  mortal  offence  to  the  old  proprietary  party 
and  a  stumbling-block  to  the  men  of  wealth,  and 
which  satisfied  neither  the  feelings  nor  the  intu- 
itions nor  the  reflective  judgment    of  a   numerical 

1  Deposition  of  D.  Evans,  in  Force,  I  have  passed  through ; "  and  by  the 

ii.  1006;  confirmed  by  Lee  in  his  vote  of  the  convention  of  Maryland 

letter  to  congress  of  Oct.  10,  1776,  of  Nov.  10. 
in  Force,  ii.  972:  "other  provinces 


WHITE  PLAINS.  171 

majority  in  the  state,  was  put  in  action  without  chap. 
being  previously  submitted  to  the  citizens  for  rati-  « — Y — > 
fication ;  and  it  provided  no  mode  for  its  amend-  0fit  * 
ment  but  through  the  vote  of  two  thirds  of  all 
persons  elected  to  a  board  of  censors,  which  was 
to  be  chosen  for  one  year  only  in  seven.  It  could 
have  no  place  in  the  heart  of  the  people,  and  was 
acceptable  only  as  the  badge  of  a  revolution ;  yet 
from  every  elector,  before  his  vote  could  be  re- 
ceived, an  oath  or  affirmation  was  required  that 
he  would  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  do  any- 
thing injurious  to  it  as  established  by  the  con- 
vention. This  requirement,  which  disfranchised  a 
large  part  of  the  inhabitants,  especially  of  the 
Quakers,  was  loudly  execrated,  and  rent  the  state 
into  embittered  domestic  factions.  To  the  proprie- 
tary party,  which  had  retained  a  majority  in  the 
regular  colonial  assembly,  the  new  government  was 
hateful  as  a  usurpation;  and  to  Robert  Morris, 
Cadwalader,  Rush,  Wayne,  and  many  others  of 
"the  best  of  the  whigs,"  the  uncontrolled  will  of  a 
single  legislative  assembly,  which  might  be  biased 
by  the  delusions  of  selfishness  or  moved  by  fickle 
moods  of  passion,  appeared  as  a  form  of  tyranny ; 
while  the  want  of  executive  energy  took  away  all 
hope  of  employing  the  resources  of  the  state  with 
earnestness  and  unanimity.  In  the  very  presence 
of  the  continental  congress,  the  spirit  of  a  counter- 
revolution lurked  among  the  inhabitants  of  Phila- 
delphia ;  their  lukewarm  officers  in  the  army  threw 
up  their  commissions  :  William  Allen,  from  disgust 
at  the  new  system ;  Shee,  the  good  disciplinarian, 
from    an    avowed    want    of   fortitude  ;    Reed,    the 


172  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  adjutant-general,  knowing  full  well  "the  most  ru- 
inous consequences"  of  resignations,  and  conceal- 
ing his  own  from  Washington.  The  yearning  for 
peace,  and  a  dread  of  loss  by  the  depreciating 
paper  currency,  wrecked  the  small  remains  of  cour- 
age of  John  Dickinson;1  a  majority  would  have 
eagerly  rushed  info  a  negotiation  with  the  Howes, 
had  their  powers  been  less  confined ;  and  there 
existed  "  a  considerable  party  for  absolute  and 
unconditional  submission,"  which  derived  aid  from 
the  scruples  of  the  Quakers  to  bear  arms,  or  to 
promise  allegiance  to  the  new  constitution. 

Aware  of  the  wavering  in  Pennsylvania,  Lee,  on 
his  way  through  New  Jersey,  found  much  that 
was  congenial  with  his  own  inclination  "  to  con- 
demn the  Americans  for  continuing  the  contest." 
The  constitution  of  that  state  was  self-annulled, 
"if  a  reconciliation  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies  should  take  place ; "  the  president  of  the 
body  which  framed  it  opposed  independence  to 
the  last,  and  still  leaned  to  a  reunion  with  Brit- 
ain ;  the  highest  officers  in  the  public  service  were 
taken  from  those  who  had  stood  against  the  dis- 
ruption; the  assembly  had  adjourned  on  the  eighth 
u  through  mere  want  of  members  to  do  business," 2 
leaving  unfinished  almost  everything  which  they 
should  have  done ;  the  open  country  could  not 
hope  for  success  in  resisting  an  invading  army; 
"  the  tories,  taking  new  life,  in  one  of  the  largest 
counties  were    circulating   papers   for   subscription," 

1  MS.  letters,  of  which   I   have  2  J.   D.   Sergeant  to   S.   Adams, 

copies;  as  well  as  the  documents  in       Oct.  9,  1776.     MS.  letter. 
Force,  hi.  1255,  1294,  1370. 


WHITE  PLAINS.  173 

complaining  of  the  declaration  of  independence,  chap. 
because  it  was  a  bar  to  a  treaty.  With  the  alleged 
concurrence  of  "the  most  active  friends  to  the 
cause  in  New  Jersey,  and  the  other  provinces  he 
had  passed  through,"  Lee,  from  Princeton,  seized 
this  opportunity  to  propose  that  congress  should 
authorize  an  offer  to  open  a  negotiation  with  Lord 
Howe  on  his  own  terms. 

The  proposal  was  unheeded.  Washington  at  this 
time,  "bereft  of  every  peaceful  moment,  losing  all 
comfort  and  happiness,"  and  least  of  all  thinking 
that  any  one  could  covet  his  office,  was  watching 
the  effects  of  the  wilfulness  of  congress  in  delay- 
ing to  raise  an  army,  seeing  on  the  one  side  the 
impossibility  of  doing  any  essential  service  to  the 
cause  by  continuing  in  command,  and  on  the 
other  the  inevitable  ruin  that  would  follow  his 
retirement.  "Such  is  my  situation,"  said  he,  pri- 
vately, "that  if  I  were  to  wish  the  bitterest  curse 
to  an  enemy  on  this  side  of  the  grave,  I  should 
put  him  in  my  stead  with  my  feelings."  Again 
he  addressed  congress :  "  Give  me  leave  to  say, 
your  affairs  are  in  a  more  unpromising  way  than 
you  seem  to  apprehend;  your  army  is  on  the  eve 
of  its  dissolution.  True  it  is,  you  have  voted  a 
larger  one  in  lieu  of  it;  but  the  season  is  late, 
and  there  is  a  material  difference  between  voting 
battalions  and  raising  men."  But  with  this  warn- 
ing in  their  hands,  they  were  still  confident  of  a 
respite  from  danger  for  the  winter.  "  The  British 
force  is  so  divided,  they  will  do  no  great  matter 
more  this  fall,"  said  John  Adams,  the   chairman  of 

the  board  of  war;   and    though  officially   informed 
is* 


174  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  that  the  American  army  would  disband,  that  all 
the  measures  thus  far  adopted  for  raising  a  new 
one  were  but  fruitless  experiments,  he  asked  and 
obtained  leave  of  absence  at  the  time  when  there 
was  the  most  need  of  his  energy  to  devise  relief. 
On  the  morning  of  the  eleventh,  previous  to  his 
departure,  news  came,  that,  two  days  before,  two 
British  ships  of  forty-four  guns  each,  with  three 
or  four  tenders,  under  an  easy  southerly  breeze, 
ran  through  the  impediments  in  the  Hudson  with- 
out the  least  difficulty,  and  captured  or  destroyed 
the  four  American  row-galleys  in  the  river.  Con- 
gress would  not  conceive  the  necessity  of  further 
retreat ;  referring  the  letter  to  the  board  of  war, 
they  instantly  "  desired  Washington,  if  practicable, 
by  every  art  and  at  whatever  expense,  to  obstruct 
effectually  the  navigation  between  the  forts,  as 
well  to  prevent  the  regress  of  the  enemies'  frig- 
ates lately  gone  up,  as  to  hinder  them  from 
receiving  succors."  Greene  shared  this  rash  con- 
fidence. After  the  British  ships  of  war  had  passed 
up  the  river,  he  said  :  "  Our  army  are  so  strongly 
fortified,  and  so  much  out  of  the  command  of  the 
shipping,  we  have  little  more  to  fear  this  cam- 
paign." Congress  was  confirmed  in  its  delusion  by 
Lee,  who,  on  the  twelfth,  wrote  confidently  from 
Amboy  that  Howe  would  not  attack  Washington's 
lines,  but  would  "infallibly"  proceed  against  Phila- 
delphia ;  and  he  urged  that  Washington  "  should 
spare  a  part  of  his  army  to  be  stationed  about 
Trenton." 

While  Lee  was  writing  this  opinion,  Howe,  leav- 
ing  his    finished    lines    above    Macgowan's    pass    to 


WHITE  PLAINS.  175 

the  care  of  three  brigades  under  Percy,  embarked  chap. 
the  van  of  his  army  on  the  East  river,  and  landed 
at  Throg's  neck.  Washington,  who  had  foreseen 
this  attempt  to  gain  his  rear,  seasonably  occupied 
the  causeway  and  bridge  which  led  from  Throg's 
neck,  by  Hand's  riflemen,  a  New  York  regiment,  the 
regiment  of  Prescott  of  Pepperell,  and  an  artillery 
company  •  posted  guards  on  all  the  defensible 
grounds  between  the  two  armies ;  began  the  evacu- 
ation of  New  York  island  by  sending  Macdougall's 
brigade  before  nightfall1  four  miles  beyond  Kings- 
bridge  ;  and  detached  a  corps  to  White  Plains,  to 
which  place  he  ordered  his  stores  in  Connecticut 
to  be  transferred.2  On  the  thirteenth,  a  council  of 
war  was  called,  but  was  adjourned,  that  Greene 
and  Mercer  might  receive  a  summons  and  Lee  be 
present.  On  the  fourteenth,  in  obedience  to  the 
indiscreet  order  of  congress,  Putnam  was  charged 
"to  attend  particularly  to  the  works  about  Mount 
Washington,  and  to  increase  the  obstructions  in 
the   river   as   fast   as   possible ; "    while    Lee,  still   in 

1  The  origin  of  the  retirement  the  British  landed,  Force,  ii.  1014; 
of  the  American  army  from  New  confirmed  by  Heath  in  his  journal 
York  has  been  most  industriously  for  the  same  day,  Heath,  76 ;  by 
misrepresented.  "  The  movement  Col.  Ewing  to  Maryland  Council  of 
originated  with  General  Lee,"  writes  Safety,  Oct.  13,  1776,  in  Force,  ii. 
Stedman,  Hist,  of  the  War,  i.  211,  1025  ;  by  J.  Reed  to  his  wife,  Oct. 
and  he  is  substantially  followed  by  13,  1776,  in  Reed's  Reed,  i.  2-44: 
Reed's  Reed,  i.  251.  So  far  is  this  "  The  principal  part  of  this  army  is 
from  the  truth,  the  movement  was  moved  off  this  island."  These  let- 
ordered  before  the  idea  had  entered  ters  were  all  written  before  Lee  ar- 
the  mind  of  Lee,  as  appears  from  rived,  and  before  he  knew  anything 
his  letters  of  Oct.  12  and  Oct.  14,  about  the  movement, 
and  was  more  than  half  executed  a  2  The  witnesses  to  this  are  Wash- 
day or  two  before  his  arrival.  For  ington  himself,  in  a  letter  to  Col. 
evidence  of  the  beginning  of  the  J.  Trumbull,  Oct.  20,  in  Force,  ii. 
movement,  see  Smallwood,  Oct.  12,  1138;  and  Howe  to  Germain,  in 
1776,  where  he  acknowledges  the  Almon,  xi.  355. 
receipt  of  his  orders  on  the  very  day 


176  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  New  Jersey,  blamed  Washington  for  not  menacing 
- — v— /  to  resign.  Later  in  the  day  Lee  crossed  the  river, 
1J7f'  and  found  New  York  island  already  more  than 
half  evacuated.  Riding  in  pursuit  of  Washington, 
who  was  directing  in  person  the  defence  along 
East  and  West  Chester,  he  was  received  with  con- 
fidence, and  assigned  to  the  division  beyond  Kings- 
bridge,  with  the  request  that  he  would  exercise 
no  command  till  he  could  make  himself  acquainted 
with  the  arrangements  of  his  post. 

In  the  following  night,  Mercer,  at  first  accom- 
panied by  Greene,  made  a  descent  upon  Staten 
Island,  and  at  daybreak  on  the  fifteenth  he  took 
seventeen  prisoners  at  Richmond.  The  intended 
descent  upon  eastern  Long  Island  was  postponed. 

To  the  council  of  war  which  assembled  on  the 
sixteenth  Washington  read  accounts  of  a  conspir- 
acy of  the  numerous  disaffected  in  Westchester 
and  Duchess  counties,  and  produced  ample  evi- 
dence of  the  intention  of  the  enemy  to  surround 
his  army ;  in  reply  to  his  question,  all,  except 
George  Clinton,  agreed  that  a  change  of  position 
was  necessary  "to  prevent  the  enemy  cutting  off 
the  communication  with  the  country."  Lee,  who 
came  to  the  camp  to  persuade  Washington  that 
he  was  in  no  danger  whatever  of  an  attack,  joined 
in  the  well-considered  decision  which  the  best  of 
the  generals  had  brought  with  them  to  the  coun- 
cil, and  distinguished  himself  by  his  vehement  sup- 
port of  his   newly  adopted   opinion.1     The    council 

1  That  his  opinion  was  new  ap-  Greene  figure  largely  ;  but  Greene 
pears  from  his  own  letters.  Gordon,  was  not  present  at  it,  as  the  record 
in  his  account  of  the  council,  makes      shows.     Eorce,  ii.  11]  7. 


WHITE  PLAINS.  177 

also   agreed,  with   apparent   unanimity,   that   "Fort   chap. 
Washington   be    retained    as   long    as   possible." 

After  five  days,  which  Howe  passed  on  Throg's 
neck  in  bringing  up  more  brigades  and  collecting 
stores,  he  gave  up  the  hope  of  getting  directly  in 
Washington's  rear,  and  resolved  to  strike  at  White 
Plains.  On  the  eighteenth,  the  British,  crossing  in 
boats  to  Pell's  neck,  landed  just  below  East  Ches- 
ter, at  the  mouth  of  Hutchinson  river.  Glover, 
with  one  brigade,  engaged  their  advanced  party  in 
a  short  but  sharp  action,  which  was  commended  in 
general  orders,  and  honored  at  Ticonderoga  "  with 
three  cheers"  from  the  northern  army.  That  night 
the  British  lay  upon  their  arms,  with  their  left 
upon  a  creek  towards  East  Chester,  and  their  right 
near  New  Rochelle.  In  the  march  to  White  Plains 
the  Americans  had  the  advantage  of  the  shortest 
distance,  the  greatest  number  of  efficient  troops, 
and  the  strongest  ground.  The  river  Bronx,  a 
small  stream  of  Westchester  county,  nearly  paral- 
lel with  the  Hudson,  scarcely  thirty  miles  long, 
draining  a  very  narrow  valley,  and  almost  every- 
where fordable,  ran  through  thick  forests  along  a 
succession  of  steep  ridges.  The  hills  to  the  north 
of  White  Plains  continue  to  the  lakes  which  are 
its  sources,  and  join  the  higher  range  which  bounds 
the  basin  of  the  Croton  river.  The  Americans 
moved  upon  the  west  side,  pressing  the  British 
towards  the  sound,  taking  care  not  to  be  out- 
flanked, and  protecting  their  march  by  a  series  of 
intrenched  camps.  Each  party  was  deficient  in  the 
means  of  transportation ;  but  the  Americans,  who 
were  in  fine  spirits,  themselves  dragged  their  artil- 


178  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  leiy,  and  carried  what  they  could  of  their  baggage 
on  their  backs. 

Ever  in  a  state  of  alarm  from  the  vigilance  and 
activity  of  Washington,  Howe  manifested  extreme 
caution ;  his  march  was  close ;  his  encampments 
compact.  He  was  beset  by  difficulties  in  a  "  coun- 
try so  covered  with  forests,  swamps,  and  creeks, 
that  it  was  not  open  in  the  least  degree  to  be 
known  but  from  post  to  post,  or  from  the  accounts 
of  the  inhabitants,  who  were  entirely  ignorant  of 
military  description."  After  halting  two  days  for 
two  regiments  of  light  dragoons,  on  the  twenty- 
first,  leaving  Von  Heister  with  three  brigades  to 
occupy  the  former  encampment,  he  advanced  with 
the  right  and  centre  of  his  army  two  miles  above 
New  Rochelle.  To  counteract  him,  Washington 
transferred  his  head-quarters  to  Valentine's  hill, 
and  put  in  motion  Heath's  division,  which  marched 
in  the  night  to  White  Plains,  and  on  the  following 
day  occupied  the  strong  grounds  north  of  the  vil- 
lage, so  as  to  protect  the  upper  road  from  Con- 
necticut. In  the  same  night,  Haslet  of  Delaware 
surprised  a  picket  of  Rogers's  regiment  of  rangers, 
and  brought  off  thirty-six  prisoners,  a  pair  of  col- 
ors, and  sixty  muskets.  A  few  hours  later,  Hand, 
with  two  hundred  rifles,  encountered  an  equal  num- 
ber of  yagers,  and  drove  them  from  the  field. 
Howe  felt  the  need  of  a  greater  force.  On  the 
twenty-second,  the  second  division  of  the  Hessians 
and  the  regiment  of  Waldeckers,  who  had  arrived 
from  a  very  long  voyage  only  four  days  before, 
were  landed  by  Knyphausen  at  New  Rochelle, 
where    they   remained    to    protect    the    communica- 


WHITE  PLAINS.  179 

tions  with  New  York.  This  released  the  three  chap. 
brigades  with  Yon  Heister;  but  before  they  could 
move,  Washington,  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
third,  installed  his  head-quarters  at  White  Plains, 
and  thus  utterly  baffled  the  plan  of  getting  into 
his  rear.  On  the  twenty-fifth,  Howe's  army  crossed 
the  country  from  New  Eochelle  to  the  New  York 
road,  and  encamped  at  Scarsdale  with  the  Bronx 
in  front,  the  right  of  his  army  being  about  four 
miles  from  White  Plains.  While  he  was  waiting 
to  be  joined  by  Von  Heister's  division,  Lee  and 
the  rear  of  the  American  army  reached  Wash- 
ington's camp,  without  loss,  except  of  sixty  or 
seventy  barrels  of  provisions.  Here  the  querulous 
general  promptly  indulged  his  habit  of  finding 
fault,  selecting  for  blame  the  place  of  the  encamp- 
ment ;  but  though  there  was  stronger  ground  in 
the  rear,  there  was  none  so  well  suited  to  defend 
the  stores;  besides,  it  was  Washington's  object,  not 
to  escape  from  Howe,  but  to  draw  him  on  and 
waste   his   time. 

The  twenty-seventh  was  marked  by  a  combined  27. 
movement  against  Fort  Washington  by  the  British 
who  had  been  left  at  New  York.  A  ship  of  war 
came  up  to  cut  off  the  communication  across  the 
river ;  while  the  troops  under  Percy,  from  Harlem 
plain,  made  a  disposition  for  an  attack ;  but  Greene 
animated  the  defence  by  his  presence ;  Magaw 
promptly  manned  his  lines  on  the  south ;  the 
vessel  of  war  suffered  so  severely  from  two 
eighteen -pounders  on  the  Jersey  shore  and  one 
on  the  New  York  side,  that  she  slipped  her 
cable,    left    her    anchor,    and    escaped    by    the    aid 


180  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  of  the  tide  and  four  tow-boats.  Elated  at  the 
result,  Greene  sent  to  congress  by  express  a  glow- 
ing account  of  the  day;  "The  troops,"  he  said, 
"were  in  high  spirits,  and  in  every  engagement, 
since  the  retreat  from  New  York,  had  given  the 
enemy  a  drubbing."  Lasher,  on  the  next  day, 
obeyed  orders  sent  from  Washington's  camp  to 
quit  Fort  Independence,  which  was  insulated  and 
must  have  fallen  before  any  considerable  attack ; 
but  Greene,  under  the  illusions  of  inexperience, 
complained  of  the  evacuation  as  premature,  and 
likely  to  damp  the  spirits  of  his  troops,  and  wrote 
murmuringly  to  Washington,  that  the  "fort  might 
have  kept  the  enemy  at  bay  for  several  days." 
28.  On  the  bright  autumnal  morning  of  the   twenty- 

eighth,  the  army  of  Howe,  expecting  a  battle  which 
was  to  be  the  crisis  of  the  war,  advanced  in  two 
divisions,  its  right  under  Clinton,  its  left  under 
Von  Heister.  At  Hart's  corner  they  drove  back  a 
large  party  of  Americans  under  Spencer.  As  their 
several  columns  came  within  three  quarters  of  a 
mile  of  White  Plains,  Washington's  army  was  seen 
in  order  of  battle,  superior  in  numbers,  and  full  of 
confidence,  awaiting  an  attack  on  hilly  ground  of 
his  own  choice,  defended  by  an  abatis  and  two 
nearly  parallel  lines  of  intrenchments,  his  right 
flank  and  rear  protected  by  a  bend  in  the  Bronx, 
his  left  resting  on  very  broken  ground  too  difficult 
to  be  assailed. 

Howe  was  blamed  for  not  having  immediately 
stormed  the  American  centre,  which  was  the  only 
vulnerable  point.  Washington  had  no  misgivings, 
for  his  army,  numbering  rather  more  than  thirteen 


WHITE  PLAINS. 

thousand    men    against   thirteen    thousand,    was    in 
good  spirits,  confident  in  itself  and  in  him.     Howe 
considered    that    the     chances    of    a    repulse    might 
be    against   him ;     that    should   he    carry   one    line, 
there    would    remain    another ;     that   if    he    scaled 
both,    "  the    rebel    army    could    not   be    destroyed," 
because  the  ground  in  their  rear  was  such  as  they 
could  wish   for  securing   a  retreat,  so   that  the  haz- 
ard of  an  attack  exceeded  any  advantage  he  could 
gain.     But   he  had  come  so  far,  he  was  forced   to 
do  something.     A  corps    of  Americans,  about  four- 
teen    hundred     strong,    under     the     command     of 
Macdougall,   occupied    Chatterton   hill,   west   of  the 
Bronx    and    less    than    a    mile    west-southwest    of 
Washington's     camp,    and    thus    covered    the    road 
from    Tarrytown    to   White    Plains.     Howe    directed 
eight  regiments,  about  four  thousand  men,  to  carry 
this    position,    while    the    rest    of    his    army,    with 
their   left  to   the   Bronx,  seated  themselves  on   the 
ground   as   lookers-on. 

First,  a  heavy  but  ineffective  cannonade  by  the 
British  across  the  Bronx  was  feebly  returned  by 
the  three  field -pieces  of  the  Americans  on  the 
hill.  The  Hessian  regiment  Lossberg,  supported  by 
Leslie  with  the  second  English  brigade  and  Donop 
with  the  Hessian  grenadiers,  forded  the  Bronx, 
and  marched  under  cover  of  the  hill,  until  by 
facing  to  the  left  their  column  became  a  line,  par- 
allel with  that  of  the  Americans,  which  was  com- 
posed of  the  remains  of  the  regiments  of  Brooks 
of  Massachusetts,  Haslet  of  Delaware,  Webb  of 
Connecticut,  Smallwood  of  Maryland,  and  one  of 
New  York.     The   cannonade   ceased ;    and  the  Brit- 

VOL.    IX  16 


181 


182 


AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


chap.  ish  troops  struggled  through  a  deadly  shower  of 
bullets  to  climb  the  rocky  hill -side.  For  fifteen 
minutes  they  met  with  a  most  determined  resist- 
ance, especially  from  the  men  of  Maryland  and 
Delaware.  In  the  American  camp  it  seemed  that 
the  British  were  worsted ;  but  just  then,  Rail, 
who,  acting  from  his  own  observation  and  judg- 
ment, had  brought  up  two  regiments  by  a  more 
southerly  and  easier  route,  ordered  his  bugles  to 
sound,  and  decided  the  day  by  suddenly  charging 
the  Americans  on  their  flank.  Macdougall,  attacked 
in  flank  and  front  by  thrice  his  own  numbers,  still 
preserved  his  communications,  and  conducted  his 
party  over  the  Bronx  by  the  road  and  bridge 
to  Washington's  camp.  Of  stragglers  only  about 
eighty  were  taken.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  in 
killed  and  wounded  was  less  than  a  hundred,  while 
that  of  the  English  and  Hessians  was  at  least  two 
hundred  and  twenty-nine. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

FORT  WASHINGTON. 

October  29 — November  16,  1776. 

The  occupation  of  Chatterton  hill  enfeebled  chap 
Howe  by  dividing  his  forces ;  and  he  waited  two 
days  for  four  fresh  battalions  from  New  York  and 
two  from  New  Rochelle.  Washington  employed 
the  respite  in  removing  his  sick  and  his  stores, 
strengthening' his  position,  and  throwing  up  strong 
works  on  higher  grounds  in  his  rear. 

A  drenching  rain  in  the  morning  of  the  thirty- 
first  was  Howe's  excuse  for  postponing  the  attack 
one  day  more ;  in  the  following  night,  Washing- 
ton, perceiving  that  Howe  had  finished  batteries 
and  received  reinforcements,  drew  back  his  army 
to  high  ground  above  White  Plains.  There,  at 
the  distance  of  long  cannon-shot,  he  was  unap- 
proachable in  front;  and  he  held  the  passes  in  his 
rear.  His  superiority  as  a  general  was  manifest; 
but  under  the  system  of  short  enlistments  his 
strength    was    wasting    away.      The    militia    would 


184  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


XL 


chap,  soon  have  a  right  to  go  home,  and  did  not  always 
wait  for  their  discharge.  To  the  several  states 
was  reserved  the  sole  right  to  issue  commissions; 
if  this  had  been  seasonably  done,  troops  whose 
time  was  nearly  at  an  end  might  have  engaged 
again ;  "  it  was  essential  to  keep  up  some  shadow 
of  an  army,"  and  for  all  that  "not  a  single  officer 
was   yet  commissioned  to   recruit." 

Thus  far  Howe  had  but  a  poor  tale  to  tell ;  he 
must  do  more,  if  he  would  not  go  in  shame  into 
winter- quarters.  Putnam,  whose  division  had  been 
the  last  to  leave  New  York  island,  had  an  over- 
weening confidence  in  the  impregnability  of  Fort 
Washington,  which  he  had  raised;  on  his  parting 
request,  Greene,  whose  command  now  extended  to 
that  fort,  had  not  scrupled  to  increase  its  garrison 
by  sending  over  between  two  and  three  hundred 
men.  The  regiments  which  Washington  had  as- 
signed to  its  defence  were  chiefly  Pennsylvanians 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Magaw,  who,  from 
love  of  country,  had  passed  from  the  bar  of  Phil- 
adelphia to  service  in  the  army. 

On  the  last  day  of  October,  Greene,  who  was  as 
blindly  confident  as  Putnam,  wrote  to  Washington 
for  instructions ;  but  without  waiting  for  them,  he 
again  reenforced  Magaw  with  the  rifle  regiment 
Nov.  of  Rawlings.  On  the  second  of  November,  Knyp- 
hausen  left  New  Rochelle,  and  with  his  brigade 
took  possession  of  the  upper  part  of  New  York 
island.  On  the  fifth,  Howe  suddenly  broke  up  his 
encampment  in  front  of  Washington's  lines,  and 
moved  to  Dobbs'  ferry ;  the  American  council  of 
war  which  was  called  on  the  sixth  at  White  Plains 


2. 


FORT   WASHINGTON.  185 

agreed  unanimously  to  throw  troops  into  the  Jer-  chap. 
seys,  but  made  no  change  in  its  former  decision 
"to  retain  Fort  Washington  as  long  as  possible." 
That  decision  rested  on  an  order  from  congress ; 
to  that  body,  therefore,  Washington,  on  the  day  of 
the  council,  explained  the  approaching  dissolution  of 
his  own  army,  and  "  that  the  enemy  would  bend 
their  force  against  Fort  Washington,  and  invest 
it  immediately."  But  congress  left  their  former 
orders  unchanged.  "The  gentry  at  Philadelphia 
loved  fighting,  and,  in  their  passion  for  brilliant 
actions  with  raw  troops,  wished  to  see  matters  put 
to  the  hazard."1  Greene  was  possessed  with  the 
same  infatuation ;  when,  on  the  sixth,  three  vessels 
passed  the  obstructions  in  the  Hudson,  he  wrote 
to  Washington,  "that  they  were  prodigiously  shat- 
tered from  the  fire  of  his  cannon ; "  and  at  the 
same  time,  reporting  that  Ball  had  advanced  with 
his  column  to  Tubby-hook,  he  added  :  "  They  will 
not  be  able  to  penetrate  any  further." 

Washington  saw  more  clearly.  Cares  of  every 
sort  overwhelmed  him,  but  could  not  daunt  his 
fortitude,  nor  impair  his  judgment.  His  first  object 
was  to  save  the  garrison  at  Fort  Washington,  and 
the  stores  at  Fort  Lee;  and  on  the  eighth  he  8. 
gave  to  Greene  his  final  instructions,  overruling 
the  order  of  congress  with  modesty  yet  with  clear- 
ness :  "  The  passage  of  the  three  vessels  up  the 
North  river  is  so  plain  a  proof  of  the  inefficacy  of 
all  the  obstructions  thrown  into  it,  that  it  will 
fully  justify  a  change  in  the  disposition.  If  we 
cannot    prevent   vessels    from   passing   up,  and    the 

1  Mifflin  to  R.  Morris,  21  Nov  1776.    MS    j 
16* 


186  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  enemy  are  possessed  of  the  surrounding  country, 
what  valuable  purpose  can  it  answer  to  attempt  to 
hold  a  post,  from  which  the  expected  benefit  can- 
not be  had  ?  I  am,  therefore,  inclined  to  think 
that  it  will  not  be  prudent  to  hazard  the  men  and 
stores  at  Mount  Washington ;  but,  as  you  are  on 
the  spot,  I  leave  it  to  you  to  give  such  orders, 
as  to  evacuating  Mount  Washington,  as  you  may 
judge  best,  and  so  far  revoking  the  order  given 
to  Colonel  Magaw  to  defend  it  to  the  last.  So  far 
as  can  be  collected  from  the  various  sources  of 
intelligence,  the  enemy  must  design  a  penetration 
into  Jersey,  and  to  fall  down  upon  your  post. 
You  will,  therefore,  immediately  have  all  the  stores 
removed,  which  you  do  not  deem  necessary  for 
your   defence." 

Having  thus  disposed  of  the  question  of  Fort 
Washington  by  revoking  the  order  to  defend  it  to 
the  last,  and  providing,  as  he  believed,  for  its 
evacuation,  and  having  ordered  "immediate"  prepa- 
rations   for    evacuating    Fort    Lee,    he    turned    his 

9.  mind    to    other    duties.      On    the    ninth,   he    began 
*      sending  with  Putnam  to   the  Jerseys  five  thousand 

troops,  of  which  he  was  himself  to   take  the   com- 

10.  mand.  On  the  tenth,  Lee,  who,  with  about  seven 
thousand  five  hundred  continental  troops  and  mili- 
tia, was  to  remain  behind  till  all  doubt  respecting 
Howe's  movements  should  be  over,  was  warned, 
in  written  orders,  to  guard  against  surprises,  and 
to  transport  all  his  baggage  and  stores  to  the 
northward  of  Croton  river,  with  this  final  instruc- 
tion :  "  If  the  enemy  should  remove  the  greater 
part   of  their   force   to    the   west   side    of  Hudson's 


FORT   WASHINGTON.  187 

river,   I    have    no    doubt    of   your    following,    with   c^p- 
all    possible    despatch."     Then,   having    finished    his 
work  with  a  forecast  that  neglected  nothing,  Wash- 
ington   rode     from    White    Plains    an    hour    before 
noon,   and   reached   Peekskill   at   sunset. 

On  the  morning  of  the  eleventh,  attended  by  n. 
Heath,  Stirling,  the  two  Clintons,  Mifflin,  and 
others,  he  went  in  boats  up  the  magnificent  defile 
of  the  Highlands,  past  Forts  Independence  and 
Clinton  and  the  unfinished  Fort  Montgomery,  as 
far  as  the  island  on  which  Fort  Constitution  com- 
manded the  sudden  bend  in  the  river.  A  glance 
of  the  eye  revealed  the  importance  of  the  opposite 
west  point,  which  it  was  now  determined  to  fortify 
according  to  the  wish  of  the  New  York  provincial 
convention.  Very  early  on  the  twelfth,  Washington  12. 
rode  with  Heath  to  reconnoitre  the  gorge  of  the 
Highlands ;  then  giving  him,  under  written  instruc- 
tions, the  command  of  the  posts  on  both  sides  of 
the  river,  with  three  thousand  troops  of  Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut,  and  New  York  to  secure  them, 
he  crossed  at  ten  o'clock,  and  rode  through  Smith's 
"  clove "  to  Hackensack.  His  arrangements,  as  the 
events  proved,  were  the  very  best  that  his  circum- 
stances permitted,  and  he  might  reasonably  hope 
to  check  the  progress  of  Howe  in  New  Jersey  at 
the  river.  But  unhappily  he  was  not  seconded  by 
his  generals,  who,  from  the  character  of  the  army, 
and  the  uncertain  extent  of  the  power  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, acted  as  if  they  were  his  peers. 

No  sooner  did  Lee  find  himself  in  a  separate 
command  than  he  resolved  neither  to  join  nor  to 
reenforce    his    superior;    and    Greene     framed    his 


188  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  measures  on   a   system   directly  contrary  to  Wash- 
> — y-w  mgton's    manifested    intentions.      He    fell    to    ques- 
Nov  *  tioning    the    propriety  of  the    directions    which    he 
9-i3.    received ;   insisted   that  Fort  Washington  should  be 
kept,   even   with   the    certainty   of  its    investment ; 
gave  assurance   that  the   garrison  was  in  no  great 
conceivable    danger,   and    could    easily    be    brought 
off  at  any  time ;   and   cited   Magaw's   opinion   that 
the    fort    could    stand    a   siege    till   December.     In- 
stead,   therefore,    of  evacuating    it,    he    took    upon 
himself    to    send    over    reinforcements,    chiefly    of 
Pennsylvanians ;  left  unrevoked  the  order  to  defend 
it  to  the  last  extremity;  and,  in  a  direct  report  to 
congress,  encouraged  that  body  to  believe  that  the 
attempt   of  Howe    to    possess   himself  of  it   would 
fail. 
13.  Before    the    end    of  the   thirteenth,  Washington 

arrived  at  Fort  Lee,  and,  to  his  great  grief,  found 
what  Greene  had  done.  "The  importance  of  the 
Hudson  river,  and  the  sanguine  wishes  of  all 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  possessing  it,"  had 
induced  congress  to  intervene  by  a  special  order, 
which  left  Washington  no  authority  to  evacuate 
Fort  Washington,  except  in  a  case  of  necessity; 
his  full  council  of  war  had  approved  the  action  of 
congress;  Greene,  his  best  and  most  trusted  officer, 
and  the  commander  of  the  post,  insisted  that  the 
evacuation  was  not  only  uncalled  for,  but  would 
be  attended  by  disastrous  consequences;  and,  under 
this  advice,  Washington  hesitated,  by  an  absolute 
order,  to  conflict  with  congress,  whose  judgment 
he  might  strive  to  enlighten,  whose  command  he 
was   bound   to   obey.     His   next   hours   at  Hacken- 


FORT  WASHINGTON.  189 

sack   were    crowded  with    duties ;   besides   ordinary    chap. 
matters  of  detail,  he  had  to   prepare  from  dissolv- 
ing regiments  the  means  of  protecting  New  Jersey, 
and    to    advise    congress  of  the   pressing  wants   of 
the    army. 

On  the  night  following  the  fourteenth,  the  vigi-  15. 
lance  of  Greene  so  far  slumbered,  that  thirty  flat- 
boats  of  the  British  passed  his  post  undiscovered, 
and  hid  themselves  in  Spyt  den  Duyvel  creek. 
Having  finished  batteries  on  Fordham  heights, 
Howe,  in  the  afternoon  of  the  fifteenth,  summoned 
Magaw  to  surrender  Fort  Washington,  on  pain  of 
the  garrison's  being  put  to  the  sword.  The  gallant 
officer,  remonstrating  against  this  inhuman  menace, 
made  answer,  that  he  should  defend  his  post  to 
the  last  extremity,  and  sent  a  copy  of  his  reply 
to  Greene,  who,  about  sunset,  forwarded  it  to 
Washington,  and  himself  soon  after  repaired  to  the 
island.  On  receiving  the  message,  Washington 
rode  to  Fort  Lee,  and  was  crossing  the  river  in 
a  row-boat  late  at  night,  when  he  met  Putnam 
and  Greene,  and  spoke  with  them  in  the  stream. 
Greene,  who  was  persuaded  that  he  had  sent 
over  "  men  enough  to  defend  themselves  against 
the  whole  British  army,"  reported  that  the  troops 
were  in  high  spirits,  and  would  do  well.  On 
this  report  Washington  turned  back  with  them 
to  Fort  Lee,  for  it  was  then  too  late  to  withdraw 
the  garrison. 

The  grounds  which   Magaw  was  charged   to  de-     16. 
fend    reached  from  the  hills  above    Tubby-hook    to 
a  zigzag  line   a  little   south  of  the  present  Trinity 
cemetery,  a  distance  north  and  south  of  two  and  a 


190  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  half  miles,  a  circuit  of  six  or  seven.     The  defence 

XI. 

of  the  northernmost  point  of  the  heights  was  com- 
mitted to  Rawlings  and  a  Maryland  rifle  regiment, 
in  which  Otho  Holland  Williams  was  the  second  in 
command ;  Magaw  retained  at  Fort  Washington  a 
small  reserve  ;  the  lines  at  the  south  were  intrust- 
ed to  Pennsylvanians  under  Lambert  Cadwalader 
of  Philadelphia,  who  had  no  heart  for  the  day's 
work,  and  justly  enough  thought  and  too  openly 
avowed  that  a  successful  defence  was  impossible ; 
on  the  Harlem  side,  Baxter,  with  one  regiment, 
occupied  the  redoubt  on  Laurel  hill ;  the  interval 
of  two  miles  between  him  and  Cadwalader  was 
left    to    casual    supplies    of   troops. 

A  cannonade  from  the  heights  of  Fordham  was 
kept  up  on  the  sixteenth  till  about  noon.  Of  four 
separate  attacks,  the  most  difficult  and  the  most 
dangerous  was  made  by  Knyphausen  with  nearly 
four  thousand  five  hundred  men.  The  brigade  on 
the  right  nearest  the  Hudson  was  led  by  Ball; 
the  other,  with  Knyphausen,  marched  nearer  the 
road  towards  the  gorge,  officers,  like  the  men,  on 
foot.  The  high  and  steep  and  thickly  wooded 
land  was  defended  by  felled  trees  and  three  or 
four  cannon.  The  assailants  must  climb  over 
rocks ;  they  drew  themselves  up  by  grasping  at 
trees  and  bushes;  some  slipped  on  the  dry  autumn 
leaves  and  fell ;  others  dropped  before  the  rifle. 
Excited  by  the  obstinacy  of  the  contest,  Eall  cried 
out :  "  Forwards,  my  grenadiers,  every  man  of 
you;"  his  drums  beat;  his  trumpeters  blew  the 
notes  of  command ;  and  all  who  escaped  the  fire 
from  behind   rocks    and    trees    shouted    "  Hurrah ! " 


FORT   WASHINGTON.  191 

and    pushed    forward    without    firing,    till    Hessians   chap. 
and    Americans    were     mixed    up     together.      The  ^^ — - 
other    German    column    was    embarrassed    by    still     XT 
closer  thickets  and  a  steeper  hill-side ;   but  Knyp-      16 
hausen,  tearing    down    fences    with    his    own   hand, 
and  exposing  himself  like  the  common  soldier,  was 
but  little  behind  Ball. 

For  the  second  attack  a  brigade  under  Lord 
Cornwallis  embarked  in  flat- bottomed  boats  at 
Kingsbridge  on  the  stream  which  is  there  very 
narrow;  the  fire  of  musketry  on  the  two  foremost 
battalions  was  so  heavy  that  the  sailors  slunk 
down  in  the  boats,  leaving  it  to  the  soldiers  to 
handle  the  oars.  When  they  had  all  landed,  they 
climbed  "  the  very  steep,  uneven "  Laurel  hill  from 
the  north,  and  by  their  activity  and  numbers 
stormed  the  American  battery.  Baxter  fell  while 
encouraging   his   men. 

To  the  south,  the  division  under  Percy  moved 
from  what  is  now  the  One  hundred  and  twenty- 
fifth  street.  An  advance  picket  of  twenty  men  in 
a  small  redoubt  was  quickly  dislodged  by  a  brisk 
fire ;  but  after  gaining  the  heights,  Percy  sheltered 
his  greatly  superior  force  behind  a  piece  of  woods, 
and  remained  idle  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  while 
he  sent  word  to  Howe  that  he  had  carried  an 
advanced  work.  To  facilitate  his  success,  Howe 
ordered  three  regiments  to  land  in  the  rear  of 
Cadwalader's  lines.  As  they  were  seen  coming 
down  Harlem  river,  Magaw  sent  from  Fort  Wash- 
ington, and  Cadwalader  from  his  lines,  each  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men  to  oppose  them.  Of 
this  fourth  attack,  Colonel  Sterling  and   the   High- 


192  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  landers  led  the  way  in  boats  through  a  galling  fire; 
they  landed  under  cover  of  a  heavy  cannonade 
from  Fordham  heights,  struggled  up  the  steep  path 
with  a  loss  of  ninety  killed  or  wounded,  and 
pressed  forward  across  the  island.  To  prevent 
being  caught  between  two  detachments,  Cadwal- 
ader  ordered  his  party  to  retreat;  which  they  did, 
but  in  such  confusion  that  they  lost  more  than  a 
hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  to  Sterling,  and  the 
rest,  instead  of  rallying  on  the  grounds  outside  of 
the  fort,  huddled  together  within  its  narrow  en- 
closure. 

While  this  was  going  on,  the  Hessians  at  the 
north,  clambering  over  felled  trees  and  surmount- 
ing rocky  heights,  gained  on  the  Americans,  who 
in  number  were  but  as  one  to  four  or  five. 
Rawlings  and  Otho  Williams  were  wounded ;  the 
arms  of  the  riflemen  grew  foul  from  use ;  as  they 
retired,  Rail  with  his  brigade  pushed  upward  and 
onward,  and  when  within  a  hundred  paces  of  the 
fort,  instantly  sent  a  captain  of  grenadiers  with 
summons  to  the  garrison  to  surrender  as  prisoners 
of  war,  all  retaining  their  baggage,  and  the  officers 
their  swords.  Cadwalader  received  and  favored  the 
message;  Magaw,  to  whom  it  was  referred,  asked 
five  hours  for  consultation,  but  obtained  only  a 
half-hour.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon ;  during 
the  truce,  a  messenger  from  Washington,  who  was 
looking  on  from  Tort  Lee,  brought  a  letter  to 
Magaw,  promising  that  if  he  would  hold  out  for 
a  few  hours  an  effort  should  be  made  during  the 
night  to  bring  off  the  garrison.  But  the  treaty 
had    gone   too   far ;    nor    could    the   place  have    re- 


FORT    WASHINGTON.  193 

eisted  an  assault;   to  Knyphausen,  who    had   come   chap. 
up,    Magaw   surrendered.     The   honors  of  the  day 
belonged    to    the    Hessians    and    the    Highlanders ; 
Rail    and    Sterling    were    distinguished    in    general 
orders;   and    the    fort   was    named   Knyphausen. 

The  killed  and  wounded  of  the  German  troops 
were  more  than  three  hundred  and  fifty,  those  of 
the  whole  royal  army  more  than  five  hundred. 
The  Americans  lost  in  the  field  not  above  one 
hundred  and  forty-nine;  but  they  gave  up  valuable 
artillery  and  some  of  their  best  arms,  and  the 
captives  exceeded  two  thousand  six  hundred,  of 
whom  one  half  were  well-trained  soldiers.  Greene 
would  never  assume  his  share  of  responsibility  for 
the  disaster,  and  would  never  confess  his  avlaring 
errors  of  judgment;  but  wrongfully  ascribed  the  de- 
feat to  a  panic  which  had  struck  the  men,  so  that 
"they  fell  a  prey  to  their  own  fears."  The  grief 
of  Washington  was  sharpened  by  self-reproach  for 
having  yielded  his  own  opinion  and  wish  to  the 
confident  reports  of  the  commander  of  the  post, 
who  had  incomparably  better  opportunities  than 
himself  of  forming  a  just  judgment ;  but  he  took 
the  teachings  of  adversity  without  imbibing  its 
bitterness ;  he  never  excused  himself  before  the 
world  by  throwing  the  blame  on  another ;  he 
never  suffered  his  opinion  of  Greene  to  be  con- 
fused ;  and  he  interpreted  his  orders  to  that  officer 
as  having  given  the  largest  discretion  which  their 
language    could   be   strained   to   warrant. 

VOL.  IX.  1 7 


CHAPTER   XII. 

WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT   THROUGH    THE    JERSEYS. 

November  17 — December  13,  1776. 

Earl  Cornwallis,  who  on  the  third  day  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1766,  had  voted  with  Camden,  Shelburne, 
and  only  two  others,  that  the  British  parliament 
had  no  right  to  tax  America,  obtained  the  com- 
mand in  New  Jersey.  His  first  object  was  Fort 
Lee,  which  lay  on  the  narrow  ridge  between  the 
Hudson  and  Hackensack  rivers,  and  which  was  in 
the  more  danger  as  Greene,  indulging  his  easy, 
sanguine  disposition,  had  neglected  Washington's 
timely  order,  to  prepare  for  its  evacuation  by  the 
removal  of  its  stores.  Drop  after  drop  of  sorrow 
was  fast  falling  into  the  cup  of  Washington.  On 
17.  the  seventeenth  of  November,  the  division  under 
the    command    of    Lee    had    orders1  to    join;    but 

lu  They  had  orders  on  the  17th  Washington's    letter-book    in    the 

of  November  to  join,  now  more  than  state    department,   and   they  agree 

a  month."  Washington  to  Congress,  exactly.  '  The  order  itself,  as  far  as 

Dec.  20,  in  Sparks,  iv.  239.    I  com-  I  can  find,  has  not  been  preserved, 

pared  this  with  the  manuscript  copy  One  or  two  official  or  semi-official 

of  the  letter  and  with  the  copy  in  letters  of  the  adjutant -general  to 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT  THROUGH   THE  JERSEYS.  195 

the  orders  were  treated   as  mere  advice,  and  were   chap. 
wilfully   slighted.      The    army   was   melting    away ;  * — Y — » 
while  congress  showed  signs  of  nervousness  and  felt    jjot  * 
their   want    of  resources.      To   obtain    troops,    they      *7- 
granted    the    states    liberty   to    enlist   men   for   the 
war,  or  for  three  years;  after  their  own  long  delay 
had  destroyed  every  hope  of  good  results  from  the 
experiment,  they   forwarded    to   Washington    blank 
commissions,  which  he  was  to  fill  up,  and  conjured 
him  to  recruit  the  regiments  then  in  camp. 

In  the  night  of  the  nineteenth,  two  battalions  19. 
of  Hessian  grenadiers,  two  companies  of  yagers, 
and  the  eight  battalions  of  the  English  reserve,  at 
least  five  thousand  men,  marched  up  the  east  side 
of  the  Hudson,  and  the  next  morning,  about  day-  20. 
break,  crossed  with  their  artillery  to  Closter  land- 
ing, five  miles  above  Fort  Lee.  The  movement 
escaped  Greene's  attention ;  so  that  the  nimble 
seamen  were  unmolested  as  they  dragged  the  can- 
non for  near  half  a  mile  up  the  narrow,  steep, 
rocky  road,  to  the  top  of  the  palisades.  Aroused 
from  his  bed  by  the  report  of  a  countryman, 
Greene  sent  an  express  to  the  commander-in-chief, 
and  having  ordered  his  troops  under  arms,  took  to 
night  with  more  than  two  thousand  men,  leaving 
blankets  and  baggage,  except  what  his  few  wagons 
could  bear  away,  more  than  three  months'  provi- 
sion for  three  thousand  men,  camp -kettles  on  the 
fire,  above  four  hundred  tents  standing,  and  all 
his  cannon,  except  two  twelve-pounders.  With  his 
utmost  speed  he  barely  escaped  being  cut  off;   but 

Lee  seem  to  be  missing ;  this  order      of  the   communications  to   Lee  in 
was  perhaps  one  of  them.     Several      December  are  lost. 


196  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.   Washington,    first    ordering    Grayson,   his    aide -de- 

All. 

* — *~~>  camp,  to  renew  the  summons  for  Lee  to  cross  the 
Nov  *  river?  gained  the  bridge  over  the  Hackensack  by  a 

so-  rapid  march,  and  covered  the  retreat  of  the  garri- 
son, so  that  less  than  ninety  stragglers  were  taken 
prisoners.  The  main  body  of  those  who  escaped 
were  without  tents,  or  blankets,  or  camp  utensils, 
but  such  as  they  could  pick  up  as  they  went 
along.  While  the  Americans  were  in  full  retreat, 
Eeed,  the  adjutant -general,  ordered  a  horseman 
to  hasten  to  Lee  with  an  announcement  of  the 
day's  disaster,  and  as  the  means  of  writing  gave 
out,  to  add  this  verbal  message:  "I  pray  you  to 
push  and  join  us ; "  and  the  horseman,  without 
loss    of  time,   fulfilled    his    commission. 

Once  more  the  army  lay  on  a  narrow  peninsula, 
between  the  Hackensack  and  Passaic  rivers,  which 
meet  in  Newark  bay.  To  avoid  being  hemmed  in, 
while  waiting  for   the  junction  of  Lee,  Washington 

21  gave  orders  on  the  twenty-first  for  moving  beyond 
the  Passaic ;  and  on  the  same  day,  he  addressed  a 
long  and  most  earnest  letter  to  Lee,  explaining  the 
necessity  for  insisting  on  his  moving  over  by  the 
easiest  passage.     Reed  added  a  letter  of  his  own. 

Halting  on  his  march  from  Hackensack  to  New- 
ark, from  the  bridge  over  the  Passaic  he  reminded 
the  governor  of  New  Jersey  that  the  enlistment 
of  the  flying  camp  belonging  to  that  state,  to 
Pennsylvania,  and  to  Maryland,  was  near  expiring, 
so  that  the  enemy  could  be  stopped  only  by  the 
immediate    uprising    of    the    militia.      At    Newark, 

22.  where  he  arrived  on  the  night  of  the  twenty- 
second,  he    maintained  himself  for  five   days ;   con- 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT   THROUGH  THE  JERSEYS.  197 

stantly  devising  means  to  cover  the  country,  and  chap. 
hoping  to  be  joined  by  the  continental  force  un- 
der Lee  and  by  volunteers  of  New  Jersey.  But 
Lee,  weakened  by  the  return  home  of  about  three 
thousand  of  the  Massachusetts  militia,  remained  in 
idleness  for  sixteen  days,  pretending  to  defend  a 
country  which  there  was  no  enemy  near  to  attack, 
indifferent  to  the  "full  and  explicit"  and  constant- 
ly reiterated    orders    of   Washington. 

On  the  twenty -third,  Washington  sent  Eeed,  23. 
who  was  a  native  of  New  Jersey,  to  the  legisla- 
ture of  that  state  then  assembled  at  Burlington, 
and  Mifflin  to  the  congress  at  Philadelphia,  to 
entreat  the  immediate  reenforcement  of  his  dilapi- 
dated army.  Mifflin  fulfilled  his  mission  with  pa- 
triotism and  ability.  Congress,  in  their  helplessness, 
called  on  the  associators  in  Philadelphia  and  the 
nearest  four  counties  to  join  the  army,  if  but  for 
six  months;  begged  blankets  and  woollen  stockings 
for  the  bare  soldiers;  and  wrote  north  and  south 
for  troops  and  stores.  The  state  of  Pennsylvania 
was  paralyzed  by  anarchy,  continuous  revolution, 
and  disputes  about  the  new  constitution,  which  the 
majority  disapproved,  and  of  which  the  complete 
establishment  was  effectually  resisted  for  three 
months  to  come  ;  but  Mifflin  successfully  addressed 
the  old  committee  of  safety,  and  the  new  assembly; 
he  reviewed  and  encouraged  the  city  militia ;  with 
Rittenhouse  in  the  chair,  and  the  general  assembly 
and  council  of  safety  in  attendance,  he  spoke  to  the 
people  in  town-meeting  with  fervor,  and  was  an- 
swered by  unanimous  acclamations.  All  this  while, 
the    British    officers   were    writing    home  from  New 

17* 


198  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  York:   "Lord  Cornwallis  is  carrying  all  before  him 


XII 


1776. 

Nov. 
28. 


in  the  Jerseys ;  it  is  impossible  but  that  peace 
must  soon  be  the  consequence  of  our  success."  On 
the  twenty-eighth,  the  advanced  guard  of  Corn- 
wallis reached  Newark,  just  as  it  was  left  by  the 
rear  of  the  Americans.  On  that  same  day,  Reed, 
who  had  been  charged  to  convey  to  the  New 
Jersey  government  "  a  perfect  idea  of  the  critical 
situation  of  affairs,  the  movements  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  absolute  necessity  of  further  and  imme- 
diate exertions,"  shrunk  from  his  duty,  and,  seeking 
definitively  to  quit  the  army,  sent  back  his  com- 
mission to  the  president  of  congress.  But  the  pros- 
pect of  unsparing  censure,  and  a  cold  rebuke  from 
Washington,  who  had  seen  proof  of  his  disingen- 
uousness,  drove  him,  at  the  end  of  four  days,  to 
retract  his  resignation,  though  he  could  not  as  yet 
wholly  overcome  his  reluctance  at  "  following  the 
wretched  remains  of  a  broken  army." 

At  Brunswick,  where  that  army  arrived  on  the 
evening  of  the  twenty-eighth,  it  found  short  rest. 
Lee,  though  importuned  daily,  and  sometimes  twice 
a  day,  still  lingered  on  the  east  of  the  Hudson; 
Pennsylvania  had  no  government ;  the  efforts  of 
congress  were  as  yet  ineffective  ;  and  the  appeal 
of  the  governor  of  New  Jersey  to  its  several  colo- 
nels of  militia  co^ld  not  bring  into  the  field  one  full 
company.  All  this  while  Washington  was  forced 
to  hide  his  weakness,  and  bear  loads  of  censure 
from  false  estimates  of  his  strength.  To  expressions 
80.  of  sympathy  from  William  Livingston  he  answered : 
"  I  will  not  despair."  As  he  wrote  these  words,  on 
the  last  day  of  November,  he  was  parting  with  the 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT  THROUGH  THE  JERSEYS.  199 

New  Jersey  brigade  and  that  of  Maryland,  which  chap. 
formed  nearly  half  his  force,  and  claimed  their  dis- 
charge, now  that  their  engagement  expired  ;  while 
the  brothers,  Lord  and  Sir  William  Howe,  were  pub- 
lishing a  new  proclamation  of  pardon  and  amnesty 
to  all  who  would  within  sixty  days  promise  not  to 
take  up  arms  in  opposition  to  the  king.  The  men 
of  New  Jersey,  instead  of  turning  out  to  defend 
their  country,  made  their  submissions  as  fast  as 
they  could,  moved  by  the  wavering  of  their  chief 
justice,  and  the  example  of  Samuel  Tucker,  who, 
though  he  had  been  president  of  the  convention 
which  formed  the  constitution  of  the  state,  chair- 
man of  its  committee  of  safety,  treasurer,  and  judge 
of  the  supreme  court,  yet  signed  the  pledge  of 
fidelity  to  the  British.  From  Philadelphia,  Joseph 
Galloway  went  over  to  Howe ;  so  did  Andrew  Allen, 
who  had  been  a  member  of  the  continental  con- 
gress, and  two  of  his  brothers ;  all  confident  of  being 
soon  restored  to  their  former  fortunes  and  political 
importance.  Even  John  Dickinson,  who  was  free 
from  malice  and  struck  wounds  only  into  his  own 
breast,  discredited  the  continental  paper,  and  for 
two  or  three  months  longer,  was  so  thoroughly 
convinced  of  the  necessity  of  returning  to  the  old 
state  of  dependence,  that  he  refused  to  accept 
from  Delaware  an  appointment  to  the  congress  of 
the  United  States.1  The  state  of  Maryland  was 
willing;  to  renounce  the  declaration  of  the  fourth 
of  July,  for  the  sake  of  an  accommodation  with 
Great  Britain. 

1  Force,  iii.  1255,  1294,  1370.  George  Read,  January  20,  1777, 
Robert  Morris  to  Jav,  January  12,  MS.,  and  Same  to  Same,  January 
1777,    MS.      John  "Dickinson    to       22,  1777,  MS. 


200  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

On  the  other  hand,  Schuyler,  always  on  the 
alert  to  send  help  where  it  was  wanted,  ordered 
from  the  northern  army  seven  continental  regi- 
ments of  New  England,  whose  term  of  service 
would  expire  on  the  first  of  January,  to  march  to 
the  Delaware.  Wayne  burned  to  come  "  to  the 
assistance  of  poor  Washington,"  but  was  kept  a 
little  longer  in  command  at  Ticonderoga.  In  the 
darkest  hour,  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  professing  a 
due  dependence  on  the  divine  disposer  of  events, 
said,  for  himself  and  for  the  people  of  his  govern- 
ment :  "  We  are  determined  to  maintain  our  cause 
to  the  last  extremity." 
Dec.  Yet  the  fate  of  America  was  trembling  in  the 
scale,  when  the  infatuation  of  the  Howes  rashly 
divided  their  forces.  Two  English  and  two  Hessian 
brigades,  under  the  command  of  Clinton,  assisted  by 
Earl  Percy  and  Prescott,  passed  through  the  sound 
in  seventy  transports,  and,  on  the  seventh  of  De- 
cember, were  convoyed  into  the  harbor  of  New- 
port by  Sir  Peter  Parker,  with  eleven  ships  of 
war.  The  island  of  Rhode  Island  could  offer  no 
resistance ;  the  American  armed  vessels  that  were 
in  the  bay  went  up  to  Providence  for  shelter. 
This  useless  conquest,  which  kept  a  large  number 
of  troops  unemployed  for  the  next  three  years, 
was  made  against  the  advice  of  Clinton,  who  wished 
rather  to  have  landed  at  Amboy,  or  to  have  ascend- 
ed the  Delaware  with  the  fleet  to  Philadelphia. 
l.  On    the    first   of  December,  just    as   Washington 

was  leaving  Brunswick,  he  renewed  his  urgency 
with  Lee  :  "  The  enemy  are  advancing,  and  mean 
to    push   for   Philadelphia  •    the    force  I  have    with 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT  THROUGH   THE   JERSEYS.  201 

me  is   infinitely  inferior   in   numbers,  and   such   as  chap. 


xii. 


cannot  promise  the  least  successful  opposition.  I 
must  entreat  you  to  hasten  your  march  as  much  Dec  * 
as  possible,  or  your  arrival  may  be  too  late."  On  *• 
the  evening  of  that  day,  Cornwallis  entered  Bruns- 
wick. Washington,  as  he  retreated,  broke  down  a 
part  of  the  bridge  over  the  Earitan,  and  a  sharp 
cannonade  took  place  across  the  river,  in  which  it 
is  remembered  that  an  American  battery  was 
served  by  Alexander  Hamilton.  With  but  three 
thousand  men,  half  clad,  poorly  fed,  he  marched 
by  night  to  Princeton.  Leaving  Stirling  and  2. 
twelve  hundred  men  at  that  place  to  watch  the 
motions  of  the  enemy,  he  went  with  the  rest  to 
Trenton.  His  mind  derived  nourishment  from  ad- 
versity, and  grew  more  strong  and  serene  and  pure 
through  affliction.  He  found  time  to  counsel  con- 
gress how  to  provide  resources  for  the  campaign 
of  the  next  year ;  and  as  he  has  himself  written,1 
he  saw  "  without  despondency  even  for  a  moment 
the  hours  which  America  styled  her  gloomy  ones." 
Having  transferred  his  baggage  and  stores  beyond 
the  Delaware,  he  faced  about'  with  such  troops  as 
were  fit  for  service,  to  resist  the  further  progress 
of  the  enemy,  and  to  await  the  movements  of  Lee, 
whom  he  sought,  by  a  special  messenger,  to  ani- 
mate to  rapid  movements.  But  on  the  sixth,  Corn-  & 
wallis,  who  was  impatient  at  his  orders  not  to 
advance  beyond  Brunswick,  was  joined  by  Howe 
and  nearly  a  full  brigade  of  fresh  troops.  On  his 
way  to  Princeton,  Washington  met  the  detachment 
of  Stirling  retreating  before  a  vastly  superior  force ; 

1  Washington  to  George  Mason,  March  27,  1779. 


202  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

he  therefore  returned  with  his  whole  array  to 
Trenton,  and  at  that  place  crossed  the  Delaware. 
Who  can  tell  what  might  have  happened,  if  Howe 
had  pushed  forward  four  thousand  men,  by  a  forced 
march,  in  pursuit  of  the  Americans  ?  But,  resting 
seventeen  hours  at  Princeton,  and,  on  the  eighth, 
taking  seven  hours  to  march  twelve  miles,  he  ar- 
rived at  Trenton  just  in  time  to  see  the  last  of 
the  fugitives  safely  pass  the  river;  and  he  could 
not   continue    the    pursuit   for    want    of   means    of 

9.  transportation.  The  next  morning,  Cornwallis,  who 
with  the  rear  division  had  halted  at  Maidenhead, 
marched  thirteen  miles  up  the  Delaware,  as  far  as 
Coryell's  ferry;  but  Washington  had  destroyed  or 
secured  every  boat  on  that  river  and  its  tributary 
streams  for  a  distance  of  seventy  miles. 

10.  Philadelphia  was  in  danger.  On  the  tenth  of 
December,  congress  sent  Mifflin  through  the  coun- 
ties of  Pennsylvania  to  rouse  its  freemen  to  arms ; 
it  requested  of  the  assembly  that  a  committee  of 
their  body  might  accompany  him  in  his  tour ;  it 
directed  Putnam  to  throw  up  works  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  city ;  rt  invited  the  council  of  safety 
to  call  forth  all  the  inhabitants  to  take  part  in 
their  construction ;  and  it  published  an  earnest 
appeal  to  i,h«  people  in  general,  but  especially  of 
Pennsylvania  and  the  adjacent  states,  to  make  at 
least  a  short  resistance,  for  it  had  already  received 
aid  from  foreign  states  and  the  most  positive  assur- 
ances of  further  aid,  and  General  Lee  was  advan- 
cing with  a  strong  reenforcement.  On  the  same 
day,  Washington,  suffering  anguish  even  to  tears 
at   the    desolation   of  New  Jersey,  again   addressed 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT   THROUGH  THE  JERSEYS.  203 

Lee  :  "  I  request  and  entreat  yon,  and  this  too  by  chap. 
the  advice  of  all  the  general  officers  with  me,  to 
march  and  join  me  with  your  whole  force  with 
all  possible  expedition.  Do  come  on ;  your  arrival, 
without  delay,  may  be  the  means  of  preserving  a 
city."  Late  at  night  arrived  an  evasive  letter  from 
Lee ;  and  Washington  appealed  to  him  once  more 
on  the  eleventh  :  "  The  force  I  have  is  weak,  and  11 
entirely  incompetent  to  prevent  General  Howe  from 
possessing  Philadelphia ;  I  must,  therefore,  entreat 
you  to  push  on  with  every  possible  succor  you 
can  bring."  But  this  adjuration  never  reached 
him. 

The  reputation  of  Lee  was  at  its  zenith,  when  Nov. 
he  was  left  in  command  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Hudson.  In  congress  and  among  the  people,  his 
name  was  the  mythical  symbol  of  ability,  decision, 
knowledge  of  war,  and  success ;  but  in  truth  he  was 
a  man  of  a  treacherous  nature,  a  wayward  will, 
and  an  unsoundness  of  judgment  which  bordered 
on  morbidness.  He  began  by  ordering  from  the 
military  chest  a  payment  which  was  expressly  for- 
bidden by  law ;  so  that  the  paymaster  was  forced 
for  self-protection  to  leave  his  neighborhood.  At  the 
fall  of  Fort  Washington,  his  wild  ambition  blazed 
up  without  restraint  ;  disregarding  his  orders  to 
move  his  army,  he  spread  in  congress  the  false 
rumor,_  that  his  last  words  to  the  general  had 
been  :  "  Draw  off  the  garrison,  or  they  will  be 
lost ; "  and  he  aspired  to  a  grant  of  supreme  power. 
"  Your  apathy,"  so  he  wrote  to  Rush,  "  amazes  me ; 
you  make  me  mad.  Let  me  talk  vainly ;  had  I 
the  powers,  I   could    do   you   much   good,  might   I 


204  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  but   dictate  one  week.     Did   none   of  the  congress 

XII.  .  ° 

v--y — '  ever  read  the  Roman  history  ? "  The  day  after 
K  *  the  loss  of  Fort  Lee  he  received  through  Grayson 
'an  explicit  order,  and  through  Reed  a  peremptory 
one,  to  pass  into  New  Jersey ;  determined  on  diso- 
bedience, in  a  letter  to  Bowdoin,  who  was  then  at 
the  head  of  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  and 
who  had  slowly  consented  to  the  necessity  of  inde- 
pendence, he  railed  about  the  "  cursed  job  of  Fort 
Washington,"  and  explained  his  purpose :  "  The  two 
armies,  that  on  the  east  and  that  on  the  west  side 
of  the  North  river,  must  rest  each  on  its  own  bot- 
tom ;  to  harbor  the  thought  of  reenforcing  from 
one  side  to  the  other  is  absolute  insanity."  This 
he  wrote  with  the  knowledge  that  five  thousand 
British  troops  had  landed  in  New  Jersey  on  the 
preceding  day,  and  that  there  remained  no  danger 
on  the  east  of  the  Hudson.  To  Washington  he 
only  made  answer,  that  he  had  desired  Heath  to 
detach  two  thousand  men  to  his  relief;  his  own 
army  could  not  get  over  in  time  to  answer  any 
purpose. 
23  On   the   twenty -third  of  November    he    received 

most  elaborate  instructions,  written  by  Washington 
himself  two  days  before,  accompanied  by  a  private 
letter  from  Reed.  Washington's  letter  he  at  once 
garbled  so  as  to  convey  false  impressions,  and  sent 
the  disconnected  passages  to  Bowdoin  with  the 
message  :  "  Affairs  appear  in  so  important  a  crisis, 
that  I  think  even  the  resolves  of  the  congress  must 
no  longer  nicely  weigh  with  us.  We  must  save  the 
community,  in  spite  of  the  ordinances  of  the  legis- 
lature.     There    are   times   when   we    must   commit 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT   THROUGH  THE  JERSEYS.  205 

treason  against  the  laws  of  the  state  for  the  sal- 
vation of  the  state.  The  present  crisis  demands 
this  brave,  virtuous  kind  of  treason.  For  my  own 
part,  (and  I  flatter  myself  my  way  of  thinking  is 
congenial  with  that  of  Mr.  Bowdoin,)  I  will  stake 
my  head  and  reputation  on  the  propriety  of  the 
measure."  His  answer  to  Washington,  which  he 
kept  back  for  two  days,  announced  but  little  be- 
yond his  intention  to  stay  where  he  was  for  two 
days  more.  The  letter  from  Reed,  who  was  habit- 
ually irresolute,  and  who  was  now  too  tremulous 
and  desponding  to  discriminate  between  the  forti- 
tude of  Washington  and  the  fickleness  of  Lee,  ran 
thus  :  "  You  have  decision,  a  quality  often  wanted 
in  minds  otherwise  valuable.  Oh,  General,  an  in- 
decisive mind  is  one  of  the  greatest  misfortunes 
that  can  befall  an  army ;  how  often  have  I  lament- 
ed it  this  campaign.  All  circumstances  considered, 
we  are  in  a  very  awful  and  alarming  situation ; 
one  that  requires  the  utmost  wisdom  and  firmness 
of  mind.  If  congress  will  not,  or  cannot,  bend 
their  whole  attention  to  the  plan  of  the  new 
army,  I  fear  all  our  exertions  will  be  in  vain  in 
this  part  of  the  world."  Lee  greedily  inhaled  the 
flattery  of  the  man  who  professed  to  be  the  bosom 
friend  of  Washington,  and  on  the  twenty-fourth  24 
wrote  back  :  "  My  dear  Reed,  I  lament  with  you 
that  fatal  indecision  of  mind  which  in  war  is  a 
much  greater  disqualification  than  stupidity,  or 
even  want  of  personal  courage  ;  accident  may  put 
a  decisive  blunder  in  the  right,  but  eternal  defeat 
and  miscarriage  must  attend  the  man  of  the  best 
parts,  if  cursed   with   indecision."     Before    the    end 

VOL.   IX  18 


206  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  of    the    month    this  echo  to  Reed's  letter,   having 
outwardly    the    form    of    an    official    despatch,    fell 
under  the  eye  of  Washington. 
26.  The   daily   and    precise    letters    and    mandates  of 

Washington  admitted  no  subterfuge.  On  the  twen- 
ty-sixth Lee  promised  obedience ;  he  then  turned  to 
chide  Heath  for  having  thwarted  his  purpose ;  and 
wound  up  his  note  with  these  words  :  "  The  com- 
mander-in-chief is  now  separated  from  us ;  I,  of 
course,  command  on  this  side  the  water ;  for  the 
future,  I  will  and  must  be  obeyed."  Assuming  the 
air  of  authority  in  chief,  he  sent  letters  to  three 
New  England  colonies,  proposing  a  temporary  em- 
bargo, that  the  privateersmen  might  be  driven  to 
seek  employment  in  the  army.  And  again  to  Mas- 
sachusetts he  urged  the  annual  drafting  of  every 
seventh  man  ;  adding,  to  a  puritan  colony,  his 
"  most  fervent  prayer  that  God  Almighty  may 
assist  in  this  pious  work."  Congress  had  lost  much 
of  its  purity  and  dignity  by  the  transfer  of  many 
of  its  ablest  members ;  yet  as  ^cthing  encouraged 
him  to  expect  the  dictatorship  from  that  body,  or 
from  Massachusetts  advice  to  save  the  country 
by  "  virtuous  treason,"  or  from  his  division  a  will- 
ing complicity  in  disobedience,  he  consented  to 
cross  the  river  ;  but  he  was  still  determined  to 
avoid  a  junction  with  the  commander-in-chief,  and 
to  impress  into  his  own  separate  army  all  the 
forces  which  he  could  intercept.  To  Washington's 
mild  reproaches  for  his  not  being  sooner  in  motion, 
30.  he  answered  on  the  thirtieth  from  Peekskill :  "  I 
shall  explain  my  difficulties,  when  we  both  have 
leisure."     Of   Heath    he    demanded  the  transfer   of 


2,  3. 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT  THROUGH  THE  JERSEYS.  207 

his    best    regiments.      The    honest    officer    refused,   chap. 

-i        •  -.  ?       •  •  -r  •        •  i  1         XIL 

producing  his  instructions.  Lee  insisted ;  assumed 
command  at  the  post,  and  issued  his  own  orders ; 
but  soon  recalled  them ;  for  none  approved  his 
overturning  the  careful  disposition  which  had  been 
made  for  the  security  of  the  Highlands. 

On  the  second  and  third  of  December  his  divi-  D«« 
sion  passed  the  ferry;  but  he  claimed  to  be  "a 
detached  general,"  bound  only  "  to  make  an  im- 
portant diversion."  At  Haverstraw,  on  the  fourth,  4. 
at  the  time  when  the  army  which  he  should  have 
joined  had  shrunk  to  less  than  three  thousand  men, 
he  heard  of  the  approach  of  some  of  the  seven 
regiments  which  Schuyler  had  transferred  from  the 
northern  army ;  and  he  wrote  to  Washington :  "  I 
shall  put  myself  at  their  head  to-morrow  ;  we 
shall  compose  an  army  of  five  thousand  good 
troops,"  giving  an  exaggerated  return  of  his 
numbers.  From  Pompton,  on  the  seventh,  he  7. 
sent  Malmedy,  a  French  officer  of  no  merit,  and 
utterly  ignorant  of  English,  to  assume  the  general 
command  of  the  troops  collected  for  the  defence 
of  Rhode  Island ;  and  in  his  letter  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  that  state  he  sneered  at  Washington  as 
neither  u  a  heaven-born  genius,"  nor  one  who  had 
"theory  joined  to  practice,"  and  therefore  destitute 
of  the  qualities  which  could  *  alone  constitute  a 
general."  On  the  eighth,  from  Morristown,  while  8. 
the  general  was  retiring  before  Howe  and  Corn- 
wallis,  and  escaping  beyond  the  Delaware  with 
his  half-starved,  half-clad  soldiers,  few  and  weak 
and  worn  and  seemingly  doomed,  Lee  announced 
to  Richard   Henry  Lee    and    Rush,   the    committee 


208  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,    of    congress,    that   it    was    not    his    intention    "  to 

XII. 

join  the  army  with  Washington,"  because,  said  he, 
"  I  am  assured  he  is  very  strong."  This  he  penned 
with  an  unbounded  audacity  of  falsehood,  having 
at  the  moment  the  messenger  from  Washington  at 
his  side.  To  Washington,  who  had  hoped  by  con- 
cert with  him  to  achieve  some  great  success,  he 
used  the  same  plain  language  of  disobedience,  and 
wrote  that  he  would  "  hang  on  the  enemy's  rear, 
and  annoy  them  in  a  desultory  war."  Then,  as  if 
to  make  the  grief  for  his  delay  more  poignant,  he 
reports  his  division  as  amounting  to  four  thousand 
noble-spirited  men.  "  On  receiving  my  despatches 
by  Major  Hoops,"  wrote  Washington  to  congress, 
"  I  should  suppose  he  would  be  convinced  of  the 
necessity  of  his  proceeding  this  way  with  all  the 
force  he  can  bring."  Lee  had  received  the  de- 
spatches by  Major  Hoops,  and  still  adhering  to  his 
plan  of  remaining  in  the  enemy's  rear,  had  an- 
swered in  a  letter  which,  with  the  exception  of 
a  deceitful  memorandum  without  signature,  was  his 
last  communication  to  his  chief  during  the  cam- 
paign :    "  I    shall    look    about    me    to-morrow,    and 

9.  inform  you  further."  From  Chatham,  which  he 
selected  as  his  post,  he  on  that  morrow  hurried 
off  orders  to  Heath  to  have  three  regiments  just 
arrived  from  Ticonderoga  join  him  without  loss  of 
time,  saying :  "  I  am  in  hopes  here  to  reconquer 
the  Jerseys ;  it  was  really  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  before  my  arrival." 

12.  On  the  twelfth  his  division   marched  with  Sulli- 

van eight  miles  only  to  Vealtown ;  but  Lee,  with 
a    small    guard,   proceeded    on    the    flank,  three   or 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT  THROUGH   THE  JERSEYS.  209 

four  miles  nearer  the  enemy,  who  were  but  eigh-  chap. 
teen  miles  off;  and  passed  the  night  at  White's  * — Y — > 
tavern  at  Baskingridge.  The  next  morning  he  lay  Dec  * 
in  bed  till  eight  o'clock.  On  rising  he  wasted  two  13. 
hours  with  Wilkinson,  a  messenger  from  Gates,  in 
boasting  of  his  own  prowess  and  cavilling  at  every- 
thing done  by  others.  Never  was  a  general  in  a 
position  more  free  from  difficulties;  he  had  only 
to  obey  an  explicit  order  from  his  superior  officer, 
which  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  but  his  own 
caprices.  It  was  ten  o'clock  before  he  sat  down  to 
breakfast ;  after  which  he  took  time,  in  a  letter  to 
Gates,  to  indulge  his  spleen  towards  Washington  in 
this  wise  :  "  My  dear  Gates,  The  ingenious  manoeu- 
vre of  Fort  Washington  has  unhinged  the  goodly 
fabric  we  had  been  building.  There  never  was  so 
damned  a  stroke.  Entre  nous,  a  certain  great  man 
is  most  damnably  deficient.  He  has  thrown  me 
into  a  situation  where  I  have  my  choice  of 
difficulties :  if  I  stay  in  this  province,  I  risk  my- 
self and  army ;  and  if  I  do  not  stay,  the  prov- 
ince is  lost  forever.  I  have  neither  guides,  cav- 
alry, medicines,  money,  shoes,  or  stockings.  I  must 
act  with  the  greatest  circumspection.  Tories  are 
in  my  front,  rear,  and  on  my  flanks ;  the  mass  of 
the  people  is  strangely  contaminated ;  in  short,  un- 
less something  which  I  do  not  expect  turns  up,  we 
are  lost.  Our  counsels  have  been  weak  to  the  last 
degree.  As  to  yourself,  if  you  think  you  can  be 
in  time  to  aid  the  general,  I  would  have  you  by 
all  means  go ;  you  will  at  least  save  your  army. 
It  is  said  that  the  whigs  are  determined  to  set 
fire    to    Philadelphia ;    if    they   strike    this    decisive 

18* 


210  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   stroke,  the  clay  will   be  our   own ;   but  unless  it  is 
xn.  J  .  . 

w-y-^/  clone,    all    chance    of    liberty    in    any   part    of    the 

D        gl°De  is  forever  vanished.     Adieu,  my  dear  friend; 

13.     God    bless    you.     Charles  Lee."     The    paper,  which 

he    signed,    was    not    yet    folded,    when    Wilkinson, 

at   the  window,  cried   out  :   "  Here  are   the   British 

cavalry."    "  Where  ?  "  asked  Lee. 

The  young  Lieutenant-Colonel  Harcourt,  eager 
for  distinction,  had  asked  and  obtained  of  Corn- 
wallis  the  command  of  a  scouting  party  of  thirty 
dragoons,  and  learning  on  the  way  Lee's  foolhardy 
choice  of  lodgings,  he  approached  the  house  undis- 
covered, and  surrounded  it  by  a  sudden  charge. 
Had  Lee  followed  the  advice  of  De  Virnejoux,  a 
gallant  French  captain  in  the  American  service, 
who  was  in  the  house,  he  would  have  escaped. 
But  Harcourt,  who  knew  that,  to  succeed,  his  work 
must  be  done  quickly,  called  out  to  Lee  to  come 
forth  immediately,  or  the  house  would  be  set  on 
fire  ;  and  within  two  minutes,  he  who  had  made 
it  his  habitual  boast  that  he  would  never  be  taken 
alive,  sneaked  out  unarmed,  bareheaded,  without 
cloak,  in  slippers  and  blanket-coat,  his  collar  open, 
his  shirt  very  much  soiled  from  several  days'  wear, 
pale  from  fear,  with  the  abject  manner  of  a  coward, 
and  entreated  the  dragoons  to  spare  his  life.  They 
seized  him  just  as  he  was,  and  set  him  on  Wilkin- 
son's horse,  which'  stood  ready  saddled  at  the  door. 
One  of  his  aids,  who  came  out  with  him,  was 
mounted  behind  Harcourt's  servant;  and  at  the 
signal  by  the  trumpet,  just  four  minutes  from  the 
time  of  surrounding  the  house,  they  began  their 
return.    On  the  way,  Lee  recovered  from  his  panic, 


WASHINGTON'S    RETREAT  THROUGH  THE  JERSEYS.  211 

and  ranted  violently  about  his  having  for  a  moment  c^p- 
obtained  the  supreme  command,  giving  many  signs 
of  wildness  and  of  a  mind  not  perfectly  right.  At 
Princeton,  when  he  was  brought  in,  he  was  denied 
the  use  of  materials  for  writing;1  and  an  officer  and 
two  guards  were  placed  in  his  room.  He  demanded 
to  be  received  under  the  November  proclamation 
of  the  Howes ;  and  on  being  refused  its  benefits, 
and  reminded  that  he  might  be  tried  as  a  deserter, 
he  flew  into  an  extravagant  rage,  and  railed  at 
the  faithlessness  and  treachery  of  the  Americans  as 
the  cause  of  his  mishap.2 

No  hope  remained  to  the  United  States  but  in 
"Washington.  His  retreat  of  ninety  miles  through 
the  Jerseys,  protracted  for  eighteen  or  nineteen 
days,  in  an  inclement  season,  often  in  sight  and 
within  cannon-shot  of  his  enemies,  his  rear  pull- 
ing down  bridges,  and  their  van  building  them  up, 
had  no  principal  purpose  but  to  effect  delay,  till 
midwinter  and  impassable  roads  should  offer  their 
protection.  The  actors,  looking  back  upon  the 
crowded  disasters  which  overwhelmingly  fell  on 
them,  knew  not  how  they  got  through,  or  by 
what    springs    of    animation    they    were    sustained. 

1  The  letter,  without  date  of  time  arrival  of  the  rumor  of  Lee's  cap- 

or  place,  and  purporting  to  be  from  tivity  ;    and    had    it    been  genuine, 

General  Lee  to  Captain  Kennedy,  there  is  no  conceivable  channel  by 

is  not  genuine,  as  all  external  and  which,    according    to   any    calcula- 

internal  evidence  proves.    The  style  tion  of  probabilities,  it  could  have 

is  not  that  of  Lee  ;  the  sentiments  reached  that  journal  at  so  early  a 

are  not  his.     Captain  Kennedy  was  day. 

a  prisoner  among  the  Americans.  a  Geo.  H.  Moore's  Treason  of 
Lee  was  not  allowed  to  write,  as  we  Lee  is  the  fruit  of  comprehensive 
know  from  one  of  Howe's  aids.  Re-  and  thorough  research.  It  is  con- 
port  of  F.  von  Munchhausen  in'  the  firmed  by  documents  of  unquestion- 
Krunswick  papers.  The  letter  was  able  authenticity  and  is  the  first 
printed  in  the  Middlesex  Journal  of  correct  sketch  of  the  early  career 
Feb.  20,  1777,  immediately  on  the  of  Lee  iu  the  American  service. 


212  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

The  virtues  of  their  leader  touched  the  sympa- 
thies of  officers  and  men;  they  bore  each  other 
up  with  perseverance,  as  if  conscious,  that,  few 
and  wasted  as  they  were,  they  were  yet  to  save 
their  country. 


CHAPTER    Xm. 

TRENTON. 

December  11  —  26,  1776. 
The    British    posts    on    the    eastern    side   of  the    chap 

XIII. 

Delaware  drew  near  to  Philadelphia ;  rumor  re- 
ported ships  of  war  in  the  bay;  the  wives  and  chil- 
dren of  the  inhabitants  were  escaping  with  their 
papers  and  property;  and  the  contagion  of  panic 
broke  out  in  congress.  On  the  eleventh  of  De- 
cember they  called  on  the  states  to  fix,  each  for 
itself,  a  day  of  fasting  and  humiliation  ;  and,  with 
a  feverish  pretension  to  courage,  they  resolved 
that  "  Washington  should  contradict,  in  general  or- 
ders, the  false  and  malicious  report  that  they  were 
about  to  disperse,  or  adjourn  from  Philadelphia,  un- 
less the  last  necessity  should  direct  it."  He  de- 
clined publishing  the  vote,  and  wisely;  for,  on  the 
twelfth,  after  advice  from  Putnam  and  Mifflin,  they  12. 
voted  to  adjourn  to  Baltimore,  throwing  upon  the 
commander-in-chief  the  responsibility  of  directing 
all  things  relative   to  the  operations  of  war.     It  is 


214  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   on  record  that  Samuel  Adams,  mastered  by  enthu- 

XIII. 

siasm  and  glowing  with  health  and  excitement, 
which  grew  with  adversity,  resisted  the  proposition 
of  removal.  His  speech  has  not  been  preserved, 
but  its  purport  may  be  read  in  his  letters  of  the 
time :  "I  do  not  regret  the  part  I  have  taken  in  a 
cause  so  just  and  interesting  to  mankind.  The 
people  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Jerseys  seem  deter-' 
mined  to  give  it  up,  but  I  trust  that  my  dear  New 
England  will  maintain  it  at  the  expense  of  every- 
thing dear  to  them  in  this  life;  they  know  how  to 
prize  their  liberties.  May  Heaven  bless  them.  If 
this  city  should  be  surrendered,  I  should  by  no 
means  despair."  "Britain  will  strain  every  nerve 
to  subjugate  America  next  year ;  she  will  call 
wicked  men  and  devils  to  her  aid.  Our  affairs 
abroad  wear  a  promising  aspect;  but  I  conjure 
you  not  to  depend  too  much  upon  foreign  aid. 
Let  America  exert  her  own  strength.  Let  her 
depend  on  God's  blessing,  and  he  who  cannot  be 
indifferent  to  her  righteous  cause  will  even  work 
miracles  if  necessary  to  carry  her  through  this  glo- 
rious conflict,  and  establish  her  feet  upon  a  rock." 
As  a  military  precaution,  Putnam  ordered  "  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  not  to  appear  in  the 
streets  after  ten  o'clock  at  night."  He  promised 
in  no  event  to  burn  the  city  which  he  was 
charged  to  defend  to  the  last  extremity,  and  would 
not  allow  any  one  to  remain  an  idle  spectator  of 
the  contest,  "persons  under  conscientious  scruples 
alone  excepted."  But  the  Quakers  did  not  remain 
neutral.  Indirectly  disfranchised  by  the  new  form 
of  government,  they  yearned  for  their  old  connec- 


TRENTON.  215 

tion  with  England ;  at  their  meeting  held  at  Phila-  chap. 
delphia  for  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  they  re- 
fused "  in  person  or  by  other  assistance  to  join  in 
carrying  on  the  war ; "  and  with  fond  regret  they 
recalled  to  mind  "  the  happy  constitution "  under 
which  "  they  and  others  had  long  enjoyed  peace." 
The  needless  flight  of  congress,  which  took  place 
amidst  the  jeers  of  tories  and  the  maledictions  of 
patriots,  gave  a  stab  to  public  credit,  and  fostered 
a  general  disposition  to  refuse  continental  money. 
At  his  home  near  the  sea,  John  Adams  was  as 
stout  of  heart  as  ever.  The  conflict  thus  far  had 
been  less  severe  than  he  from  the  first  had  ex- 
pected ;  though  greater  disappointments  should  be 
met,  though  France  should  hold  back,  though  Phil- 
adelphia should  fall,  "  I,"  said  he,  "  do  not  doubt  of 
ultimate  success." 

Confident  that  the  American  troops  would  melt  13. 
away  at  the  approaching  expiration  of  their  en- 
gagements, Howe  on  the  thirteenth  prepared  to  re- 
turn to  his  winter-quarters  in  New  York,  leaving 
Donop,  as  acting  brigadier,  with  two  Hessian  bri- 
gades, the  yagers,  and  the  forty-second  Highlanders, 
to  hold  the  line  from  Trenton  to  Burlington.  At 
Princeton  Howe  refused  to  see  Lee,  who  was  held  14. 
as  a  deserter  from  the  British  army,  and  was  taken 
under  a  close  guard  to  Brunswick  and  afterwards 
to  New  York.  Cornwallis  left  Grant  in  command 
in  New  Jersey,  and  was  hastening  to  embark  for 
England.  By  orders  committed  to  Donop,  the  in- 
habitants who  in  bands  or  separately  should  fire 
upon  any  of  the  army,  were  to  be  hanged  upon 
the   nearest  tree  without  further  process.     All    pro- 


216  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  visions   which   exceeded  the  wants    of  an   ordinary 

XIIL     p  •  • 

family  were   to  be   seized  alike   from  whig  or  tory. 

Life  and  property  were  at  the  mercy  of  foreign 
hirelings.  There  were  examples  where  English  sol- 
diers forced  women  to  suffer  what  was  worse  than 
death,  and  on  one  occasion  pursued  girls  still  chil- 
dren in  years,  who  had  fled  to  the  woods.  The 
attempts  to  restrain  the  Hessians  were  given  up, 
under  the  apology  that  the  habit  of  plunder  pre- 
vented desertions.  A  British  officer  reports  offi- 
cially :  "  They  were  led  to  believe,  before  they  left 
Hesse- Cassel,  that  they  were  to  come  to  America 
to  establish  their  private  fortunes,  and  hitherto  they 
have  certainly  acted  with  that  principle." 

14.  It  was  the  opinion  of  Donop  that  Trenton  should 

be  protected  on  the  flanks  by  garrisoned  redoubts ; 
but  Kail,  who,  as  a  reward  for  his  brilliant  services, 
through  the  interposition  of  Grant  obtained  the  sep- 
arate command  of  that  post,  with  fifty  yagers, 
twenty  dragoons,  and  the  whole  of  his  own  brigade, 
would  not  heed  the  suggestion.  Renewing  his  ad- 
vice at  parting,  on  the  morning  of  the  fourteenth, 
Donop  marched  out  with  his  brigade  to  find  quar- 
ters chiefly  at  Bordentown  and  Blackhorse,  till 
Burlington,  which  lies  low,  should  be  protected 
from    the   American    row-galleys   by  heavy   cannon. 

16.  On  the  sixteenth,  it  was  rumored  that  Washington 
with  a  large  force  hovered  on  the  right  flank  of 
Rail ;  but  in  answer  to  Donop's  reports  of  that  day 
and  the  next,  Grant  wrote :  "  I  am  certain  the 
rebels  no  longer  have  any  strong  corps  on  this 
side  of  the  river;  the  story  of  Washington's  cross- 
ing   the    Delaware    at    this   season    of   the    year    is 


TRENTON.  217 

not    to    be    believed." *      "  Let    them    come,"    said  chap. 

XIII. 

Rail ;  "  what  need  of  intrenchments  ?  We  will  at  » — y^J 
them  with  the  bayonet."2  At  all  alarms  he  set  11££' 
troops  in  motion,  but  not  from  apprehension,  for 
he  laughed  the  mouldering  army  of  the  rebels  to 
scorn.  His  delight  was  in  martial  music;  and  for 
him  the  hautboys  at  the  main  guard  could  never 
play  too  long.  He  was  constant  at  parade ;  and 
on  the  relief  of  the  sentries  and  of  the  pickets, 
all  officers  and  under-officers  were  obliged  to  ap- 
pear at  his  quarters,  to  give  an  aspect  of  great 
importance  to  his  command.  Cannon  which  should 
have  been  in  position  for  defence, ♦  stood  in  front 
of  his  door,  and  every  day  were  escorted  for  show 
through  the  town.  He  was  not  seen  in  the  morn- 
ing until  nine,  or  even  ten  or  eleven ;  for  every 
night  he  indulged  himself  in  late  carousals.  So 
passed  his  twelve  days  of  command  at  Trenton ; 
and  they  were  the  proudest  and  happiest  of  his  life. 
*  No  man  was  ever  overwhelmed  by  greater 
difficulties,  or  had  less  means  to  extricate  him- 
self from  them,"  than  Washington ;  but  the  sharp 
tribulation  which  assayed  his  fortitude  carried  with 
it  a  divine  and  animating  virtue.  Hope  and  zeal 
illuminated  his  grief.  His  emotions  come  to  us 
across  the  century  like  strains  from  that  eternity 
which  repairs  all   losses  and   rights  all  wrongs ;   in 

1  Diary  kept  in  Donop's  com-  7  December,  1780.  Wiederhold, 
mand,  written  by  himself  or  one  of  the  author,  was  at  Trenton.  Tage- 
his  aids.  The  narrative  is  very  mi-  buch  des  Hessischen  Lieutenants 
nute  and  exact.  Unluckily  I  have  Piel,  v.  1776-1783,  has  a  good 
but  a  part  of  it,  from  Dec.  10  to  the  sketch  of  Rail.  Tagebuch  des  Jo- 
end  of  the  year  1776.  hannes  Reuber,  a  private  soldier  in 

3  Tagebuch  eines  Kurhessischen  the  regiment  Rail.      Ewald's  Feld- 

Officiers  vom  7  October,  1776,  bis  zug  der  Hessen  nach  America. 

VOL.  ix.  19 


218 


AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


CHAP. 
XIII. 

1776. 

Dec. 


14. 


his  untold  sorrows,  his  trust  in  Providence  kept 
up  in  his  heart  an  under-song  of  wonderful  sweet- 
ness. The  spirit  of  the  Most  High  dwells  among 
the  afflicted,  rather  than  the  prosperous  ;  and  he 
who  has  never  broken  his  bread  in  tears  knows  not 
the  heavenly  powers.1  The  trials  of  Washington 
are  the  dark,  solemn  ground  on  which  the  beauti- 
ful work  of  his  country's  salvation  was  embroidered. 
On  the  fourteenth  of  December,  believing  that 
Howe  was  on  his  way  to  New  York,  he  resolved 
"  to  attempt  a  stroke  upon  the  forces  of  the  enemy, 
who  lay  a  good  deal  scattered,  and  to  all  appear- 
ance in  a  state  of  security,"  as  soon  as  he  could  be 
joined  by  the  troops  under  Lee.2    Meantime,  he  ob- 


1  "  AVer  nie  sein  Brod  mit  Thra- 
nen  ass,  Der  kennt  eucli  nicht,"  &c. 

2  When  anything  in  the  cam- 
paign went  ill,  there  were  never 
wanting  persons  to  cast  the  blame 
on  Washington  ;  and  there  was  al- 
ways some  pretender  to  the  merit 
of  what  he  did  well.  Washington, 
on  his  retreat  from  Princeton,  formed 
the  fixed  design  to  turn  upon  the 
British  as  soon  as  he  should  be 
joined  by  Lee's  division.  "  I  shall 
face  about  and  govern  myself  by 
the  movements  of  General  Lee," 
wrote  Washington,  Dec.  5,  to  con- 
gress. Sparks's  Washington,  iv. 
202.  Dec.  12,  to  Trumbull,  Force, 
iii.  1186:  "to  turn  upon  the  enemy 
and  recover  most  of  the  ground  they 
had  gained."  He  shadowed  out  his 
purpose  more  definitely  as  soon  as 
it  was  known  that  Howe  had  left 
Trenton.  Dec.  14,  to  Trumbull, 
Washington,  iv.  220 :  "  a  stroke 
upon  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  who 
lie  a  good  deal  scattered."  The  like 
to  Gates,  Dec.  14,  in  Force,  iii. 
1216.  On  the  26th,  Kobert  Morris 
•wrote  of  the  attack  on  Trenton : 
"  This  manoeuvre  of  the  general  had 


been  determined  on  some  days  ago, 
but  he  kept  it  secret  as  the  nature 
of  the  service  would  admit."  How 
many  days  he  does  not  specify  ;  but 
Dec.  18,  Marshall,  a  leading  and 
well-informed  patriot  in  Philadel- 
phia, enters  in  his  accurate  diary, 
p.  122  :  "  Our  army  intend  to  cross 
at  Trenton  into  the  Jerseys."  A 
letter  of  the  1 9th,  in  Force,  i'ii.  1 295, 
says:  "before  one  week."  On  the 
same  19th,  Greene  writes  :  "I  hope 
to  give  the  enemy  a  stroke  in  a  few 
days."  Force,  iii.  1342.  On  the 
20th,  Washington  writes :  "  The 
present  exigency  will  not  admit  of 
delay  in  the  field."  On  the  21st, 
Robert  Morris  writes  to  Washing- 
ton :  "  I  have  been  told  to-day  that 
you  are  preparing  to  cross  into  the 
Jerseys.  I  hope  it  may  be  true ; 
.  .  .  nothing  would  give  me  greater 
pleasure  than  to  hear  of  such  oc- 
currences as  your  exalted  merit  de- 
serves." Force,  iii.  1331.  On  the 
same  21st,  Robert  Morris,  by  letter, 
communicated  the  design  to  the 
American  commissioners  in  France, 
as  a  matter  certainly  resolved  upon. 
Force,  iii.  1333.     The  Donop  jour- 


TRENTON.  219 

tained  exact  accounts  of  New  Jersey  and   its   best   chap. 

XIII 

military  positions,  from  opposite  Philadelphia  to  the 
hills  at  Morristown.  Every  boat  was  secured  far 
up  the  little  streams  that  flow  to  the  Delaware ; 
and  his  forces,  increased  by  fifteen  hundred  volun- 
teers from  Philadelphia,  guarded  the  crossing-places 
from  the  falls  at  Trenton  to  below  Bristol.  He 
made  every  exertion  to  threaten  the  Hessians  on 
both  flanks  by  militia,  at  Morristown  on  the  north, 
and  on  the  south  at  Mount  Holly. 

The  days  of  waiting  he  employed  in  presenting 
congress  with  a  plan  for  an  additional  number  of 
battalions,  to  be  raised  and  officered  directly  by 
the  United  States  without  the  intervention  of  the 
several  states;  thus  taking  the  first  great  step 
towards  a  real  unity  of  government.  On  the 
twelfth  he  had  written :  "  Perhaps  congress  have 
some  hope  and  prospect  of  reinforcements.  I  have 
no  intelligence  of  the  sort,  and  wish  to  be  informed 
on  the  subject.  Our  little  handful  is  daily  decreas- 
ing by  sickness  and  other  causes ;  and  without 
considerable  exertions  on  the  part  of  the  people, 
what  can  we  reasonably  look  for  ?  The  subject  is 
disagreeable ;  but  yet  it  is  true."    On  the  sixteenth 

nal,  in  reporting  the  information  ters  are  good,  when  it  may  serve 
which  was  furnished  by  General  afterwards  for  a  man's  justification 
Grant's  spy,  and  of  which  the  sub-  to  produce  his  own  letter."  In  1782 
stance  was  found  among  Rail's  pa-  Reed  wished  to  produce  this  letter 
pers,  appears  to  me  to  have  reported  for  his  justification  ;  and  somehow  or 
nothing  but  what  happened  before  other  garbled  extracts  from  it  found 
any  letter  of  the  twenty-second  could  their  way  into  Gordon,  ii.  391,  and 
have  been  considered.  The  elab-  into  Wilkinson,  i.  124,  with  a  letter 
orate  letter  of  Reed  to  Washington,  from  Washington  to  Reed.  Wash- 
Dec.  22,  1776,  proves  at  most  that  ington  nowhere  gives  Reed  credit 
Reed  was  not  in  the  secret.  As  for  aid  in  the  plan  or  execution  of 
adjutant-general,  his  place  was  at  the  affair  at  Trenton  ;  nor  does  any 
Washington's  side,  if  he  was  eager  one  else  who  was  concerned  in  the 
for  action.    Lord  Bacon  says :  "  Let-  preparations  for  that  action. 


220  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  he  continued :   "  I  am  more  and  more  convinced  of 

< — y — '  the    necessity    of    raising    more    battalions    for    the 

J*     '  new     army    than    what     have     been    voted.      The 

16.  enemy  will  leave  nothing  unessayed  in  the  next 
campaign ;  and  fatal  experience  has  given  its  sanc- 
tion to  the  truth,  that  the  militia  are  not  to  be 
depended  upon,  but  in  cases  of  the  most  pressing 
emergency.      Let   us   have    an    army   competent   to 

20.  every  exigency."  On  the  twentieth  he  grew  more 
urgent:  "I  have  waited  with  much  impatience  to 
know  the  determination  of  congress  on  the  propo- 
sitions made  in  October  last  for  augmenting  our 
corps  of  artillery.  The  time  is  come  when  it 
cannot  be  delayed  without  the  greatest  injury  to 
the  safety  of  these  states,  and,  therefore,  under  the 
resolution  of  congress  bearing  date  the  twelfth 
instant,  by  the  pressing  advice  of  all  the  general 
officers  now  here,  I  have  ventured  to  order  three 
battalions  of  artillery  to  be  immediately  recruited. 
This  may  appear  to  congress  premature  and  un- 
warrantable ;  but  the  present  exigency  of  our 
affairs  will  not  admit  of  delay,  either  in  the  coun- 
cil or  the  field.  Ten  days  more  will  put  an  end 
to  the  existence  of  this  army.  If,  therefore,  in  the 
short  interval  in  which  we  have  to  make  these  ar- 
duous preparations,  every  matter  that  in  its  nature 
is  self-evident  is  to  be  referred  to  congress,  at  the 
distance  of  a  hundred  and  thirty  or  forty  miles,  so 
much  time  must  elapse  as  to  defeat  the  end  in  view. 
u  It  may  be  said  that  this  is  an  application  for 
powers  too  dangerous  to  be  intrusted ;  I  can  only 
say,  that  desperate  diseases  require  desperate  rem- 
edies.     I   have   no   lust   after   power;    I  wish  with 


TRENTON.  221 

as   much   fervency  as   any  man   upon  this  wide-ex-   chap. 

n  •  /•  -i  XIIL 

tended  continent  for  an  opportunity  of  turning  the  — Y — ' 
sword  into  the  ploughshare;  but  my  feelings  as  an  DJC6* 
officer  and  as  a  man  have  been  such  as  to  force  20. 
me  to  say,  that  no  person  ever  had  a  greater 
choice  of  difficulties  to  contend  with  than  I  have. 
It  is  needless  to  add,  that  short  enlistments,  and  a 
mistaken  dependence  upon  militia,  have  been  the 
origin  of  all  our  misfortunes,  and  of  the  great 
accumulation  of  our  debt.  The  enemy  are  daily 
gathering  strength  from  the  disaffected.  This 
strength  will  increase,  unless  means  can  be  devised 
to  check  effectually  the  progress  of  his  arms. 
Militia  may  possibly  do  it  for  a  little  while ;  but 
in  a  little  while,  also,  the  militia  of  those  states 
which  have  been  frequently  called  upon  will  not 
turn  out  at  all ;  or  if  they  do,  it  will  be  with  so 
much  reluctance  and  sloth  as  to  amount  to  the 
same  thing.  Instance  New  Jersey !  Witness  Penn- 
sylvania !  The  militia  come  in,  you  cannot  tell 
how  ;  go,  you  cannot  tell  when ;  and  act,  you  cannot 
tell  where ;  consume  your  provisions,  exhaust  your 
stores,  and  leave  you  at  last  at  a  critical  moment. 
"  These  are  the  men  I  am  to  depend  upon  ten 
days  hence ;  this  is  the  basis  on  which  your  cause 
must  forever  depend,  till  you  get  a  standing  army, 
sufficient  of  itself  to  oppose  the  enemy.  This  is 
not  a  time  to  stand  upon  expense.  If  any  good 
officers  will  offer  to  raise  men  upon  continental 
pay  and  establishment  in  this  quarter,  I  shall  en- 
courage them  to  do  so,  and  regiment  them,  when 
they  have  done  it.  If  congress  disapprove  of  this 
proceeding,    they    will    please    to    signify    it,    as    I 

19* 


222  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  mean  it  for  the  best.  It  may  be  thought  I  am 
going  a  good  deal  out  of  the  line  of  my  duty,  to 
adopt  these  measures,  or  to  advise  thus  freely.  A 
character  to  lose,  an  estate  to  forfeit,  the  inestima- 
ble blessings  of  liberty  at  stake,  and  a  life  devoted, 
must  be  my  excuse." 
24.  On   the   twenty-fourth  he  resumed  his  warnings : 

« Very  few  have  enlisted  again,  not  more  from  an 
aversion  to  the  service,  than  from  the  non-appoint- 
ment of  officers  in  some  instances,  the  turning  out 
of  good  and  appointing  of  bad  in  others;  the  last 
of  this  month  I  shall  be  left  with  from  fourteen  to 
fifteen  hundred  effective  men  in  the  whole.  This 
handful,  and  such  militia  as  may  choose  to  join 
me,  will  then  compose  our  army.  When  I  reflect 
upon  these  things,  they  fill  me  with  concern.  To 
guard  against  General  Howe's  designs,  and  the 
execution  of  them,  shall  employ  my  every  exer- 
tion ;  but  how  is  this  to  be  done  ? 

"  The  obstacles  which  have  arisen  to  the  raising: 
of  the  new  army  from  the  mode  of  appointing 
officers,  induce  me  to  hope,  that,  if  congress  resolve 
on  an  additional  number  of  battalions  to  those  al- 
ready voted,  they  will  devise  some  other  rule  by 
which  the  officers,  especially  the  field-officers,  should 
be  appointed.  Many  of  the  best  have  been  neglect- 
ed, and  those  of  little  worth  and  less  experience 
put  in  their  places  or   promoted  over  their  heads." 

On  the  same  day,  Greene  wrote,  in  support  of 
the  new  jDolicy  :  "  I  am  far  from  thinking  the 
American  cause  desperate,  yet  I  conceive  it  to 
be  in  a  critical  situation.  To  remedy  evils,  the 
general   should   have    power    to   appoint   officers  to 


TRENTON.  223 

enlist  at  large.      The  present  existence  of  the  civil   chap. 
depends  upon  the  military  power.      I  am  no  advo-  -J^— / 
cate  for  the   extension   of  military  power;    neither  'I70' 
would  I  advise   it  at  present  but  from   the  fullest      24. 
conviction  of  its  being  absolutely  necessary.     There 
never  was  a  man  that  might  be  more  safely  trust- 
ed,   nor    a    time    when    there    was    a   louder    call." 
Here  was  the  proposed  beginning  of  a  new  era  in 
the  war.     Hitherto,  congress   had  raised  troops   by 
requisitions  on  the  states ;  and  as  their  requisitions 
had   failed,   leave    was   now   asked   for   Washington 
himself  to  recruit  and  organize  two-and-twenty  bat- 
talions for  the  general  service  under  the  authority 
of  the  union. 

On  the  twentieth,  the  very-  day  on  which  Frank-  20. 
lin  reached  Paris,  Gates  and  Sullivan  arrived  at 
head-quarters,  at  Newtown.  The  former  was  fol- 
lowed by  five  hundred  effective  men,  who  were  all 
that  remained  of  four  New  England  regiments ;  but 
these  few  were  sure  to  be  well  led,  for  Stark  of 
New  Hampshire  was  their  oldest  officer.  Sullivan 
brought  Lee's  division,  with  which  he  had  crossed 
the  Delaware  at  Easton. 

No  time  was  lost  in  preparing  for  .the  surprise 
of  Trenton.  Counting  all  the  troops  from  head- 
quarters to  Bristol,  including  the  detachments 
which  came  with  Gates  and  Sullivan  and  the  mili- 
tia of  Pennsylvania,  the  army  was  reported  at  no 
more  than  six  thousand  two  hundred  men,  and  there 
were  in  fact  not  so  many  by  twelve  or  fourteen 
hundred.1     "  Our   numbers,"    said    Washington,   "  are 

1  This  enumeration  gives  a  less  ington,  iv.  244.  The  discrepancy 
number   than   the  note    in    Wash-      is  thus  accounted  for :   Lee's  force 


224  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

less  than  I  had  any  conception  of;  but  necessity, 
dire  necessity  will,  nay  must,  justify  an  attack." 
On  the  twenty-third,  he  wrote  for  the  watchword : 
"Victory  or  death."1  The  like  devoted  spirit  ani- 
mates the  words  which  were  penned  by  Jay,  and 
which  the  representatives  of  New  York  on  that 
same  day  addressed  to  its  people. 

The  general  officers,  especially  Stirling,  Mercer, 
Sullivan,  and,  above  all,  Greene,  rendered  the  great- 
est aid  in  preparing  the  expedition;  but  the  men 
who  had  been  with  Lee  were  so  cast  down  and  in 
want  of  everything,  that  the  plan  could  not  be 
ripened  before  Christmas  night.  Washington  ap- 
proved the  detention  at  Morristown  of  six  hundred 
New  England  men  from  the  northern  army;  and 
sent  Maxwell,  of  New  Jersey,  to  take  command  of 
them  and  the  militia  collected  at  the  same  place, 
with  orders  to  distress  the  enemy,  to  harass  them 
in  their  quarters,  to  cut  off  their  convoys,  and  if 
a  detachment  should  move  towards  Trenton  or  the 
Delaware,  to  fall  upon  their  rear  and  annoy  them 
on  their  march.  Griffin,  with  all  the  force  he  could 
concentre  at  Mount  Holly,  was  to  employ  the  Hes- 
sians under  Donop.  Ewing,  with  more  than  five 
hundred  men,  who  lay  opposite  Trenton,  was  to 
cross  near  the  town.  Putnam  was  at  the  last  mo- 
was  included  in  the  return  of  Dec.  Nov.  9,  (Force,  iii.  702,)  excluding 
22,  (compare  Force,  iii.  831  and  those  on  command  and  the  sick,  was 
1402)  ;  the  four  New  England  reg-  no  more  than  five  hundred  and 
iments,  said  to  have  amounted  to  seventy- eight  effective  men;  the 
about  twelve  hundred,  were  raised  numbers  must  have  been  reduced 
by  the  highest  rumor  only  to  nine  by  six  weeks'  service  and  a  winter's 
hundred,  (Shippen  in  Force,  iii.  march  from  Ticonderoga  to  Penn- 
1258,)  and    as    they   drew    nearer       sylvania. 

were  estimated  at  five  hundred,  (R.  l  MS.  diary  of  Benjamin  Rufh, 

Morris  in  Force,  iii.  1383)  ;  the  re-      who  saw  Washington  write  it. 
turn  for  the  four  regiments,   made 


TRENTON.  225 

ment  to   lead  over  a  force  from  Philadelphia.     The   chap. 

•T  XIIL 

most    important    subsidiary    movement    was    to    be 

made  with  about  two  thousand  troops  from  Bristol, 

and  of  this  party  Gates  was  requested  to  take  the 

lead.     "If  you  could  only  stay  there  two  or  three 

days,  I  should  be  glad,"  said  Washington,1  using  the 

language  of  entreaty. 

The  country  people  were  supine  or  hostile,  and 
environed  the  camp  with  spies.  But  the  British 
commander  in  New  Jersey,  though  informed  of 
the  proposed  attack  on  Trenton,  and  though  the 
negroes  in  the  town  used  to  jeer  at  the  Hessians 
that  Washington  was  coming,  persuaded  himself 
there  would  be  no  crossing  of  the  river  with  a 
large  force,  "  because  the  running  ice  would  make 
the  return  desperate  or  impracticable."  "  Besides," 
he  wrote  on  'the  twenty-first,  "Washington's  men 
have  neither  shoes  nor  stockings  nor  blankets,  are 
almost  naked,  and  dying  of  cold  and  want  of  food. 
On  the  Trenton  side  of  the  Delaware  they  have 
not  altogether  three  hundred  men;  and  these  stroll 
in  small  parties  under  a  subaltern,  or  at  most  a 
captain,  to  lie  in  wait  for  dragoons." 

The  day  before  Christmas,  Grant  again  sent  24. 
word :  "  It  is  perfectly  certain  there  are  no  more 
rebel  troops  in  Jersey;  they  only  send  over  small 
parties  of  twenty  or  thirty  men ;  on  the  last  Sun- 
day, Washington  told  his  assembled  generals  that 
the  British  are  weak  at  Trenton  and  Princeton. 
I  wish  the  Hessians  to  be  on  their  guard  against 
a  sudden  attack;  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  give  my 
opinion   that   nothing   of  the   kind   will   be    under- 

1  Washington  to  Gates,  Dec.  23.    MS.,  communicated  by  G.  H.  Moore 


226  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   token."      With    equal  assurance,  Rail  scoffed  at  the 

s^-y-^  idea    that  Americans   should   dare  to   come    against 

13)76*  him;    and  Donop    was  so    unsuspecting,   that,    after 

24.      driving  away  the  small  American  force  from  Mount 

Holly,  where  he  received  a  wound  in  the  head,  he 

remained  at  that   post   to    administer   the    oath   of 

allegiance,  and  to  send  forward  a  party  to  Cooper's 

creek,  opposite  Philadelphia. 

European  confidence  in  the  success  of  the  British 
was  at  its  height.  "Franklin's  troops  have  been 
beaten  by  those  of  the  king  of  England,"  wrote 
Voltaire ;  "  alas !  reason  and  liberty  are  ill  received 
.  in  this  world."  Vergennes,  indeed,  saw  with  clear- 
est vision  the  small  results  of  the  campaign ;  but 
the  king  was  not  disposed  to  take  any  decided  step ; 
and  in  reply  to  rumors  favorable  to  the  rebels, 
Stormont  would  say  that  he  left  their  refutation  to 
General  Howe,  whose  answer  would  be  as  complete 
a  one  as  ever  was  given.  At  Cassel,  Howe  was  called 
another  Caasar,  who  came  and  saw  and  conquered. 
In  England,  some  believed  Franklin  had  come  to 
France  as  a  runaway  for  safety,  others  to  offer 
terms.  The  repeated  successes  had  fixed  or  con- 
verted "ninety-nine  in  one  hundred."  Burke  never 
expected  serious  resistance  from  the  colonies.  "  It 
is  the  time,"  said  Rockingham,  "to  attempt  in  ear- 
nest a  reconciliation  with  America."  Even  Lord 
North,  who  was  apt  to  despond,  thought  that  Corn- 
wallis  would  sweep  the  American  army  before  him, 
and  that  the  first  operations  of  the  coming  spring 
would  end  the  quarrel. 

.  At  New  York  all  was  mirth  and  jollity.     On  his 
arrival,  Howe  met  the  messenger  who,  in  return  for 


TRENTON.  227 

the  victory  on  Lonor  Island,  brought  him  excessive    chap. 
J  .    .  &  XIII. 

encomiums  from  the  minister  and  accumulated  hon- 
ors from  the  king.  The  young  English  officers  were 
preparing  to  amuse  themselves  by  the  performance 
of  plays  at  the  theatre,  for  the  benefit  of  the  widows 
and  children  of  sufferers  by  the  war.  The  markets 
were  well  supplied ;  balls  were  given  to  satiety ; 
and  the  dulness  of  evening  parties  was  dispelled 
by  the  faro-table,  where  subalterns  competed  with 
their  superiors,  and  ruined  themselves  by  play. 
Howe  fired  his  sluggish  nature  by  wine  and  good 
cheer;  his  mistress  spent  his  money  prodigally,  but 
the  continuance  of  the  war  promised  him  a  great 
fortune.  The  unrelenting  refugees  grumbled  be- 
cause Lord  Howe  would  not  break  the  law  by  suf- 
fering them  to  fit  out  privateers ;  and  they  envied 
the  floods  of  wealth  which  poured  in  upon  him 
from  his  eighth  part  of  prize-money  on  captures 
made  by  his  squadron.  As  the  fighting  was  over, 
Cornwallis  sent  his  baggage  on  board  the  packet 
for  England.  The  brothers,  who  were  in  universal 
favor  with  the  army,  gave  the  secretary  of  state 
under  their  joint  hands  an  assurance  of  the  con- 
quest of  all  New  Jersey ;  and  every  one  in  New 
York  was  looking  out  for  festivals  on  the  inves- 
titure of  Sir  William  Howe  as  knight  of  the  Bath. 
His  flatterers,  full  of  his  coming  triumphs,  wrote 
home  that  unless  there  should  be  more  tardiness 
in  noticing  his  merit,  the  king  would  very  soon 
use  up  all  the  honors  of  the  peerage  in  reward- 
ing his  victories. 

The  day  arrived  for  the  concerted  attack  on  the     25. 
British    posts    along    the  Delaware ;    and    complete 


228  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  success  could  come  only  from  the  exact  cooperation 
of  every  part.  Gates  was  the  first  to  fail,  and,  from 
wilful  disobedience  and  want  of  hope  and  courage, 
turned  his  back  on  danger,  duty,  and  honor.  He 
disapproved  of  Washington's  station  above  Trenton : 
the  British  would  secretly  construct  boats,  pass  the 
Delaware  in  his  rear,  and  take  Philadelphia ;  so 
that  he  ought  to  retire  to  the  south  of  the  Susque- 
hanna. Refusing  the  service  asked  of  him,  and 
eager  to  intrigue  with  congress  at  Baltimore,  Gates, 
with  Wilkinson,  rode  away  from  Bristol ;  and  as 
they  entered  Philadelphia  after  dark  on  Christmas 
eve,  they  seemed  to  have  penetrated  a  silent  wil- 
derness of  streets,  along  which  the  tread  of  their 
horses  resounded  in  all  directions.  Griffin  had  al- 
ready abandoned  New  Jersey,  flying  before  Donop ; 
Putnam  would  not  think  of  conducting  an  expedi- 
tion across  the  river. 

At  nightfall,  Cadwalader,  who  was  left  in  sole 
command  at  Bristol,  with  honest  zeal  marched  to 
Donk's  ferry ;  it  was  the  time  of  the  full  moon,  but 
the  clouds  were  thick  and  dark.  For  about  an 
hour  that  remained  of  the  ebb-tide  the  river  was 
passable  in  boats,  and  Reed,  who  just  then  re- 
turned from  a  visit  to  Philadelphia,  was  able  to 
cross  on  horseback ;  but  the  tide,  beginning  to  rise, 
threw  back  the  ice  in  such  heaps  on  the  Jersey 
shore,  that,  though  men  on  foot  still  got  over, 
neither  horses  nor  artillery  could  reach  the  land. 
Sending  back  word  that  it  was  impossible  to  carry 
out  their  share  in  Washington's  plan,  Reed  deserted 
the  party,  and  rode  to  safe  quarters  within  the 
enemy's  lines    at    Burlington,  having  previously  ob- 


TRENTON. 


229 


tained   leave  for  a  conference  with  Donop.1     Mean-  chap. 
while,  during  one    of  the    worst   nights  of  Decern-  ^^, 
ber,  the  men  waited  with  their  arms  in  their  hands  1^c6, 
for  the  floating   ice  to   open   a   passage;    and   only     25. 
after  vainly  suffering  for  many  hours,  they  returned 
to  their  camp,  to    shake    the   snow  from   their    gar- 
ments, and  creep  for   rest  into  their   tents,  without 
fire  or  light.     Cadwalader,  and  the  best   men   about 
him,   were    confident    that   Washington,    like    them- 
selves, must  have  given  up  the  expedition.     Ewing 
did   not  even   make  an  effort   to  cross  at  Trenton; 
and  Moylan,  who  set  off  on   horseback  to  overtake 
Washington   and  share  the    honors  of  the  day,  be- 


1  The  Donop  diary,  which  is  re- 
markably precise,  full,  and  accu- 
rate, alludes  to  Colonel  Reed  as  hav- 
ing actually  obtained  a  protection. 
The  statement,  though  made  inci- 
dentally, is  positive  and  unqualified. 
Here  are  the  extracts  relating  to 
Reed.  Dec.  20  :  "  Eodem  wurde  mit 
einer  Flagge  Truce  an  den  Oberst 
v.  Donop  vom  Rebellen-Obersten 
Reed,  welcher  zugleich  General- Ad- 
jutant bei  Washington  ist,  ein  Brief 
iiberschickt,  worinnen  letzterer  dem 
Obersten  von  Donop  Namens  des 
Gen.  Washington  proponirte  :  Ob 
es  nicht  gefallig,  wegen  Burlington 
des  folgenden  Tages  mit  ihm  eine 
Unterredung  zu  halten,  weil  dieser 
Ortvon  beiden  Seiten  in  der  jetzi- 
gen  Situation  sehr  exponirt  ware ; 
dem  Obersten  Donop  wurde  Stunde 
und  Ort  zu  dieser  Unterredung  zu 
bestimmen  iiberlassen.  Er  antwor- 
tete  sogleich  darauf,  dass  seine  der- 
malige  Situation  ihm  nicht  erlaube, 
sich  von  seinem  Posten  zu  entfer- 
nen."  Dec.  21 :  "  Der  Oberst  Reed, 
der  neulich  eine  Protection  erhalten, 
seye  deni  General  Mifflin  entgegen 
gekommen,  und  babe  demselben  de- 

vol.  IX.  20 


clarirt,  dass  er  nicht  gesonnen  sey 
weiteres  zu  dienen,  worauf  ihm 
Mifflin  sehr  hart  begegnete  und 
ihm  sogar  einen  dem  Rascal  geheis- 
sen  habe."  "  Zugleich  wurde  des 
Oberst  Reed's  Brief,  worin  derselbe 
eine  Unterredung  wegen  Burling- 
ton proponirte,  und  die  darauf  er- 
theilte  Antwort  communicirt.  Es 
ware  nicht  zu  vermuthen  dass  die 
Rebellen,Mont  Holly  soutiniren  und 
Burlington  neutral  declariren  wiir- 
den,  indem  letzterer  Ort  von  der 
kleinen  Insel  vor  Bristol  mit  6  pfund. 
beschossen  und  Mont  Holly  hinge- 
gen  weggenommen  werden  kbnnte, 
wenn  man  nur  wollte."  Dec.  25 : 
"  Eodem  schickt  der  Oberst  v.  Do- 
nop eine  Flagge  Truce  nach  Bur- 
lington, und  ofFerirte  dem  Colonel 
Reed,  die  vorhin  verlangte  Unter- 
redung wegen  dieser  Stadt  mit  ihm 
zu  halten  ;  es  kam  aber  vom  Oberst 
Cadwalader  die  Antwort  zuriick, 
dass  Reed  nicht  gegenwartig  sey, 
und  erst  Morgen  wieder  zuriick  er- 
wartet  ware,  alsdenn  erbitten  wiirde, 
eine  andere  Zeit  und  Ort  zu  dieser 
Unterreduns  zu  bestimmen." 


230  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,    came  persuaded  that   no  attempt  could  be  made  in 
xiii.  L  l 

such  a  storm,  and  stopped  on  the  road  for  shelter. 

Superior  impulses  acted  upon  Washington  and 
his  devoted  soldiers.  From  his  wasted  troops  he 
could  muster  but  twenty-four  hundred  men  strong 
enough  to  be  his  companions ;  but  they  were  vet- 
erans and  patriots,  chiefly  of  New  England,  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Virginia.  Among  his  general  officers 
were  Greene  and  Mercer  and  Stirling  and  Sullivan ; 
of  field-officers  and  others,  Stark  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Hand  of  Pennsylvania,  Glover  and  Knox  of 
Massachusetts,  Webb  of  Connecticut,  Scott  and  Wil- 
liam Washington  and  James  Monroe  of  Virginia, 
and  Alexander  Hamilton  of  New  York.  At  three 
in  the  afternoon  they  all  began  their  march,  each 
man  carrying  three  days'  provisions  and  forty 
rounds ;  and  with  eighteen  field-pieces  they  reached 
Mackonkey's  ferry  just  as  twilight  began.  The 
current  was  swift  and  strong;,  hurling;  along;  masses 
of  ice.  At  the  water's  edge,  Washington  asked 
aloud  :  "  Who  will  lead  us  on  ? "  and  the  mariners 
of  Marblehead  stepped  forward  to  man  the  boats. 
Just  then  a  letter  came  from  Reed,  announcing  that 
no  help  was  to  be  expected  from  Putnam  or  the 
troops  at  Bristol ;  and  Washington,  at  six  o'clock, 
wrote  this  note  to  Cadwalader:  "Notwithstanding; 
the  discouraging  accounts  I  have  received  from 
Colonel  Reed  of  what  might  be  expected  from  the 
operations  below,  I  am  determined,  as  the  night  is 
favorable,  to  cross  the  river,  and  make  the  attack 
on  Trenton  in  the  morning.  If  you  can  do  noth- 
ing real,  at  least  create  as  great  a  diversion  as 
possible."     Hardly  had  these  words  been  sent  when 


TRENTON. 


231 


Wilkinson  joined  the  troops,  "whose  route  he  had  c^\f- 
easily  traced,  by  the  blood  on  the  snow  from  the 
feet  of  the  men  who  wore  broken  shoes."  He  de- 
livered a  letter  from  General  Gates.  "From  Gen- 
eral Gates!"  said  Washington;  "where  is  he?"  "On 
his  way  to  congress,"  replied  Wilkinson.  "  On  his 
way  to  congress!"  repeated  Washington,  who  had 
only  given  him  a  reluctant  consent  to  go  as  far  as 
Philadelphia. 

At  that  hour  an  American  patrol  of  twenty  or 
thirty  men,  led  by  Captain  Anderson  to  reconnoitre 
Trenton,  made  a  sudden  attack  upon  the  post  of 
a  Hessian  subaltern,  and  wounded  five  or  six  men. 
On  the  alarm,  the  Hessian  brigade  was  put  under 
arms,  and  a  part  of  Rail's  regiment  sent  in  pursuit. 
On  their  return,  they  reported  that  they  could  dis- 
cover nothing ;  the  attack  was  like  those  which 
had  been  made  repeatedly  before,  and  was  held  to 
be  of  no  importance.  The  post  was  strengthened; 
additional  patrols  were  sent  out;  but  every  further 
apprehension  was  put  to  rest ;  and  Rail  passed  the 
evening  hours,  till  late  into  the  night,  by  his  warm 
fire,  in  his  usual  revels,  while  Washington  was 
crossing;  the  Delaware. 

"  The  night,"  writes  Thomas  Rodney,  "  was  as  se- 
vere a  night  as  ever  I  saw;"  the  frost  was  sharp, 
the  current  difficult  to  stem,  the  ice  increasing, 
the  wind  high,  and  at  eleven  it  began  to  snow. 
It  was  three  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty-sixth  26. 
before  the  troops  and  cannon  were  all  over ;  and 
another  hour  passed  before  they  could  be  formed 
on  the  Jersey  side.  A  violent  northeast  storm  of 
wind  and  sleet  and  hail  set  in  as  they  began  their 


232 


AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


chap,  nine  miles'  march  to  Trenton,  against  an  enemy  in 
the  best  condition  to  fight.  The  weather  was  ter- 
rible for  men  clad  as  the  Americans  were,  and  the 
ground  slipped  under  their  feet.  For  a  mile  and 
a  half  they  must  climb  a  steep  hill,  from  which 
they  descended  to  the  road,  that  ran  for  about 
three  miles  between  hills  and  through  forests  of 
hickory,  ash,  and  black  oak.  At  Birmingham  the 
army  was  divided ;  Sullivan  continued  near  the 
river,  and  Washington  passed  up  into  the  Penning- 
ton road.  While  Sullivan,  who  had  the  shortest 
route,  halted  to  give  due  time  for  the  others  to 
arrive,  he  reported  to  Washington  by  one  of  his 
aids,  that  the  arms  of  his  party  were  wet.  "Then 
tell  your  general,"  answered  Washington,  "to  use 
the  bayonet,  and  penetrate  into  the  town;  for  the 
town  must  be  taken,  and  I  am  resolved  to  take  it." 
The  return  of  the  aide-de-camp  was  watched  by 
the  soldiers,  who  raised  their  heads  to  listen ;  and 
hardly  had  he  spoken,  when  those  who  had  bay- 
onets fixed  them  without  waiting  for  a  command. 

It  was  now  broad  day.  The  slumber  of  the 
Hessians  had  been  undisturbed;  their  patrols  re- 
ported that  all  was  quiet ;  and  the  night-watch  of 
yagers  had  turned  in,  leaving  the  sentries  at  their 
seven  advanced  posts,  to  keep  up  the  communi- 
cation between  their  right  wing  arid  the  left.  The 
storm  beat  violently  in  the  faces  of  the  Americans; 
the  men  were  stiff  with  cold  and  a  continuous  march 
of  fifteen  miles;  but  now  when  the  time  for  the 
attack  was  come,  they  thought  of  nothing  but 
victory.  The  battle  was  begun  by  Washington's 
party  with  an   attack  on  the    outermost   picket  on 


TRENTON.  233 

the    Pennington    road;    the    men   with    Stark,   who   chap. 

.  .  .  XIII. 

led  the  van  of  Sullivan's  party,  immediately  gave 
three  heartening  cheers,  and  with  the  bayonet 
rushed  upon  the  enemy's  picket  near  the  river. 
A  company  came  out  of  the  barracks  to  protect 
the  patrol ;  but  surprised  and  astonished  at  the 
fury  of  the  charge,  they  all,  including  the  ya- 
gers, fled  in  confusion,  escaping  across  the  Assan- 
pink,  followed  by  the  dragoons  and  the  party 
which  was  posted  near  the  river-bank.  Washington 
entered  the  town  by  King  and  Queen  streets,  now 
named  after  Warren  and  Greene ;  Sullivan  moved 
by  the  river- road  into  Second  street,  cutting  off 
the  way  to  the  Assanpink  bridge ;  and  both  di- 
visions pushed  forward  with  such  equal  ardor,  as 
never  to  suffer  the  Hessians  to  form  completely. 
The  two  cannon  which  stood  in  front  of  Kail's 
quarters  were  from  the  first  separated  from  the 
regiment  to  which  they  belonged,  and  were  not 
brought  into  the  action.  The  Americans  were 
coming  into  line  of  battle,  when  Rail  made  his 
appearance,  received  a  report,  rode  up  in  front  of 
his  regiment,  and,  without  presence  of  mind,  cried 
out  to  them  :  "  Forward,  march ;  advance,  advance," 
reeling  in  the  saddle  like  one  not  yet  recovered 
from  a  night's  debauch.  His  own  regiment  made  an 
attempt  to  form  in  the  street ;  but  before  it  could 
be  done,  a  party  pushed  on  rapidly  and  dismounted 
its  two  cannon,  with  no  injury  but  slight  wounds 
to  Captain  William  Washington  and  James  Monroe. 
Forest's  American  battery  of  six  guns  was  opened 
upon  two  regiments  at  a  distance  of  less  than  three 
hundred   yards,   under  Washington's    own  direction. 

20* 


234  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.   His    position  was    near    the    front,    a   little    to    the 


XIII 


177G. 


right,  a  conspicuous  mark  for  musketry;  but  he 
r,  remained  unhurt,  though  his  horse  was  wounded 
26.  under  him.  The  moment  for  breaking  through 
the  Americans  was  lost  by  Kail,  who  drew  back 
the  Lossberg  regiment  and  his  own,  but  without 
artillery,  into  an  orchard  east  of  the  town,  as  if  in- 
tending to  reach  the  road  to  Princeton  by  turning 
Washington's  left.  To  check  this  movement,  Hand's 
regiment  was  thrown  in  his  front.  By  a  quick 
resolve,  the  passage  might  still  have  been  forced ; 
but  the  Hessians  had  been  plundering  ever  since 
they  landed  in  the  country ;  and  loath  to  leave 
behind  the  wealth  which  they  had  amassed,  they 
urged  Rail  to  recover  the  town.  In  the  attempt 
to  do  so,  his  force  was  driven  by  the  impetuous 
charge  of  the  Americans  further  back  than  before ; 
he  was  himself  struck  by  a  musket-ball ;  and  the 
two  regiments  were  mixed  confusedly  together, 
and  almost  surrounded.  Riding  up  to  Washington, 
Baylor  could  now  report :  "  Sir,  the  Hessians  have 
surrendered ; "  on  which  Washington,  whose  strong 
will  had  been  strained  for  seventeen  hours,  gave 
way  to  his  feelings,  and  with  clasped  hands  raised 
his  eyes,  gleaming  with  thankfulness,  to  heaven. 
The  Knyphausen  regiment,  which  had  been  ordered 
to   cover   the  flank,  strove   to   reach  the  Assanpink 

bridge  through  the  fields   on   the    southeast  of  the 

©  © 

town ;  but  losing  time  in  extricating  their  two 
cannon  from  the  morass,  they  found  the  bridge 
guarded  on  each  side ;  and  after  a  vain  attempt  to 
ford  the  rivulet,  they  surrendered  to  Lord  Stirling 
on   condition    of   retaining    their    swords    and   their 


TRENTON.  235 

private  baggage.  The  action,  in  which  the  Amer-  chap. 
icans  lost  not  one  man,  lasted  thirty-five  minutes. 
One  hundred  and  sixty-two  of  the  Hessians  who 
at  sunrise  were  in  Trenton  escaped,  about  fifty  to 
Princeton,  the  rest  to  Borden  town;  one  hundred 
and  thirty  were  absent  on  command ;  seventeen 
were  killed.  All  the  rest  of  Rail's  command,  nine 
hundred  and  forty-six  in  number,  were  taken 
prisoners,  of  whom  seventy-eight  were  wounded. 
The  Americans  gained  twelve  hundred  small-arms, 
six  brass  field -pieces,  of  which  two  were  twelve- 
pounders,  and  all  the  standards  of  the  brigade. 
Until  that  hour,  the  life  of  the  United  States 
flickered  like  a  dying  flame.  "But  the  Lord  of 
hosts  heard  the  cries  of  the  distressed,  and  sent 
an  angel  for  their  deliverance,"  wrote  the  prceses 
of  the  Pennsylvania  German  Lutherans.  "  All  our 
hopes,"  said  Lord  George  Germain,  "  were  blasted 
by  the  unhappy  affair  at  Trenton."  That  victory 
turned  the  shadow  of  death  into  the  morning. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

ASSANPINK  AND  PRINCETON. 

December  26,  1776 — January,  1777 

Had  the  combination  of  Washington  worked  to- 
gether, he  must  have  broken  up  the  British  posts 
on  the  Delaware  and  at  Princeton ;  but  by  the 
failure  of  all  the  other  parties,  the  fatigues  of  his 
own  were  doubled,  for  they  could  find  no  safety 
but  in  quickly  recrossing  the  Delaware.  Thus  of 
the  five  remaining  days'  service  of  most  of  his 
troops,  more  than  one  half  would  be  lost ;  and 
time  was  moreover  given  to  the  enemy  to  concen- 
trate a  superior  force.  But  stern  necessity  was 
imperative.  After  snatching  refreshments  from  the 
captured  stores,  the  victorious  troops,  cumbered 
with  nearly  a  thousand  prisoners,  and  worn  out  by 
want  of  sleep  and  a  night -march  through  snow 
and  rain,  set  off  again  under  sleet  driven  by  a 
northeast  wind,  and  passing  another  terrible  night 
at  the  ferry,  recovered  their  position  beyond  the 
river.     Care   and  danger   and   hardship    seemed    tc 


ASSANPINK  AND   PRINCETON.  237 

nurse  the  health  and  fortitude  of  Washington ;  but  chap. 

.  XIV. 

Stirling;  and  one  half  of  the  soldiers  were  disabled 


by  the    exposure  for   forty  hours   in   the  worst  of 
weather,  and  two  men  were  frozen  to  death. 

The  fugitive  congress  met  at  Baltimore  in  the 
darkest  gloom ;  but  Samuel  Adams  was  there,  fore- 
most in  hope  and  courage  and  influence,  earnest 
for  a  measure  of  which  the  success  was  to  gladden 
his  soul.  Up  to  this  time  congress  had  left  on 
their  journals  the  suggestion,  that  a  reunion  with 
Great  Britain  might  be  the  consequence  of  a  delay 
in  France  to  declare  immediately  and  explicitly  in 
their  favor.  Before  Washington  crossed  the  Dela-  24-30. 
ware,  this  temporizing  policy  was  thrown  aside ;  and 
before  the  victory  at  Trenton  was  known,  it  was 
voted  to  "assure  foreign  courts,  that  the  congress 
and  people  of  America  are  determined  to  maintain 
their  independence  at  all  events."  Treaties  of 
commerce  were  to  be  offered  to  Prussia,  to  Vienna, 
and  to  Tuscany;  and  the  intervention  of  these 
powers  was  invoked,  to  prevent  Russian  or  German 
troops  from  serving  against  the  United  States.  At 
the  same  time  a  sketch  was  drawn  for  an  offensive 
alliance  with  France  and  Spain  against  Great  Britain. 

The  independence  which  the  nation  pledged  its  26 
faith  to  other  countries  to  maintain,  could  be  se- 
cured only  through  the  army.  On  the  twenty-sixth 
of  December,  the  urgent  letters  of  Washington  and 
Greene  were  read  in  congress,  and  referred  to 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  Wilson,  and  Samuel  Adams ; 
the  usual  long  debates  and  postponements  were 
dispensed  with ;  and  on  the  next  day,  "  congress  27. 
having  maturely  considered   the    present  crisis,  and 


238  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  having  perfect  reliance  on  the  wisdom,  vigor,  and 
uprightness  of  General  Washington,"  resolved,  that 
in  addition  to  the  eighty-eight  battalions  to  be  fur- 
nished by  the  separate  states,  he  might  himself,  as 
the  general  of  the  United  States,  raise,  organize,  and 
officer  sixteen  battalions  of  infantry,  three  thousand 
light  horsemen,  three  regiments  of  artillery,  and 
a  corps  of  engineers.  Thus  national  troops,  to  be 
enlisted  indiscriminately  from  all  the  people  of  all 
the  states,  were  called  into  existence.  The  several 
states,  in  organizing  their  regiments,  had  given  com- 
missions to  many  incompetent  men ;  Washington 
was  farther  authorized  to  displace  and  appoint  all 
officers  under  the  rank  of  a  brigadier-general,  and 
to  fill  up  all  vacancies.  He  might  also  take  neces- 
saries for  his  army  at  an  appraised  value.  These 
extraordinary  trusts  were  vested  in  him  for  six 
months.  The  direct  exercise  of  central  power  over 
the  country  as  one  indivisible  republic  was  so 
novel,  that  he  was  said  to  have  been  appointed 
"  dictator  of  America."  This  Germain  asserted  in 
the  house  of  commons;  this  Stormont  at  Paris  re- 
peated to  Vergennes.  But  the  report  was  false ; \ 
congress  granted  only  the  permission  to  the  gen- 
eral to  enlist  and  organize,  if  he  could,  a  solid 
increase  of  what  was  then  but  the  phantom  of  an 
army.  For  the  disaffected  whom  he  received  au- 
thority to  arrest,  he  was  directed  to  account  to 
the  states  of  which  they  were  respectively  citizens. 
The  financial  measures  of  the  crisis  were,  author- 
ity to   the  commissioners  in  France  to  borrow  two 

1   Letters  of  John  Adams  to  his       Stormont  to  Weymouth,  March  26, 
Wife,  i.  206.     Germain  and  Barre,       1777. 
in  Almon's  Debates,  vii.  214,  216. 


ASSANPINK  AND   PRINCETON.  239 

millions  sterling  at  six  per  cent,  for  ten  years ; 
vigorous  and  speedy  punishments  for. such  as  should 
refuse  to  receive  the  continental  currency ;  and  an 
order,  that  "  five  millions  of  dollars  be  now  emitted 
on  the  faith  of  the  United  States."  Till  the  bills 
could  be  executed,  Washington  was  left  penniless 
even    of  paper   money. 

An  hour  before  noon  on  the  twenty -seventh, 
Cadwalader  at  Bristol  heard  of  Washington  at 
Trenton,  and  took  measures  to  cross  into  New  Jer- 
sey. Hitchcock's  remnant  of  a  New  England  bri- 
gade could  not  move  for  want  of  shoes,  stockings, 
and  breeches ;  but  these  were  promptly  supplied 
from  Philadelphia.  Meantime  Reed,  who,  under 
equal  conditions,  preferred  the  cause  of  America, 
and  in  the  success  at  Trenton  found  relief  from  his 
moods  of  selfish  despondency,  reappeared  in  Bris- 
tol, never  afterwards  doubting  to  which  side  he 
should  adhere ;  and  in  the  days  which  followed,  "  he 
evidenced  a  spirit  and  zeal,  which,"  to  Washington, 
"appeared  laudable  and  becoming."1  By  his  advice 
the  detachment  under  Cadwalader  moved  to  Bur- 
lington, where  they  found  no  enemy ;  Donop,  on 
hearing  of  the  defeat  of  Rail,  had  precipitately 
retreated  with  all  his  force  by  way  of  Crosswricks 
and  Allentown  to  Princeton,  abandoning  his  stores 
and  his  sick  and  wounded  at  Bordentown. 

Washington  lost  no  time  in  renewing  his  scheme 
for  driving  the  enemy  to  the  extremity  of  New 
Jersey ;  and  on  the  twenty-seventh  he  communicated 
his  intention  to  Cadwalader.  While  his  companions 
in   arms  were  reposing,  he  was  indefatigable  in   his 

1  Washington  to  Reed,  September  15,  1782. 


240  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap    preparations.     Intending  to  remain  on  the  east  side 
* — y — '  of  the  Delaware,  he  selected  Morristown1  as  a  place 

1  T  T  ft 

Dec  *  °f  remge?  and  wrote  urgent  letters    to  Macdougall 

27 •  and  Maxwell  to  collect  forces  at  that  point ;  for, 
said  he,  "if  the  militia  of  Jersey  will  lend  a  hand, 
I  hope  and  expect  to  rescue  their  country."  To 
Heath,  who  was  receiving  large  reinforcements  from 
New  England,  he  sent  orders  to  render  aid  by  way 
of  Hackensack.  Through  Lord  Stirling  he  en- 
treated the  governor  of  New  Jersey  to  convene 
the  legislature  of  that  state,  and  conform  the  ap- 
pointments of  their  officers  to  merit.  He  took 
thought  for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops,  which, 
when  they  should  all  be  assembled,  would  form  a 
respectable  force.  To  cross  the  river  was  to  rush 
into  incalculable  perils ;  not  to  cross  the  river  would 
be    a    ruinous     confession    of   weakness.      On     the 

29  twenty-ninth,  while  his  army,  reduced  nearly  one 
half  in  effective  numbers  by  fatigue  in  the  late 
attack  on  Trenton,  was  crossing  the  Delaware,  he 
announced  to  congress  his  purpose  "to  pursue  the 
enemy  and  try  to  beat  up  their  quarters."    On  the 

so.  thirtieth  he  repaired  to  Trenton;  but  the  whole  of 
his  troops  and  artillery,  impeded  by  ice,  did  not 
get  over   till   the    last  day  of  the  year. 

That  day  the  term  of  enlistment  of  the  eastern 
regiments  came  to  an  end ;  to  these  veterans  the 
same  conditions  as  Pennsylvania  allowed  to  her  un- 
disciplined volunteers  were  offered,  if  they  would 
remain  six  weeks  longer ;  and  with  one  voice  they 
instantly  gave  their  word  to  do  so,  making  no  stip- 

1  Washington  to  Heath,  Decern-       "  at  Morristown,  .  .  .  till  they  are 
ber  28,  1776,  in   Force,  iii.  1462:       joined  by  our  regular  troops." 


ASSANPINK   AND  PRINCETON.  241 

illations  of  their  own.1  The  paymaster  was  out  of  chap. 
money,  and  the  public  credit  was  exhausted  by 
frequent  vain  promises ;  "Washington  pledged  his 
own  fortune,  as  did  other  officers,  especially  Stark 
of  New  Hampshire.  Robert  Morris  had  already 
sent  up  a  little  more  than  five  hundred  dollars  in 
hard  money,  to  aid  in  procuring  intelligence;  again 
"Washington  appealed  to  him  with  the  utmost  ear- 
nestness :  "  If  it  be  possible,  sir,  to  give  us  assist- 
ance, do  it ;  borrow  money  while  it  can  be  done  ; 
we  are  doing  it  upon  our  private  credit.  Every 
man  of  interest,  every  lover  of  his  country,  must 
strain  his  credit  upon  such  an  occasion.  No  time, 
.my  dear  sir,  is  to  be  lost." 

At  Quebec  the  last  day  of  December  was  kept  si 
as  a  general  thanksgiving  for  the  deliverance  of 
Canada ;  the  Te  Deum  was  chanted  j  in  the  even- 
ing the  provincial  militia  gave  a  grand  ball,  and 
as  Carleton  entered,  the  crowded  assembly  broke 
out  into  loud  cheers,  followed  by  a  song  in  English 
to  his  praise.  He  drank  in  the  strain  of  triumph, 
not  dreaming  that  the  British  secretary  of  state 
had  already  issued  orders  for  his  disgrace. 

After .  dismay  and  uncertain  councils,  Cornwallis, 
who  had  been  prematurely  crowned  with  the  hon- 
ors of  victory,  delayed  his  embarkation  for  Europe, 
and  took  command  of  the  large  forces  collected  at 
Princeton.  At  that  hour,  when  the  most  urgent 
political  and  military  reasons  demanded  the  utmost 
energy  and    activity,  that   the   British   army  might 

1  Gordon,  ii.  398,  writes :  "  Near      essential  service.      Nor  were  they 
one  half  went  off  before  the  critical      more  in  haste  to  leave  Morristown, 
moment."    This  is  not  correct.    The      than  the  volunteers  who  were  under 
critical  days  were  Jan.  1,  2,  3,  in 
which  they  all   rendered  the  most 

VOL.   IX.  21 


242  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  efface  the  catastrophe  at  Trenton,  and  reoccupy  the 
posts  on  the  Delaware  by  a  force  of  unquestion- 
able superiority,  the  sluggish  Sir  William  Howe 
nestled  lazily  in  his  warm  quarters  at  New  York; 
and  there  he  remained  in  comfortable  indolence  for 
nearly  six  months  to  come. 

1777.  Very  early  on  New- Year's  morning,  Robert  Mor- 
j"  ris  went  from  house  to  house  in  Philadelphia, 
rousing  people  from  their  beds  to  borrow  money; 
and  early  in  the  day  he  sent  Washington  fifty 
thousand  dollars,  witli  the  message  :  "  Whatever  I 
can  do,  shall  be  done  for  the  good  of  the  service ; 
if  further  occasional  supplies  of  money  are  neces- 
sary, you  may  depend  upon  my  exertions  either 
in  a  public  or  private  capacity."  To  the  president 
and  to  the  committee  of  congress,  Washington  thus 
acknowledged  the  grant  of  unusual  military  power : 
"  All  my  faculties  shall  be  employed  to  advance 
those  objects,  and  only  those,  which  gave  rise  to 
this  distinction.  If  my  exertions  should  not  be 
attended  with  success,  I  trust  the  failure  will  be 
imputed  to  the  difficulties  I  have  to  combat,  rather 
than  to  a  want  of  zeal  for  my  country  and  the 
closest  attention  to  her  interest."  "Instead  of  think- 
ing myself  freed  from  all  civil  obligations  by  this 
mark  of  confidence,  I  shall  constantly  bear  in 
mind,  that  as  the  sword  was  the  last  resort  for  the 
preservation  of  our  liberties,  so  it  ought  to  be  laid 
aside  when  those  liberties  are  firmly  established.  I 
shall  instantly  set  about  making  the  most  necessa- 
ry reforms  in  the  army."  This  he  wrote  on  New- 
Year's  day,  from  Trenton,  where  he  was  attended 
by  scarcely  more  than  six  hundred  trusty  men.     He 


ASSANPINK   AND   PRINCETON.  243 

had    timely    knowledge    that    full    seven    thousand   chap. 
.  .  .        xiv. 

veteran  troops,  including  the  reserve,  other  English  * — Y — ' 

regiments,  Donop's  brigade  of  Hessian  grenadiers  Jan  * 
and  Waldeckers,  a  small  battalion  formed  of  the  1. 
remnants  of  Rail's  brigade,  Kohler's  battalion  fresh 
from  New  York  with  its  heavy  artillery,  eight 
hundred  Highlanders,  and  a  regiment  of  light 
dragoons,  were  moving  against  him.  He  had  ample 
time  to  pass  beyond  the  Delaware ;  but  he  would 
not  abandon  New  Jersey,  which  he  was  set  to  re- 
deem :  he  might  have  found  safety  by  joining  Cad- 
walader  whose  force  of  eighteen  hundred  men 
held  the  strong  post  of  Crosswicks,  or  Mifflin 
who  had  returned  from  his  recruiting  mission  and 
was  at  Bordentown  with  eighteen  hundred  volun- 
teers ;  but  such  a  retreat  would  have  stifled  the 
new  life  of  the  country.  In  the  choice  of  meas- 
ures, all  full  of  peril,  he  resolved  to  concentrate 
his  forces  at  Trenton,  and  await  the  enemy.  Obe- 
dient to  his  call,  they  joined  him  in  part  on  the 
first  of  January,  in  part,  after  a  night- march,  on 
the  second ;  making  collectively  an  army  of  forty-  2. 
eight  hundred  or  five  thousand  men  ;  but  of  these 
three  fifths  or  more  were  merchants,  mechanics, 
and  farmers,  ignorant  of  war,  and  just  from  their 
families  and  warm  houses,  who  had  rushed  to  arms 
in  midwinter,  inspired  by  hope  and  zeal  to  defy 
all  perils  and  encounter  battles  by  day  and  marches 
by  night,  with  no  bed  but  the  frozen  ground 
under  the  open  sky. 

Leaving  three  regiments  and  a  company  of  cav- 
alry at  Princeton,  where  Donop  had  thrown  up 
arrow-headed  earthworks,  Cornwallis  on    the   second 


244  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

led  the  flower  of  the  British  army  to  encounter 
Washington.  Donop l  advised  him  to  march  in  two 
divisions,  so  as  to  hold  the  direct  and  the  round- 
about road  between  Princeton  and  Trenton ;  but  he 
refused  to  separate  his  forces.  The  air  was  warm 
and  moist,  the  road  soft,  so  that  their  march  was 
slow.  They  were  delayed  at  Maidenhead  by  skir- 
mishers. One  brigade  under  Leslie  remained  at 
that  place ;  while  Cornwallis  pressed  forward  with 
more  than  five  thousand  British  and  Hessians. 
At  Five  Mile  run  he  fell  upon  Hand  with  his 
riflemen,  who  continued  to  dispute  every  step  of 
his  progress.  At  Shabbakong  creek,  the  annoy- 
ance from  troops  secreted  within  the  wood  on  the 
flanks  of  the  road  embarrassed  him  for  two  hours. 
On  the  hill  less  than  a  mile  above  Trenton,  he 
was  confronted  by  about  six  hundred  musketeers 
and  two  skilfully  managed  field-pieces,  supported 
by  a  detachment  under  Greene.  This  party,  when 
attacked  by  the  artillery  of  Cornwallis,  withdrew 
in  good  order.  Each  side  met  with  losses  during 
the  day ;  of  the  killed  and  wounded  no  trustworthy 
enumeration  has  been  found.  The  British  captured 
a  faithless  colonel  of  foreign  birth,  and  probably 
some  privates;  the  Americans  took  thirty  prisoners. 
At  four  in  the  afternoon,  Washington,  placing 
himself  with  the  rear,  conducted  the  retreat  through 
the  town,  and  passed  the  bridge  over  the  Assanphik, 
beyond  which  the  main  body  of  his  army  stood  in 
admirable  array,  silent  in  their  ranks,  protected  by 
batteries.     The  enemy,  as   they  pursued,  were  wor- 

1  Ewald's  Beyspiele  grosser  Hel-  he  relates  of  Donop's  advice,  he 
den.  Ewald  was  an  excellent  offi-  had  from  Donop.  "  Oberst  Donop 
cer  in  (he  corps  of  yagers.     What       hat  mich  versichert,"  &c.  &c. 


ASSANPINK  AND  PRINCETON.  245 

ried  by  musketry  from  houses  and  barns ;  their 
attempt  to  force  the  bridge  was  repulsed.  Corn- 
wallis  next  sought  to  turn  the  flanks  of  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  but  the  fords  of  the  Assanpink  could  not  be 
crossed  without  a  battle.     The  moment  was  critical. 

The  defeat  of  Washington   might  have  crushed   hi- 
ts o 

dependence ;  the  overthrow  of  the  British  army 
would  have  raised  all  New  Jersey  in  their  rear, 
and  have  almost  ended  the  war.  Late  as  it  was  in 
the  day,  Simcoe  advised  at  once  to  pass  over  the  As- 
sanpink to  the  right  of  "  the  rebels,"  and  bring  on  a 
general  action ;  and  Sir  William  Erskine  feared  that 
if  it  were  put  off,  Washington  might  get  away  be- 
fore morning.  But  the  sun  was  nearly  down ;  the 
night  threatened  to  be  foggy  and  dark ;  the  Brit- 
ish troops  were  worn  out  with  skirmishes  and  a 
long  march  over  deep  roads;  the  aspect  of  the 
American  army  was  imposing.  Cornwallis,  unwill- 
ing to  take  any  needless  risk,  sent  messengers  in 
all  haste  for  the  brigade  at  Maidenhead,  and  for  two 
of  the  three  regiments  at  Princeton,  and  put  off 
the  fight  till  the  next  morning.  The  British  army, 
sleeping  by  their  fires,  bivouacked  on  the  hill  above 
Trenton,  while  their  large  pickets  were  pushed 
forward  along  the  Assanpink,  to  keep  a  close 
watch  on  the  army  of  Washington.  Confident  in 
their  vigilance,  the  general  officers,  a  who  all  did 
wilfully  expect  the  silver-threaded  morn,"  thought 
their  day's  work  clone,  and  took  their  repose. 

Not  so  Washington ;  for  him  there  could  be  no 
rest.  From  his  retreat  through  the  Jerseys,  and 
his  long  halt  in  the  first  week  of  December  at 
Trenton,  he    knew  the  by-ways  leading  out  of  the 

21* 


246  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  place,  and  the  cross-cuts  and  roads  as  far  as  Brims- 
< — y-^  wick.  He  first  ascertained  by  an  exploring  party 
Jan  *  that  the  path  to  Princeton  on  the  south  side  of 
2.  the  Assanpink  was  unguarded.1  He  saw  the  need 
of  avoiding  a  battle  the  next  morning  with  Corn- 
wallis;  he  also  saw  the  need  of  avoiding  it  in  a 
way  to  mark  courage  and  hope.  He  knew  that 
there  were  but  few  troops  at  Princeton ;  and  he 
reasoned  that  Brunswick  could  have  retained  but 
a  very  small  guard  for  its  rich  magazines.  He 
therefore  developed  the  plan  which  had  existed  in 
germ  from  the  time  of  his  deciding  to  reenter  New 
Jersey,  and  prepared  to  turn  the  left  of  Cornwallis, 
overwhelm  the  party  at  Princeton,  and  push  on  if 
possible  to  Brunswick,  or,  if  there  were  danger 
of  pursuit,  to  seek  the  high  ground  at  Morristown. 
Soon  after  dark  he  ordered  all  the  bao-arao-e  of  his 
army  to  be  removed  noiselessly  to  Burlington.  To 
the  council  of  officers  whom  he  convened,  he  pro- 
posed the  circuitous  march  to  Princeton.  Mercer 
forcibly  pointed  out  the  advantages  of  the  proposal ; 
Saint  Clair  liked  it  so  well,  that  in  the  failing 
memory  of  old  age  he  took  it  to  have  been  his 
own ; 2  the  adhesion  of  the  council  was  unanimous. 

1  Ewald's  Beyspiele  grosser  Hel-  2   Saint    Clair's    Narrative,    242, 

den.    Ewald,  who  was  a  man  of  up-  243  :    "  No  one  general   officer  ex- 

rightness,  vigilance,  and  judgment,  cept  myself  knew  anything  of  the 

is  a  great  authority,  as  he  was  pres-  upper    country."      Now,     Sullivan 

ent.     It  does  not  impair  the  value  knew  it  better;  as  did  all  the  offi- 

of  his  statement,  that,  like  many  writ-  cers   of  Lee's  division,  and    Stark, 

ers  of  the  British  army  of  that  day,  Poor,  Patterson,  the  New  England 

he  misplaced  Allentown.     Many  of-  Reed,  and  all  the  officers  of  then 

ficers  thought  it  lay  on  the  round-  four    regiments.       Another    writer, 

about  road  to  Princeton,  and  were  Reed's  Mercer   Oration,  34,  35,  is 

driven   from   the   country   too  soon  out   of  the   way   in   the    advice   he 

to  rectify  their  mistake.     Compare  attributes  to  Mercer :  "  One  course 

Howe  to  Germain,  Jan.  5, 1777  ;  An-  had   not  yet  been  thought  of,  and 

nual  Register,  18  ;  Stedman,  i.  236.  this  was  to  order  up  the  Philadel- 


ASSANPINK   AND  PRINCETON.  247 

Soon  after  midnight,  sending  word  to  Putnam  to    chap. 

o      7  o  ^         XIV. 

occupy  Crosswicks,  Washington  began  to  move  his 
troops  in  detachments  by  the  roundabout  road  to 
Princeton.  The  wind  veered  to  the  northwest ; 
the  weather  suddenly  became  cold ;  and  the  by- 
road, lately  impracticable  for  artillery,  was  soon 
frozen  hard.  To  conceal  the  movement,  guards 
were  left  to  replenish  the  American  camp-fires. 
The  night  had  as  yet  no  light  in  the  unmeasured 
firmament  but  the  stars  as  they  sparkled  through 
the  openings  in  the  clouds;  the  fires  of  the  British 
blazed  round  the  hills  on  which  they  slumbered ; 
the  beaming  fires  of  the  Americans  rose  in  a  wall 
of  flame  along  the  Assanpink  for  more  than  half  a 
mile,  impervious  to  the  eye,  throwing  a  glare  on 
the  town,  the  rivulet,  the  tree -tops,  the  river,  and 
the  background.  The  drowsy  British  officer1  who 
had  charge  of  the  night-watch  let  the  flames  blaze 
up  and  subside  under  fresh  heaps  of  fuel,  and  saw 
nothing  and  surmised  nothing. 

Arriving  about  sunrise  in  the  southeast  outskirts 
of  Princeton,  Washington  and  the  main  body  of  the 
army  wheeled  to  the  right  by  a  back  road  to  the 
colleges;  while  Mercer  was  detached  towards  the 
west  with  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  to 
break  down  the  bridge  over  Stony  brook,  on  the 
main    road    to    Trenton.      Two    English    regiments 

phia  militia,"  &c.  &c.     Washington  noitre  the  roundabout  road  is  in  har- 

had  long  before  ordered  up  the  Phil-  mony  with  this.    Marshall,  i.  1 31 ,  as- 

adelphia  militia,  and   they  were  at  signs  the  bold  design  to  Washington; 

Trenton   on    the    first    of  January.  so  do  Gordon,  Ramsay,  Hull,  who 

Sparks's  Washington,  iv.  258.  Wash-  had  a  special  command,  and  I  be- 

ington,  always   modest,   claims   the  lieve  every  one  till  Saint  Clair,  whom 

measure    as    his    own.     Ibid.    259.  Wilkinson  followed. 
The  statement  in  Ewald  of  Wash-  1  Ewald's  Abhandlung  von  dem 

ington's  having  sent  a  party  to  recon-  Dienst  der  leichten  Truppen,  121. 


248  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  were    already   on   their   march   to    ioin    Cornwallis ; 

XIV. 

the  seventeenth  with  three  companies  of  horse, 
under  Mawhood,  was  more  than  a  mile  in  advance 
of  the  fifty-fifth,  and  had  already  passed  Stony 
brook.  On  discovering  in  his  rear  a  small  body 
of  Americans,  apparently  not  larger  than  his  own, 
he  recrossed  the  rivulet,  and  forming  a  junction 
with  a  part  of  the  fifty-fifth  and  other  detachments 
on  their  march,  hazarded  an  engagement  with 
Mercer.  The  parties  were  nearly  equal  in  num- 
bers ;  each  had  two  pieces  of  artillery ;  but  the 
English  were  fresh,  while  the  Americans  were 
weary  from  hunger  and  cold,  the  fatigues  of  the 
preceding  day,  their  long  night-march  of  eighteen 
miles,  and  the  want  of  sleep.  Both  parties  rushed 
toward  the  high  ground  that  lay  north  of  them,  on 
the  right  of  the  Americans.  A  heavy  discharge 
from  the  English  artillery  was  returned  by  Neal 
from  the  American  field-pieces.  After  a  short  but 
brisk  cannonade,  the  Americans,  climbing  over  a 
fence  to  confrout  the  British,  were  the  first  to  use 
their  guns;  Mawhood's  infantry  returned  the  volley, 
and  soon  charged  with  their  bayonets ;  the  Amer- 
icans, for  the  most  part  riflemen  without  bayonets, 
gave  way,  abandoning  their  cannon.  Their  gallant 
officers,  loath  to  fly,  were  left  in  their  rear, 
endeavoring  to  call  back  the  fugitives.  In  this 
way  fell  Haslet,  the  brave  colonel  of  the  Delaware 
regiment;  Neal,  who  had  charge  of  the  artillery; 
Fleming,  the  gallant  leader  of  all  that  was  left  of 
the  first  Virginia  regiment;  and  other  officers  of 
promise ;  Mercer  himself,  whose  horse  had  been  dis- 
abled under  him,  was  wounded,  knocked  down,  and 


ASSANPINK   AND    PRINCETON.  249 

then   stabbed   many  times  with  the   bayonet.     Just   chap. 

XIV. 

then,  Washington,  who  had  turned  at  the  sound  w>, — - 
of  the  cannon,  came  upon  the  ground  by  a  1jJn7* 
movement  which  intercepted  the  main  body  of  the  3. 
British  fifty-fifth  regiment.  The  Pennsylvania  mili- 
tia, supported  by  two  pieces  of  artillery,  were  the 
first  to  form  their  line.  "With  admirable  coolness 
and  address,"  Mawhood  attempted  to  carry  their 
battery;  the  way-worn  novices  began  to  waver;  on 
the  instant,  Washington,  from  "his  desire  to  ani- 
mate his  troops  by  example,"  rode  into  the  very 
front  of  danger,  and  when  within  less  than  thirty 
yards  of  the  British,  he  reined  in  his  horse  with 
its  head  towards  them,  as  both  parties  were  about 
to  fire;  seeming  to  tell  his  faltering  forces  that 
they  must  stand  firm,  or  leave  him  to  confront 
the  enemy  alone.  The  two  sides  gave  a  volley  at 
the  same  moment;  when  the  smoke  cleared  away, 
it  was  thought  a  miracle  that  Washington  was  un- 
touched. By  this  time  Hitchcock,  for  whom  a  ra- 
ging hectic  made  this  day  nearly  his  last,  came  up 
with  his  brigade ;  and  Hand's  riflemen  began  to 
turn  the  left  of  the  English;  these,  after  repeated 
exertions  of  the  greatest  courage  and  discipline, 
retreated  before  they  were  wholly  surrounded,  and 
fled  over  fields  and  fences  up  Stony  brook.  The 
action,  from  the  first  conflict  with  Mercer,  did  not 
last  more  than  twenty  minutes.  Washington  on 
the  battle-ground  took  Hitchcock  by  the  hand,  and, 
before  his  army,  thanked  him  for  his  service. 

Mawhood  left  on  the  ground  two  brass  field- 
pieces,  which,  from  want  of  horses,  the  Americans 
could   not   carry  off.     He  was  chased  three  or  four 


250  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   miles,  and   many  of  his  men  were  taken  prisoners : 
xrv.  ...  .  . 

^ — -r-^  the    rest  joined    Leslie  when    his    brigade    came  up 

1777.  from  Maidenhead. 

Jan. 

3.  While  the  larger  part   of  the  army  was  engaged 

with  the  troops  nnder  Mawhood,  the  New  England 
regiments  of  Stark,  Poor,  Patterson,  Eeed,  and  others, 
drove  back  the  fifty-fifth,  which,  after  a  gallant  re- 
sistance and  some  loss,  retreated  with  the  fortieth 
to  the  college.  Pieces  of  artillery  were  brought 
up  to  play  upon  them ;  but  to  escape  certain 
capture  they  fled  in  disorder  across  the  fields  into 
a  back  road  towards  Brunswick.  Had  there  been 
cavalry  to  pursue,  they  might  nearly  all  have  been 
taken. 

The  British  lost  on  that  day  about  two  hundred 
killed  and  wounded,  and  two  hundred  and  thirty 
prisoners,  of  whom  fourteen  were  British  officers. 
The  American  loss  was  small,  except  of  officers; 
but  Mercer,  who  was  mortally  wounded,  stood  in 
merit  next  to  Greene,  and  by  his  education,  abili- 
ties, willing  disposition,  and  love  for  his  adopted 
country,  was  fitted    for  high  trusts. 

At  Trenton,  on  the  return  of  day,  the  generals 
were  astonished  at  not  seeing  the  American  army; 
and  the  noise  of  the  cannon  at  Princeton  first 
revealed  whither  it  was  o-one.     In  consternation  for 

o 

the  safety  of  the  magazines  at  Brunswick,  Corn- 
wallis  roused  his  army,  and  began  a  swift  pursuit. 
His  advanced  party  from  Maidenhead  reached 
Princeton,  just  as  the  town  was  left  by  the  Amer- 
ican rear.  It  had  been  a  part  of  Washington's 
original  plan  to  seize  Brunswick,  which  was  eighteen 
miles  distant;  but  many  of  his  brave  soldiers,  such 


ASSANPINK  AND  PPJNCETON.  251 

is  the  concurrent  testimony  of  English  and  German   chap. 

J  .        &  .  XIV. 

officers  as  well  as  of  Washington,  were  "quite 
barefoot,  and  were  badly  clad  in  other  respects ; 
all  were  exhausted  by  the  unabated  service  and 
fatigue  of  two  days  and  a  night,  from  action  to 
action,  without  shelter,  and  almost  without  refresh- 
ment; and  the  British  were  close  upon  their  rear. 
So  with  the  advice  of  his  officers,  after  breaking 
up  the  bridge  at  Kingston  over  the  Millstone 
river,  Washington  turned  towards  the  highlands, 
and  halted  for  the  niffht  at  Somerset  court-house. 
There,  in  the  woods,  worn-out  men  sank  clown  on 
the  bare,  frozen  ground,  and  fell  asleep  without 
regard  to  the  cold ;  an  easy  prey,  had  Cornwallis 
had  the  spirit  to  pursue  them. 

The  example  and  the  orders  of  Washington 
roused  the  people  around  him  to  arms,  and  struck 
terror  into  all  detached  parties  of  the  British.  On 
the  fifth,  the  day  of  his  arrival  at  Morristown,  a  5. 
party  of  Walcleckers,  attacked  at  Springfield  by  an 
equal  number  of  the  New  Jersey  militia  under 
Oliver  Spencer,  were  put  to  flight  with  a  loss  of 
forty-eight,  of  whom  thirty-nine  were  left  as 
prisoners.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  as 
George  Clinton  with  troops  from  Peekskill  was 
approaching  Hackensack,  the  British  force  with- 
drew from  the  place,  saving  their  baggage  by  a 
timely  flight.  Newark  was  abandoned ;  Elizabeth- 
town  was  surprised  by  General  Maxwell,  who  took 
much  baggage  and  a  hundred  prisoners. 

The    eighteenth,  which  was    the    king's   birthday,      18. 
was    chosen   for   investing    Sir  William   Howe    with 
the   order  of  the  Bath.     The   ceremony  was    shorn 


252  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   of  its    glory,    for   it    was    a    mockery    to    call    him 


XIV 


1777. 


now  a  victorious  general ;  and  both  he  and  the 
hu  secretary  of  state  already  had  a  foresight  of  future 
18.  failure,  for  which  each  of  them  was  preparing  to 
throw  the  blame  on  the  other.  In  the  midst  of 
the  rejoicings,  news  came  that  Heath  had  brought 
down  a  party  of  four  thousand  New  York  and 
New  England  militia  to  the  neighborhood  of 
Kingsbridge,  and  with  foolish  bombast  had  sum- 
moned Fort  Independence.  The  British  laughed  at 
his  idle  and  farcical  threats,  which  he  made  no 
attempt  to  fulfil;  his  coming  did  not  even  disturb 
the  fireworks  and  the  feast  in  the  city;  and  he 
soon  afterwards  made  a  hasty  and  timid  retreat 
before  the  shadow  of  danger.  He,  as  indeed  more 
than  half  the  American  major-generals,  was  thought 
unworthy  of  his  high  command. 

But  in  New  Jersey,  all  continued  to  go  well. 
20.  On  the  twentieth,  General  Philemon  Dickinson, 
with  about  four  hundred  raw  troops,  forded  the 
Millstone  river,  near  Somerset  court-house,  and  de- 
feated a  foraging  party,  taking  a  few  prisoners, 
forty  wagons,  and  sheep  and  cattle,  and  upwards 
of  a  hundred  horses  of  the  English  draught  breed. 
New  Jersey  was  nearly  free ;  the  British  held  only 
Brunswick  and  Amboy  and  Paulus-hook.  Washing- 
ton made  his  head-quarters  at  Morristown ;  and  in 
that  town  and  the  surrounding  villages,  his  troops 
found  shelter ;  the  largest  encampment  was  in 
Spring  valley  on  the  southern  slope  of  Madison 
hill ;  his  outposts  extended  to  within  three  miles 
of  Amboy ;  and  weak  as  was  his  army,  the  woods, 
the   hills,  and   the   rivers   formed    a  barrier   against 


ASSANPINK  AND  PRINCETON.  253 

an   attack   in  winter,  though  Howe    recalled   more   chap. 

.".  XIV. 

than    a   brigade   of   British  troops   from  Ehode  Is-  » — y-^ 

land.  17777* 

Jan. 

Under  the  last  proclamation  of  the  brothers,  two  20. 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  three  Jerseymen,  be- 
sides eight  hundred  and  fifty-one  in  Rhode  Island, 
and  twelve  hundred  and  eighty -two  in  the  rural 
districts  and  city  of  New  York,  subscribed  a  decla- 
ration of  fidelity  to  the  British  king;  on  the  four- 
teenth of  January,  just  as  its  limited  period  was 
about  to  expire,  Germain,  who  grudged  every  act 
of  mercy,  sent  orders  to  the  Howes,  not  to  let 
"the  undeserving  escape  that  punishment  which  is 
due  to  their  crimes,  and  which  it  will  be  expe- 
dient to  inflict  for  the  sake  of  example  to  futuri- 
ty." Eleven  days  after  the  date  of  this  unrelent-  25. 
ing  order,  Washington,  the  harbinger  and  champion 
of  union,  was  in  a  condition  to  demand,  by  a  proc- 
lamation in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  that 
those  who  had  accepted  British  protections  "should 
withdraw  within  the  enemy's  lines,  or  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica." On  the  promulgation  of  this  order  the  civil 
difficulty  from  a  conflict  of  sovereignties  was  felt 
anew,  and  Clark,  a  member  of  congress  from  New 
Jersey,  interposed  the  cavil,  that  "  an  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  United  States  was  absurd  before 
confederation."  Washington,  from  the  moment  of 
the  declaration  of  independence,  acted  persistently 
for  one  common  country  embracing  all  the  inde- 
pendent states ;  but  congress  and  the  people  were 
so  far  behind  him,  that  it  fell  to  each  state  to  out- 
law those  of  its   inhabitants  who  refused  allegiance 

VOL.  ix.  22 


254  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  to  its  single  self,  as  if  the  Virginian  owed  fealty 
« — ■, — '  only  to  Virginia,  the  Jerseyman  only  to  New  Jersey 
Jan '  The  results  of  the  campaign  were  inauspicious 
for  the  British.  Their  indiscriminate  rapacity, 
which  spared  neither  friend  nor  foe,  the  terrible 
excesses  of  their  lust,  the  unrestrained  passion  for 
destruction,  changed  the  people  of  New  Jersey 
from  spectators  of  the  war,  so  supine  that  not 
more  than  a  hundred  of  them  had  joined  Wash- 
ington in  his  retreat,  to  active  partisans,  animated 
by  the  zeal  and  courage  which  exasperation  at 
personal  injuries,  the  love  of  liberty  and  property, 
the  regard  for  the  sanctity  of  home,  and  the  im- 
pulse to  avenge  wrong,  could  inspire. 

NeW  England  except  the  island  of  Rhode  Island, 
all  central,  northern,  and  western  New  York  except 
Fort  Niagara,  all  the  country  from  the  Delaware  to 
Florida,  were  free  from  the  invaders,  who  had  ac- 
quired only  the  islands  that  touched  New  York 
harbor,  and  a  few  adjacent  outposts,  of  which 
Brunswick  and  the  hills  round  Kingsbriclge  were 
the  most  remote.  For  future  operations  they  had 
against  them  the  vast  extent  of  the  coast,  and 
the  forest,  which  was  ever  recurring  between  the 
settlements.  Whenever  they  passed  beyond  their 
straitened  quarters,  they  were  exposed  to  surprises, 
skirmishes,  and  hardships.  They  were  wasted  by 
incessant  alarms  and  unremitting  labor;  their  for- 
age and  provisions  were  purchased  at  the  price 
of  blood. 

The  contemporary  British  historians  of  the  war 
have  not  withheld  praise  from  Washington's  mas- 
terly conduct  and  daring  enterprise.    His  own ,  army 


ASSANPINK  AND  PRINCETON.  255 

loved  their  general,  and  had  nothing  against  him  chap. 
but  the  little  care  he  took  of  himself  while  in  > — y-~ 
action.  Cooper  of  Boston  is  the  witness,  that  "  the 
confidence  of  the  people  everywhere  in  him  was 
beyond  example."  In  congress,  which  had  already 
much  degenerated,  and  had  become  distracted  by 
selfish  schemers,  there  were  signs  of  impatience  at 
his  superiority,  and  an  obstinate  reluctance  to  own 
that  the  depressed  condition  of  the  country  was 
due  to  their  having  refused  to  heed  his  advice. 
To  a  proposition  for  giving  him  power  to  name 
generals,  John  Adams  objected  vehemently,  say 
ing  :  "  In  private  life  I  am  willing  to  respect  and 
look  up  to  him ;  in  this  house  I  feel  myself  to 
be  the  superior  of  General  Washington."  The  tem- 
per of,  the  body  is  best  seen  by  their  resolves  of 
the  twenty-fourth  of  February,  when  they  voted 
to  Washington  mere  "  ideal  reinforcements,"  and 
then,  after  an  earnest  debate,  in  which  some  of  the 
New  England  delegates  and  one  from  New  Jersey 
showed  a  willingness  to  insult  him,  they  expressed 
their  "  earnest  desire "  that  he  would  "  not  only 
curb  and  confine  the  enemy  within  their  present 
quarters,  but,  by  the  divine  blessing,  totally  subdue 
them  before  they  c'ould  be  reenforced."*  Well 
might  Washington  reply :  "  What  hope  can  there 
be  of  my  effecting  so  desirable  a  work  at  this 
time  ?  The  whole  of  our  numbers  in  New  Jersey 
fit  for  duty  is  under  three  thousand."  The  absurd 
paragraph  was  carried  by  a  bare  majority,  in  which 
Richard  Henry  Lee  brought  up  Virginia  to  the  side 
of  the  four  Eastern  states,  against  the  two  Caro- 
linas,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania. 


256  AMERICAN    INDEPENDENCE. 


XIV 
1777. 


hap.  There  were  not  wanting  members  who  pene- 
trated the  nature  of  the  contest  and  were  just  to 
the  worth  of  Washington.  "  He  is  the  greatest 
man  on  earth,"  wrote  Robert  Morris  from  Philadel- 
phia, on  the  first  of  February.  From  Baltimore, 
William  Hooper,  the  representative  from  North 
Carolina,  thus  echoed  back  his  words :  "  Will  pos- 
terity believe  the  tale?  When  it  shall  be  consistent 
with  policy  to  give  the  history  of  that  man  from 
his  first  introduction  into  our  service,  how  often 
America  has  been  rescued  from  ruin  by  the  mere 
strength  of  his  genius,  conduct,  and  courage,  en- 
countering every  obstacle  that  want  of  money, 
men,  arms,  ammunition,  could  throw  in  his  way,  an 
impartial  world  will  say  with  you  that  he  is  the 
greatest  man  on  earth.  Misfortunes  are  the  ele- 
ment in  which  he  shines;  they  are  the  ground- 
work on  which  his  picture  appears  to  the  greatest 
advantage.  He  rises  superior  to  them  all;  they 
serve  as  foils  to  his  fortitude  and  as  stimulants  to 
bring  into  view  those  great  qualities  which  his 
modesty  keeps  concealed.  I  could  fill  the  side  in 
his  praise;  but  anything  I  can  say  cannot  equal 
his  merits." 


CHAPTER    XV. 

THE    CONSTITUTIONS    OF    THE    SEVERAL    STATES     OF 

AMERICA. 

1776—1783. 


Had   the    decision   of  the   war  hung   on    armies  chap. 

6  xv. 


alone,  America  might  not  have  gained  the  victory ; 
but  the  contest  involved  the  introduction  into 
political  life  of  ideas  which  had  long  been  hovering 
in  the  atmosphere  of  humanity,  and  which  the 
civilized  world  assisted  to  call  into  action.  The  law 
of  continuity  was  unbroken.  The  spirit  of  the  age 
moved  the  young  nation  to  own  justice  as  antece- 
dent and  superior  to  the  state,  and  to  found  the 
rights  of  the  citizen  on  the  rights  of  man.  And  yet, 
in  regenerating  its  institutions  it  was  not  guided 
by  any  speculative  theory,  or  laborious  application 
of  metaphysical  distinctions.  Its  form  of  govern- 
ment grew  naturally  out  of  its  traditions  by  the  sim- 
ple rejection  of  all  personal  hereditary  authority, 
which  in  America  had  never  had  much  more  than 
a  representative  existence.  Its  people  were  indus- 
trious and  frugal;  accustomed  to  the  cry  of  liberty 
22* 


1776. 


258 


AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


chap,   and   property,  they  harbored  no  dream   of  a   com- 


xv 


munity  of  goods;  and  their  love  of  equality  never 
177  6.  degenerated  into  envy  of  the  rich.  No  successors 
of  the  fifth-monarchy  men  proposed  to  substitute 
an  unwritten  higher  law,  interpreted  by  individual 
conscience,  for  .the  law  of  the  land  and  the  decrees 
of  human  tribunals.  The  people  proceeded  with 
self-possession  and  moderation,  after  the  manner  of 
their  ancestors.  Their  large  inheritance  of  English 
liberties  saved  them  from  the  necessity  and  from  the 
wish  to  uproot  their  old  political  institutions  ;  and  as 
happily  the  scaffold  was  not  wet  with  the  blood  of 
their  statesmen,  there  was  no  root  of  a  desperate 
hatred  of  England,  such  as  the  Netherlands  kept 
up  for  centuries  against  Spain.  The  wrongs  in- 
flicted or  attempted  by  the  British  king  were  felt 
to  have  been  avenged  by  independence ;  respect 
and  affection  remained  behind  for  the  parent  land, 
from  which  the  United  States  had  derived  trial  by 
jury,  the  writ  for  personal  liberty,  the  practice  of 
representative  government,  and  the  separation  of 
the  three  great  coordinate  powers  in  the  state. 
From  an  essentially  aristocratic  model  America 
took  just  what  suited  her  condition,  and  rejected 
the  rest.  Thus  the  transition  of  the  colonies  into 
self-existent  commonwealths  was  free  from  vindictive 
bitterness,  and  attended  by  no  violent  or  wide 
departure  from  the  past. 

In  all  the  states  it  was  held  that  sovereignty  re- 
sides in  the  people ;  that  the  majesty  of  supreme 
command  belongs  of  right  to  its  collective  intelli- 
gence ;  that  royalty  is  the  attribute  of  its  reason ; 
that    government    is    to    be    originated   by   its  im- 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS    OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  259 

pulse,  organized   by  its   consent,  and   conducted  by  chap. 
its  embodied  will ;  that  it  alone  possesses  the  living  . — Y — > 
energy  out  of  which   all   powers  flow  forth,  and  to       '    * 
which  they  all  return  ;  that  it  is  the  sole  legitimate 
master,   to    name,  directly  or   indirectly,  every   one 
of  the  officers   in    the    state,  and   bind   them  as  its 
servants  to  work  only  for  its  good. 

The  American  people  went  to  their  great  work 
of  building  up  the  home  of  humanity  without  mis- 
giving. They  were  confident  that  the  judgment 
of  the  sum  of  the  individual  members  of  the  com- 
munity was  the  safest  criterion  of  truth  in  public 
affairs.  They  harbored  no  fear  that  the  voice  even 
of  a  wayward  majority  would  be  more  capricious 
or  more  fallible  than  the  good  pleasure  of  an  hered- 
itary monarch;  and,  unappalled  by  the  skepticism 
of  European  kings,  they  proceeded  to  extend  self- 
government  over  regions  which,  in  all  previous  ages, 
had  been  esteemed  too  vast  for  republican  rule. 
They  were  conscious  of  long  and  varied  experience 
in  representative  forms  ;  and  of  all  the  nations 
on  earth  they  were  foremost  in  the  principles  and 
exercise  of  popular  power.  The  giant  forms  of 
monarchies  on  their  way  to  ruin  cast  over  the 
world  their  fearful  shadows ;  it  was  time  to  con- 
struct "states  in  the  light  of  truth  and  freedom,  on 
the  basis  of  inherent,  inalienable  right. 

England  was  "  a  land  of  liberty ; "  this  is  her 
glory  among  the  nations.  It  is  because  she  nurtured 
her  colonies  in  freedom,  that,  even  in  the  midst  of 
civil  war,  they  cherished  her  name  with  affection; 
it  is  because  her  example  proved  that  the  imper- 
ishable principles  of  mental  and  civil  freedom  can 


260  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  form  the  life  of  government,  that  she  has  endeared 
v— y— »  herself  forever  to  the  human  race. 

Of  the  American  statesmen  who  assisted  to  frame 
the  new  government,  not  one  had  been  originally 
a  republican.  They  had  been  as  it  were  seized  by 
the  godlike  spirit  of  freedom,  and  compelled  to  ad- 
vance its  banner.  But  if  the  necessity  of  construct- 
ing purely  popular  institutions  came  upon  them 
unexpectedly,  the  ages  had  prepared  for  them  the 
plans  for  their  task,  and  the  materials  with  which 
they  were  to  build. 

The  recommendations  to  form  governments  pro- 
ceeded from  the  general  congress  j  the  work  was 
done  by  the  several  states,  in  the  full  enjoy- 
ment of  self-direction.  South  Carolina  and  Massa- 
chusetts each  claimed  to  be  of  right  a  free,  sov- 
ereign,  and  independent  state  ;  each  bound  its 
officers  by  oath  to  bear  to  it  true  allegiance,  and 
to  maintain  its  freedom  and  independence. 

Massachusetts,  which  was  the  first  state  to  con- 
duct a  government  independent  of  the  king,  fol- 
lowing the  resolution  of  congress,  deviated  as  lit- 
tle as  possible  from  the  letter  of  its  charter;  and, 
assuming  that  the  place  of  governor  was  vacant 
from  the  nineteenth  of  July,  1775,  it  recognised 
the  council  as  the  legal  successor  to  executive 
power.  On  the  first  day  of  May,  1776,  in  all  com- 
missions and  legal  processes,  it  substituted  the  name 
of  its  "  government  and  people "  for  that  of  the 
1TT7.  king.  In  June,  1777,  its  legislature  thought  itself 
warranted  by  instructions  to  prepare  a  constitution ; 
but  on  a  reference  to  the  people,  the  act  was  dis- 
avowed.     In  September,  1779,  a   convention  which 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  261 

the   people   had    authorized    framed    a    constitution,   chap. 

.  xv. 

It  was  in  a  good  measure  the  compilation  of  John  < — Y — < 

•  •  •  177  0 

Adams,  who    was  guided   by  the  English    constitu- 
tion, by  the   bill  of  rights  of  Virginia,  and  by  the 
experience    of  Massachusetts  herself;  and   this  con-  17  8  0. 
stitution,    having    been    approved    by    the    people, 
went   into    effect   in    1780. 

On  the  fifth   of  January,   1776,  New   Hampshire  17  7  6. 
formed    a    government    with    the     fewest    possible 
changes  from  its  colonial  forms,  like  Massachusetts' 
merging  the   executive  power  in   the  council.     Not 
till  June,    1783,    did    its    convention    form    a    more  17  8  3, 
perfect    instrument,   which    was    approved    by    the 
people,   and    established    on   the   thirty-first   of  the 
following    October. 

The    provisional   constitution    of    South    Carolina  177  6. 
dates   from   the   twenty-sixth   of  March,    1776.      In 
March,   1778,  a   permanent   constitution   was   estab-  177  8. 
lished  by   a   simple    act   of  the  legislature,  without 
any  consultation  of  the  people. 

Rhode  Island  enjoyed  under  its  charter  a  form  iTTGt 
of  government  so  thoroughly  republican,  that  in- 
dependence of  monarchy  in  May,  1776,  required  no 
change  beyond  a  renunciation  of  the  king's  name 
in  the  style  of  its  public  acts.  A  disfranchisement 
of  Catholics  had  stolen  into  its  book  of  laws  ;  but 
so  soon  as  it  was  noticed,  the  clause  was  expunged. 

In  like  manner,  Connecticut  had  only  to  substitute 
the  people  of  the  colony  for  the  name  of  the  king ; 
this  was  done  provisionally  on  the  fourteenth  of 
June,  1776,  and  made  perpetual  on  the  tenth  of  the 
following  October. 

Before  the  end  of  June  of  the  same  year  we  saw 


262  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

°xvP'    "Virginia,  sixth  in  the  series,  first  in  the  completeness 

1 — y — '  of  her  work,  come  forth  with  her  bill  of  rights,  her 

1776.  •  .         '      .    .  .  ° .      . 
declaration   of   independence,    and   ner  constitution, 

adopted  at  once  by  her  legislative  convention  with- 
out any  further  consultation  of  the  people. 

On  the  second  of  July,  1776,  New  Jersey  per- 
fected its  new,  self-created  charter. 

Delaware  next  proclaimed  its  bill  of  rights,  and 
on  the  twentieth  of  September,  1776,  finished  its 
'constitution,  the  representatives  in  convention  hav- 
ing been  chosen  by  the  freemen  of  the  state  for 
that  very  purpose. 

The  Pennsylvania  convention  adopted  its  consti- 
tution on  the  twenty-eighth  of  September,  1776;  but 
the  opposition  which  it  received  alike  from  the 
Quakers,  whom  it  indirectly  disfranchised,  and  from 
a  large  body  of  patriots,  delayed  its  thorough  organ- 
ization for  more  than  five  months. 

The  delegates  of  Maryland,  meeting  on  the  four- 
teenth of  August,  1776,  framed  its  constitution  with 
great  deliberation,  and  it  was  established  on  the 
ninth  of  the  following  November. 

On  the  eighteenth  of  December,  1776,  the  consti- 
tution of  North  Carolina  was  openly  ratified  in 
the  congress  by  which  it  had  been  framed. 

1777.  On  the  fifth  of  February,  1777,  Georgia,  the 
twelfth  state,  perfected  its  organic  law  by  the 
unanimous  agreement  of  its  convention. 

Last  of  the  thirteen  came  New  York,  whose 
empowered  convention,  on  the  twentieth  of  April, 
1777,  established  a  constitution,  that,  in  the  largeness 
of  its  humane  liberality,  excelled  them  all. 

In   elective  governments  which  sprung  from  the 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  263 

recognition  of  the  freedom  of  the  individual,  every  c*^p- 
man  might  consistently  claim  the  right  of  contrib-  ^-v — 
n ting  by  his  own  reason  his  proportionate  share  of  1783. 
influence  in  forming  the  collective  reason  which 
was  to  rule  the  state.  Such  was  the  theory;  in 
practice,  no  jealous  inquiry  was  raised  respecting 
those  who  should  actually  participate  in  this  sov- 
ereignty. The  privilege  of  the  suffrage  had  been 
far  more  widely  extended  in  the  colonies  than  in 
England;  in  most  of  the  thirteen  states,  no  discon- 
tent broke  out  at  existing  restrictions,  and  no  dis- 
position was  manifested  to  depart  from  them  ab- 
ruptly by  an  immediate  equalization  of  the  primary 
political  functions.  The  principle  of  the  revolution 
involved  an  indefinite  enlargement  of  the  number 
of  the  electors,  which  could  have  no  other  term  than 
universal  suffrage ;  but,  by  general  consent,  the 
consideration  of  the  subject  was  postponed.  The 
age  of  twenty-one  was  universally  required  as  a 
qualification.  So,  too,  was  residence,  except  that 
in  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  it  was  enough  to 
own  in  the  district  or  town  a  certain  freehold  or 
"lot."  South  Carolina  required  of  the  electors  to 
"acknowledge  the  being  of  a  God,  and  to  believe 
in  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments." 
White  men  alone  could  claim  the  franchise  in  Vir- 
ginia, in  South  Carolina,  and  in  Georgia;  but  in 
South  Carolina  a  benign  interpretation  of  the  law 
classed  the  free  octaroon  as  a  white,  even  though 
descended  through  an  unbroken  line  of  mothers 
from  an  imported  African  slave ;  the  other  ten 
states  raised  no  question  of  color.  In  Pennsyl- 
vania,  in   New  Hampshire,   and   partially  in   North 


264  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  Carolina,  the  right  to  vote  belonged  to  every  resi- 
^~y^  dent  tax-payer;  in  Georgia,  to  any  white  inhab- 
17  8  3 ~  itant  "being  of  any  mechanic  trade;"  with  this 
exception,  Georgia  and  all  the  other  colonies  re- 
quired the  possession  of  a  freehold,  or  of  prop- 
erty variously  valued,  in  Massachusetts  at  about 
two  hundred  dollars,  in  Georgia  at  ten  pounds. 
But  similar  conditions  had  always  existed,  with  the 
concurrence  or  by  the  act  of  the  colonists  them- 
selves ;  so  that  the  people  felt  no  sense  of  a 
wrongful  innovation,  and  the  harmony  of  the  state 
was  not  troubled. 

Maryland  prescribed  as  its  rule,  that  votes  should 
be  given  by  word  of  mouth;  Virginia  and  New 
Jersey  made  no  change  in  their  former  usage ;  Rhode 
Island  had  a  way  of  its  own,  analogous  to"  its  char- 
ter :  each  freeman  was  in  theory  expected  to  be 
present  in  the  general  court ;  he  therefore  gave  his 
proxy  to  the  representative,  which  was  done  by 
writing  his  name  on  the  back  of  his  vote  ;  all  others 
adopted  the  ballot,  New  York  at  the  end  of  the 
war,  the  other  eight  without  delay. 

The  first  great  want  common  to  all  was  a  house 
of  representatives,  so  near  the  people  as  to  be  the 
image  of  their  thoughts  and  wishes,  so  numerous 
as  to  appear  to  every  individual  voter  as  his  direct 
counterpart,  so  frequently  renewed  as  to  insure 
swift  responsibility.  Such  a  body  every  one  of  the 
British  colonies  had  enjoyed.  They  now  gained  an 
absolute  certainty  as  to  the  times  of  meeting  of  the 
assemblies,  an  unalterable  precision  in  the  periods 
of  election,  and  in  some  states  a  juster  distribution 
of  representation.      In   theory,  the  houses  of  legis- 


THE  CONSTITUTIONS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  STATES.      265 

lation  should  everywhere  have  been  in  propor-  chap. 
tion  to  numbers;  and  for  this  end  a  census  was  to 
be  taken  at  fixed  times  in  Pennsylvania  and  New 
York ;  but  in  most  of  the  states  old  inequalities 
were  continued,  and  even  new  ones  introduced. 
In  New  England,  the  several  towns  had  from  the 
first  enjoyed  the  i;>rivilege  of  representation,  and 
from  a  love  of  equality  this  custom  was  retained ; 
in  Virginia,  the  counties  and  boroughs  in  the  low 
country,  where  the  aristocracy  founded  in  land  and 
slaves  had  its  seat,  secured  an  undue  share  of  the 
members  of  the  assembly;  the  planters  of  Maryland, 
jealous  of  the  growing  weight  of  Baltimore,  set  an 
arbitrary  and  most  unequal  limit  to  the  repre- 
sentation of  that  city ;  in  South  Carolina,  for  seven 
years  Charleston  was  allowed  to  send  thirty  members, 
and  the  parishes  near  the  sea  took  almost  a  mo- 
nopoly of  political  power;  after  that  period,  repre- 
sentatives were  to  be  proportioned  according  to 
the  number  of  white  inhabitants  and  to  the  taxa- 
ble property  in  the  several  districts.  In  South  Caro- 
olina  the  assembly  was  chosen  for  two  years ;  every- 
where else  for  but  one.  To  the  assembly  was 
reserved  the  power  of  originating  taxes.  In  Geor- 
gia, the  delegates  to  the  continental  congress  had 
a  right  to  sit,  debate,  and  vote  in  its  house  of  as- 
sembly, of  which  they  were  deemed  to  be  a  part. 
Franklin  would  have  one  legislative  body,  and  no 
more ;  he  approved  the  decision  of  the  framers  of  the 
constitution  of  Pennsylvania  to  repose  all  legislative 
power  in  an  uncontrolled  assembly.  This  precedent 
was  followed  in  Georgia.  From  all  the  experience  of 
former  republics,  John  Adams  argued  for  a  legisla- 

vol.  ix.  23 


266  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   ture  with  two  branches.     But  the  Americans  of  that 
» — y— '  day  neither  listened  to  the  theories  of  Franklin,  nor 

1 7  7  6  - 

1783.  to  the  lessons  from  history  of  John  Adams  ;  finding 
themselves  accustomed  almost  from  the  beginning 
to  a  double  legislative  body,  eleven  of  the  thirteen 
states  adhered  to  the  ancient  usage.  In  construct- 
ing the  coordinate  branch  of  the  legislature,  they 
sought  to  impart  greater  weight  to  their  system  and 
to  secure  its  conservation.  This  branch,  whether 
called  a  senate,  or  legislative  council,  or  board  of 
assistants,  was  less  numerous  than  the  house  of  rep- 
resentatives. In  the  permanent  constitutions  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and  New  Hampshire,  the  proportion  of 
public  taxes  paid  by  a  district  was  regarded  in  the 
assignment  of  its  senatorial  number;  in  New  York 
and  North  Carolina,  the  senate  was  elected  by  a 
narrower  constituency  than  the  assembly.  In  six  of 
the  eleven  states  the  senate  was  chosen  annually ; 
but  the  period  of  service  in  South  Carolina  embraced 
two  years,  in  Delaware  three,  in  New  York  and 
Virginia  four,  in  Maryland  five.  To  increase  the 
dignity  and  fixedness  of  the  body,  Virginia,  New 
York,  and  Delaware  gave  it  permanence  by  renew- 
ing, the  first  two  one  fourth,  Delaware  one  third, 
of  its  members  annually.  Maryland,  which  of  all 
the  states  showed  the  strongest  desire  to  preserve 
political  importance  to  the  large  proprietors  of  land, 
prescribed  a  double  election  for  its  senate.  Once  in 
five  years  the  several  counties,  the  city  of  Annap- 
olis, and  Baltimore  town,  chose,  viva  voce,  their 
respective  delegates  to  an  electoral  body,  each 
member  of  which  was  "to  have  in  the  state  real 
or  personal  property  above  the  value  of    five  hun- 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  267 

dred  pounds  current   money."     These  electors  were    chap. 
to  elect   by  ballot  "six   out  of  the  gentlemen   resi-  - — v — • 
dents  of    the  eastern  shore,"  and  "nine  out  of  the  1783~ 
gentlemen   residents  of   the  western  shore "   of   the 
Chesapeake    bay  ;    the    fifteen    "  gentlemen  "    thus 
chosen     constituted     the     quinquennial    senate     of 
Maryland,    and    themselves    filled   up    any    vacancy 
that    might    occur    in    their    number    during    their 
term   of  five   years.      This   is   the   most   deliberate 
measure  which  was  devised  to  curb  or  balance  pop- 
ular  power,  and  marks   the  reluctance  with  which 
its  authors  parted  from  their  institutions  under  the 
crown  of  England. 

Each  state  had  its  governor  or  president,  as  in  the 
days  of  monarchy ;  but  the  source  of  his  appoint- 
ment was  changed,  and  his  powers  abridged.  In  the 
four  New  England  states  he  was  chosen  directly  by 
all  the  primary  electors,  which  is  the  safest  way  in 
a  republic;  in  New  York,  by  the  freeholders  who 
possessed  freeholds  of  the  value  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars ;  in  Georgia,  by  the  representatives  of 
the  people ;  in  Pennsylvania,  by  the  joint  vote  of 
the  council  and  assembly,  who  were  confined  in  their 
selection  to  the  members  of  the  council ;  in  the 
other  six  states,  by  the  joint  ballot  of  the  two 
branches  of  the  legislature. 

Except  in  Pennsylvania,  a  small  property  quali- 
fication was  usually  required  of  a  representative ; 
more,  of  a  senator;  most,  of  a  governor.  New 
York  required  only  that  its  governor  should  be  a 
freeholder;  Massachusetts,  that'  his  freehold  should 
be  of  the  value  of  about  thirty-three  hundred 
dollars  ;     New    Hampshire     required    but    half    as 


268  AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   much;   South  Carolina,  that   his  plantation   or  free- 
v—y-^/  hold,  counting  the   slaves  "  settled  "  upon  it,  should 

1783~  be  of  the  value   of  forty-two   thousand   eight  hun- 
dred dollars  in  currency. 

In  New  York  and  Delaware  the  governor  was 
chosen  for  three  years ;  in  South  Carolina  for  two ; 
in  all  the  rest  for  only  one.  South  of  New  Jersey 
the  capacity  of  reelection  was  jealously  restricted ;  in 
those  states  which  were  most  republican  there  was 
no  such  restriction ;  in  Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
and  Rhode  Island,  a  governor  was  often  reelected 
for  a  long  succession  of  years. 

In  the  declaration  of  independence,  the  king  was 
complained  of  for  having  refused  his  assent  to 
wholesome  laws  :  the  jealousy  fostered,  by  long 
conflicts  with  the  crown  led  to  the  general  refusal 
of  a  negative  power  to  the  governor.  The  thought- 
ful men  who  devised  the  constitution  of  New  York 
established  the  principle  of  a  conditional  veto ;  a 
law  might  be  negatived,  and  the  veto  was  final, 
unless  it  should  be  passed  again  by  a  majority  of 
two  thirds  of  each  of  the  two  branches.  New  York 
unwisely  confided  the  negative  power  to  a  council, 
of  which  the  governor  formed  but  one ;  Massachu- 
setts in  1779  improved  upon  the  precedent,  and 
placed  the  conditional  veto  in  the  hands  of  the 
governor  alone.  In  her  provisional  form  South 
Carolina  clothed  her  executive  chief  with  a  veto 
power ;  but  in  the  constitution  of  1778  it  was  ab- 
rogated. In  all  the  other  colonies  the  governor 
either  had  no  share  in  making  laws,  or  had  only  a 
casting  vote,  or  at  most  a  double  vote  in  the  least 
numerous  of  the  two  branches. 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  269 

The  legislative  branch  was  the  centre  of  the  sys-  chap. 
tern;  nowhere  had  the  governor  power  to  dissolve 
the  legislature,  or  either  branch  of  it,  and  so  appeal 
directly  to  the  jDeople ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  the 
governor,  once  elected,  could  not  be  removed  dur- 
ing his  term  of  office  except  by  impeachment. 

In  most  of  the  states,  all  important  civil  and 
military  officers  were  elected  by  the  legislature. 
The  scanty  power  intrusted  to  a  governor,  wher- 
ever his  power  was  more  than  a  shadow,  was 
still  further  restrained  by  an  executive  council, 
formed  partly  after  the  model  of  the  British  privy 
council,  and  partly  after  colonial  precedents.  In 
the  few  states  in  which  the  governor  had  the  nomi- 
nation of  officers,  particularly  in  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire,  they  could  be  commissioned  only 
with  the  consent  of  council.  In  New  York,  the 
appointing  power,  when  the  constitution  did  not 
direct  otherwise,  was  confided  to  the  governor  and 
a  council  of  four  senators,  elected  by  the  assembly 
from  the  four  great  districts  of  the  state;  and  in 
this  body  the  governor  had  u  a  casting  voice,  but 
no  other  vote."  This  worst  arrangement  of  all,  so 
sure  to  promote  faction  and  intrigue,  was  the  fruit 
of  the  deliberate  judgment  of  wise  and  disinter- 
ested statesmen,  in  their  zeal  for  securing  adminis- 
trative purity.  Whatever  sprung  readily  from  the 
condition  and  intelligence  of  the  people,  had  endur- 
ing life ;  while  artificial  arrangements,  like  this  of 
the  council  of  appointment  in  New  York  and  like 
the  senate  of  Maryland,  though  devised  by  earnest 
statesmen  of  careful  education  and  great  endow- 
ments, pined  from  their  birth,  and  soon  died  away. 

23* 


1776- 
1783. 


270  AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  The  third  great  branch  of  government  was  in 
theory  kept  distinct  from  the  other  two.  In  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode  Island,  some  judicial  powers 
were  exercised  by  the  governor  and  assistants;  the 
other  courts  were  constituted  by  the  two  branches 
of  the  legislature.  In  Massachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire,  the  governor,  with  the  consent  of 
council,  selected  the  judges ;  in  New  York,  the 
council  of  appointment ;  but  for  the  most  part 
they  were  chosen  by  the  legislature.  In  South 
Carolina,  Massachusetts,  and  New  Hampshire,  a 
judge  might  be  removed,  as  in  England,  upon  the 
address  of  both  houses  of  the  legislature,  and  this 
proved  the  wisest  practical  rule;  in  New  York  he 
must  retire  at  the  age  of  sixty;  in  New  Jersey 
and  Pennsylvania  the  supreme  court  was  chosen 
for  seven  years,  in  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island 
for  but  one ;  in  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and 
North  Carolina,  the  tenure  of  the  judicial  office 
was  good  behavior ;  in  Maryland,  even  a  convic- 
tion in  a  court  of  law  was  required  before  re- 
moval. Powers  of  chancery  belonged  to  the  legis- 
lature in  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island ;  in  South 
Carolina,  to  the  lieutenant-governor  and  the  privy 
council;  in  New  Jersey,  the  governor  and  council 
were  the  court  of  appeals  in  the  last  resort.  The 
courts  were  open  to  all,  without  regard  to  creed 
or   race. 

The  constitution  of  Massachusetts  required  a  sys- 
tem of  universal  public  education  as  a  vital  ele- 
ment in  the  state.  The  measure  was  a  bequest 
from  their  fathers,  endeared  by  a  long  experience 
of    its    benefits,    and    supported    by    the    reilective 


THE    CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  271 

judgment  of  the  people.  As  yet,  the  system  was  chap. 
established  nowhere  else  except  in  Connecticut. 
Pennsylvania  aimed  at  no  more  than  "to  instruct 
youth  at  low  prices."  The  difference  between  the 
two  systems  was  infinite.  The  first  provided  in- 
struction at  the  cost  of  the  state  for  every  child 
within  its  borders,  and  bound  up  its  schools  in  its 
public  life ;  while  the  other  only  proposed  to  dole 
out  a  bounty  to  the  poor. 

How  to  secure  discreet  nominations  of  candi- 
dates for  high  office  was  cared  for  only  in  Con- 
necticut. There,  twenty  men  were  first  selected 
by  the  vote  of  the  people ;  and  out  of  these 
twenty,  the  people  at  a  second  election  set  apart 
twelve  to  be  the  governor  and  assistants.  This 
method  was  warmly  recommended  by  Jay  to  the 
constituent   convention    of  New    York. 

Thus  far  the  American  constitutions  bore  a  close 
analogy  to  that  of  England.  The  English  sys- 
tem was  an  aristocracy,  partly  hereditary,  partly 
open,  partly  elective,  with  a  permanent  executive 
head;  the  American  system  was  in  idea  an  elective 
government  of  the  best.  Some  of  the  constitutions 
required  the  choice  of  persons  "  best  qualified,"  or 
u  persons  of  wisdom,  experience,  and  virtue."  These 
clauses  were  advisory ;  the  suffrage  was  free,  and 
it  was  certain  from  the  first  that  water  will  not 
rise  higher  than  its  fountain,  that  untrammelled 
elections  will  give  a  representation  of  the  people 
as  they  are ;  that  the  adoption  of  republican  insti- 
tutions, though  it  creates  and  quickens  the  love  of 
country,  does  not  change  the  nature  of  man,  or 
quell  the  fierceness  of  selfish  passion.     Timid  states- 


272  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  men  were  anxious  to  introduce  some  palpable  ele- 
v— y — <  ment  of  permanence  by  the  manner  of  constructing 
17  83.  a  council  °r  a  senate;  but  there  was  no  permanence 
except  of  the  people.  The  people,  with  all  its  great- 
ness and  all  its  imperfections,  was  immortal,  or  at 
least  had  perpetual  succession ;  its  waves  of  thought, 
following  eternal  laws,  were  never  still,  flowing  now 
with  gentle  vibrations,  now  in  a  sweeping  flood ;  and 
upon  that  mighty  water  the  fortunes  of  the  state 
were  cast. 

That  nothing  might  be  wanting  to  the  seeming 
hazard  of  the  experiment,  that  nothing  might  be 
wanting  to  the  certainty  of  its  success,  full  force 
was  given  to  one  principle  which  was  the  supreme 
object  of  universal  desire.  That  which  lay  nearest 
the  heart  of  the  American  people,  that  which  they 
above  all  demanded,  from  love  for  freedom  of  in- 
quiry, and  from  the  earnestness  of  their  convic- 
tions, was  not  the  abolition  of  hereditary  monarchy 
and  hereditary  aristocracy,  not  universal  suffrage, 
not  the  immediate  emancipation  of  slaves ;  for 
more  than  two  centuries  the  plebeian  Protestant 
sects  had  sent  up  the  cry  to  heaven  for  free- 
dom to  worship  God.  To  the  panting  for  this 
freedom  half  the  American  states  owed  their  exist- 
ence, and  all  but  one  or  two  their  increase  in  free 
population.  The  immense  majority  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  thirteen  colonies  were  Protestant  dis- 
senters; and  from  end  to  end  of  their  continent, 
from  the  rivers  of  Maine  and  the  hills  of  New 
Hampshire  to  the  mountain  valleys  of  Tennessee 
and  the  borders  of  Georgia,  one  voice  called  to  the 
other,  that   there    should   be   no  connection    of  the 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  273 

church  with  the   state,  that  there  should  be  no  es-  chap. 


xv. 


tablishment   of   any    one   form    of  religion   by   the 

ITT  fi  — 

civil  power,  that  "all  men  have  a  natural  and  un-  1783~ 
alienable  right  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  their  own  consciences  and  understandings." 
With  this  great  idea  the  colonies  had  travailed  for 
a  century  and  a  half;  and  now,  not  as  revolution- 
ary, not  as  destructive,  but  simply  as  giving  utter- 
ance to  the  thought  of  the  nation,  the  states  stood 
up  in  succession,  in  the  presence  of  one  another, 
and  before  God  and  the  world,  to  bear  their  witness 
in  favor  of  restoring  independence  to  conscience 
and  the  mind.  Henceforward,  worship  was  known 
to  the  law  only  as  a  purely  individual  act,  a  ques- 
tion removed  from  civil  jurisdiction,  and  reserved 
for  the  conscience  of  every  man. 

In  this  first  grand  promulgation  by  states  of 
the  "creation-right"  of  mental  freedom,  some  shreds 
of  the  old  system  still  clung  round  the  new ;  but 
the  victory  was  gained,  and  in  the  mind  of  the 
collective  American  people  was  already  complete. 
The  declaration  of  independence  rested  on  "  the 
laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God ; "  in  the  sepa- 
rate American  constitutions,  New  York,  the  happy 
daughter  of  the  ancient  Netherlands,  true  to  her 
lineage,  and  not  misled  by  the  recollections  of  the 
Huguenots,  did,  "in  the  name  of"  her  "good  people, 
ordain,  determine,  and  declare  the  free  exercise  of 
religious  profession  and  worship,  without  discrim- 
ination or  preference,  to  all  mankind ; "  for  the 
men  of  this  new  commonwealth  felt  themselves 
"  required,  by  the  benevolent  principles  of  national 
liberty,  not   only   to    expel  civil   tyranny,  but    also 


274  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   to    guard    against    that  spiritual  oppression  and   in- 
< — r— '  tolerance   wherewith   the   bigotry   and   ambition   of 

17  8  3.  weak  and  wicked  princes  have  scourged  mankind." 
So  does  one  century  avenge  the  wrongs  done  to 
humanity  in  another  ;  here,  Louis  the  Fourteenth 
of  France,  and  Bossuet,  could  they  come  back  to 
this  life,  might  read  the  American  reply  to  the 
sorrowful  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes.  And 
the  vengeance  was  sublime ;  for  independent  New 
York  with  even  justice  secured  to  the  Catholic 
equal  liberty  of  worship,  and  equal  civil  franchises. 
New  York  almost  alone  had  no  religious  test  for 
office.  Her  liberality  was  wide  as  the  world  and 
as  the  human  race.  Henceforth  no  man  on  her 
soil  was  to  suffer  political  disfranchisement  for 
creed,  or  lineage,  or  color ;  the  conscious  memory 
of  her  people  confirms,  what  honest  history  must 
ever  declare,  that  at  the  moment  of  her  asser- 
tion of  liberty  she  placed  no  constitutional  disqual- 
ification whatever  on  the  free  black.  Even  the 
emancipated  slave  gained  instantly  with  his  free- 
dom equality  before  the  constitution  and  the  law. 
New  York  placed  restrictions  on  the  suffrage  and 
on  eligibility  to  office ;  but  those  restrictions  applied 
alike  to  all. 

The  establishment  of  freedom  of  conscience, 
which  brought  with  it  absolute  freedom  of  mind, 
of  inquiry,  of  speech,  and  of  the  press,  was,  in  the 
several  states,  the  fruit,  not  of  philosophy,  but  of 
the  memories  of  the  plebeian  Protestant  sects  and 
the  natural  love  of  freedom.  Had  the  Americans 
been   skeptics,  had   they   wanted   faith,   they  could 


THE  CONSTITUTIONS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  STATES.  275 

have  founded  nothing.  Let  not  the  philosopher  chap. 
hear  with  scorn,  that  their  constitutions  were  so 
completely  the  offspring  of  the  past,  and  not  the 
phantasms  of  theories,  that  at  least  seven  of  them 
required  some  sort  of  religious  test  as  a  qualifi- 
cation for  office.  In  Maryland  and  Massachusetts, 
it  was  enough  to  declare  "belief  in  the  Christian 
religion ; "  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  in  "  the 
Protestant  religion ; "  in  North  Carolina,  "  in  God, 
the  Protestant  religion,  and  the  divine  authority 
of  the  Old  and  of  the  New  Testament;"  in  Penn- 
sylvania, the  test  was  "a  belief  in  God,  the  creator 
and  governor  of  the  universe,  the  rewarder  of  the 
good  and  punisher  of  the  wicked,"  with  a  further 
acknowledging  "  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament  to  be  given  by  divine  inspira- 
tion." Beside  this  last  acknowledgment,  Delaware 
required  the  officer  to  "profess  faith  in  God  the 
Father,  Jesus  Christ  his  only  Son,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  one  God,  blessed  for  evermore." 

These  restrictions  were  incidental  reminiscences 
of  ancient  usages  and  dearly  cherished  creeds,  not 
vital  elements  of  the  constitutions,  and  were  opposed 
to  the  bent  of  the  American  mind.  For  a  season, 
in  the  states  where  they  were  established,  they 
created  discussions,  chiefly  on  the  full  enfranchise- 
ment of  the  Catholic  and  of  the  Jew ;  and  they 
were  eliminated,  almost  as  soon  as  their  incon- 
venience arrested  attention.  At  first,  the  Jew  was 
eligible  to  office  only  in  Ehocle  Island,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  and  Virginia;  the  Catholic  in  those 
states,  and  in  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,    and   perhaps    in    Connecticut.      But   the 


276  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   great  result  was  accomplished  from   the  beginning; 
- — y — '  the  church   no   longer  formed  a  part  of  the    state; 

its 3  anc^  religion,  ceasing  to  be  a  servant  of  the  gov- 
ernment, or  an  instrument  of  dominion,  asserted  its 
independence,  and  became  a  life  in  the  soul.  Pub- 
lic worship  was  voluntarily  sustained.  The  church, 
no  longer  subordinate  to  a  temporal  power,  regained 
its  unity  by  having  no  visible  head,  and  becoming 
the  affair  of  the  conscience  of  each  individual. 
Nowhere  was  persecution  for  religious  opinion  so 
nearly  at  an  end  as  in  America,  and  nowhere  was 
there  so  religious  a  people.  In  this  universal  free- 
dom of  conscience  and  of  worship,  America,  com- 
posed as  it  was  of  emigrants  from  many  countries, 
found  its  nationality ;  for  nationality  is  not  an  arti- 
ficial product,  and  can  neither  be  imparted  nor 
taken  away. 

There  were  not  wanting  those  who  cast  a  lin- 
gering  look  on  the  care  of  the  state  for  public 
worship.  The  conservative  convention  of  Maryland 
declared,  that  "  the  legislature  may  in  their  discre- 
tion lay  a  general  and  equal  tax  for  the  support 
of  the  Christian  religion,  leaving  to  each  individual 
the  appointing  the  money  collected  from  him  to 
the  support  of  any  particular  place  of  public  wor- 
ship or  minister;"  but  the  power  granted  was  never 
exercised.  For  a  time,  Massachusetts  required  of 
towns  or  religious  societies  "  the  support  of  public 
Protestant  teachers  of  piety,  religion,  and  moral- 
ity," of  their  own  election;  but  as  each  man  chose 
his  own  religious  society,  the  requisition  had  no 
effect  in  large  towns,  and  was  hardly  felt  else- 
where as  a  grievance.     In  Connecticut,  the  Puritan 


THE  CONSTITUTIONS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  STATES.  277 

worship  was  still  closely  interwoven  with  the  state,  chap. 
and  had  moulded  the  manners,  habits,  and  faith  of 
the   people ;  but  the  complete  disentanglement  was 
gradually  brought  about  by  inevitable  processes  of 
legislation. 

Where  particular  churches  had  received  gifts  or 
inheritances,  their  right  to  them  was  respected.  In 
Maryland  and  South  Carolina,  the  churches,  lands, 
and  property  that  had  belonged  to  the  Church  of 
England,  were  secured  to  that  church  in  its  new 
form ;  in  Virginia,  where  the  Church  of  England  had 
with  unexampled  strictness  been  established  as  a 
public  institution,  the  disposition  of  its  glebes  was 
assumed  by  the  legislature ;  and  as  all  denomina- 
tions had  contributed  to  their  acquisition,  they  came 
to  be  considered  as  the  property  of  the  state.  Tithes 
were  nowhere  continued ;  and  the  rule  prevailed, 
that  "  no  man  could  be  compelled  to  maintain  any 
ministry  contrary  to  his  own  free  will  and  con- 
sent." South  Carolina,  in  her  legislation  on  religion, 
attempted  to  separate  herself  from  the  system  of 
the  other  states  ;  she  alone  appointed  a  test  for  the 
voter,  and  made  this  declaration :  "  The  Christian 
Protestant  religion  is  hereby  constituted  and  de- 
clared to  be  the  established  religion  of  this  state." 
But  the  condition  of  society  was  stronger  than  the 
constitution,  and  this  declaration  proved  but  the 
shadow  of  a  system  that  was  vanishing  away. 

The  complete  separation  of  the  church  and  the 
state  by  the  establishment  of  perfect  religious 
equality  was  followed  by  the  wonderful  result, 
that  the  separation  was  approved  of  everywhere, 
always,    and    by    all.      The    old    Anglican    church, 

VOL.   IX.  24 


278  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   which  became    known  as  the  Protestant  Episcopal, 


xv. 


1776- 
1783. 


wished  to  preserve  its  endowments,  and  might 
complain  of  their  impairment ;  but  it  preferred 
ever  after  to  take  care  of  itself,  and  was  glad  to 
share  in  that  equality  which  dispelled  the  dread 
of  episcopal  tyranny,  and  left  it  free  to  perfect  its 
organization  according  to  its  own  desires.  The 
Eoman  Catholic  eagerly  accepted  in  America  his 
place  as  an'  equal  with  Protestants,  and  soon  found 
contentment  and  hope  in  his  new  relations.  The 
rigid  Presbyterians  proved  in  America  the  supporters 
of  religious  freedom.  They  were  true  to  the  spirit 
of  the  great  English  dissenter  who  hated  all  laws 
that  were  formed 

To  stretch  the  conscience,  and  to  bind 
The  native  freedom  of  the  mind. 
In  Virginia,  where  alone  there  was  an  arduous 
struggle  in  the  legislature,  the  presbytery  of  Han- 
over took  the  lead  for  liberty,  and  demanded  the 
abolition  of  the  establishment  of  the  Anglican 
church,  and  the  civil  equality  of  every  denomina- 
tion ;  it  was  supported  by  the  voices  of  Baptists  and 
Quakers  and  all  the  sects  that  had  sprung  from  the 
people ;  and  after  a  contest  of  eight  weeks,  the 
measure  was  carried,  by  the  activity  of  Jefferson, 
in  an  assembly  of  which  the  majority  were  Protes- 
tant Episcopalians.  Nor  was  this  demand  by  Presby- 
terians for  equality  confined  to  Virginia,  where  they 
were  in  a  minority ;  it  was  from  Witherspoon  of 
New  Jersey  that  Madison  imbibed  the  lesson  of  per- 
fect freedom  in  matters  of  conscience.  When  the 
constitution  of  that  state  was  framed  by  a  conven- 
tion composed   chiefly  of  Presbyterians,  they  estab- 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  279 

lished    perfect   liberty   of   conscience,    without    the  chap. 
blemish  of  a  test.1     Freethinkers   might  have   been  w^ — , 
content  with  toleration,  but  real  religious  conviction  l783J 
would  accept  nothing  less  than  equality.     The  more 
profound  was  faith,  the  more  it  scorned  to  admit  a 
connection   with    the    state;    for  such   a   connection 
being    inherently    vicious,    the    state    might    more 
readily  form  an  alliance  with  error  than  with  truth, 
with  despotism  over  mind  than  with  freedom. 

The  determination  to  leave  truth  to  her  own 
strength,  and  religious  worship  to  the  conscience  and 
voluntary  act  of  the  worshipper,  was  the  natural 
outflow  of  religious  feeling.  The  dissenters  and  ple- 
beian sects  who  had  found  an  asylum  in  the  Amer- 
ican wilderness,  the  inheritors  from  Milton,  and 
George  Fox,  and  Penn,  and  Baxter,  and  Banyan, 
revealed  to  the  world  the  secret  of  the  eighteenth 
century. 

The  constitution  of  Georgia  declared,  that  "  estates 
shall  not  be  entailed,  and  when  a  person  dies  in- 
testate, his  or  her  estate  shall  be  divided  equally 
among  the  children."  The  same  principle  prevailed 
essentially  in  other  states,  in  conformity  to  their 
laws  and  their  manners,  and  was  not  open  to  con- 
tradiction. But  it  was  otherwise  in  Virginia.  There, 
a  system  of  entails,  enforced  with  a  rigor  unknown 
in  the  old  country,  had  tended  to  make  the  posses- 
sion of  great  estates,  especially  to  the  east  of  the 
Blue  ridge,  the  privilege  of  the  first-born.     In  Eng- 

1  Section  18  of  the  New  Jersey  joyed  by  others  their  fellow-sub- 
constitution  of  1776.  The  19th  sec-  jects."  There  was  no  disfranchise- 
tion  secured  "  to  all  persons  pro-  merit  of  those  not  "  of  any  Protes- 
fessing  a  belief  in  the  faith  of  any  tant  sect;"  and  no  test  was  required 
Protestant  sect"  all  civil  rights  "  en-  of  any  oup 


1776- 
1783. 


280  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  land,  the  courts  of  law  permitted  entails  to  be 
docked  by  fine  and  recovery;  in  1705  Virginia 
prohibited  all  such  innovations,  and  the  tenure 
could  be  changed  by  nothing  less  than  a  special 
statute.  In  1727  it  was  further  enacted,  that 
slaves  might  be  attached  to  the  soil,  and  be  en- 
tailed with  it.  These  measures  riveted  an  heredi- 
tary aristocracy,  founded  not  on  learning  or  talent 
or  moral  worth  or  public  service,  but  on  the  pos- 
session of  land  and  slaves.  It  was  to  perfect  the 
republican  institutions  of  Virginia  by  breaking 
down  this  aristocracy,  that  Jefferson  was  summoned 
from  the  national  congress  to  a  seat  in  the  assembly 
of  his  native  state.  On  the  twelfth  of  October,  1776, 
he  obtained  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  the  abolish- 
ment of  entails ;  and  against  the  opposition  of  Ed- 
mund Pendleton,  who  was  no  friend  to  innovations, 
all  donees  in  tail,  by  the  act  of  this  first  republican 
legislature  of  Virginia,  were  vested  with  the  absolute 
dominion  of  the  property  entailed. 

To  complete  the  reform  it  was  necessary  to 
change  the  rules  of  descent,  so  that  the  lands  of 
an  intestate  might  be  divided  equally  among  his 
representatives  ;  and  this  was  effected  through  a 
committee,  of  which  Jefferson,  Pendleton,  and 
Wythe  were  the  active  members,  and  which  was 
charged  with  the  revision  of  the  common  law,  the 
British  statutes  still  valid  in  the  state,  and  the 
criminal  statutes  of  Virginia.  The  new  law  of 
descent  was  the  work  of  Jefferson ;  and  the  candid 
historian  of  Virginia  approves  the  graceful  sym- 
metry of  the  act  which  abolished  primogeniture, 
and    directed    property    into    "  the    channels   which 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE   SEVERAL   STATES.  281 

the   head   and  heart  of  every  sane  man  would   be   chap. 
prone  to  choose." 

In  the  low  country  of  Virginia,  and  of  the  states 
next  south  of  it,  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants 
were  bondmen  of  another  race  and  skin,  except 
where  modified  by  mixture.  The  courts  of  Virginia 
would  not  recognise  a  right  of  property  in  the  future 
increase  of  slaves ;  the  revisers  of  her  laws,  George 
Mason,  Jefferson,  Pendleton,  Wythe,  condemned  sla- 
very itself,  especially  Mason,  in  words  that  thrilled 
with  the  agony  of  sorrowing  earnestness.  It  is  the 
testimony  of  Jefferson  that  an  amendatory  bill  was 
prepared,  "to  emancipate  all  slaves  born  after  passing 
the  act;"  but  the  details  of  the  bill  were  impossible 
of  execution,  and  nothing  came  of  it.  Delaware,  in 
her  constitution,  prepared  her  ultimate  liberation 
from  the  terrible  evil  by  declaring  free  every  person 
thereafter  imported  into  the  state  from  Africa,  and 
by  forbidding  the  introduction  of  any  slave  for  sale. 
Nowhere  was  slavery  formally  established  in  the 
constitution  as  a  permanent  social  relation ;  the 
unshackled  power  of  emancipation  was  left  to  the 
legislature  of  every  state. 

Provision  was  made  for  reforming  the  constitu- 
tions which  were  now  established.  The  greatest 
obstacles  were  thrown  in  the  way  of  change  in 
Pennsylvania,  where  the  attempt  could  be  made 
only  once  in  seven  years  by  the  election  of  a 
council  of  censors ;  the  fewest  in  South  Carolina, 
where  the  majority  of  a  legislature  which  was  no 
adequate  representative  of  the  people  expressly  as- 
sumed to  itself  and  its  successors  original,  indepen- 
dent, and  final  constituent  power. 

24* 


282  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  The  British  parliament,  in  its  bill  of  rights,  had 
• — v--^  only  summed  up  the  liberties  that  Englishmen  in 
i?83^  ^he  laPse  °f  centuries  had  acquired,  or  had  wrest- 
ed from  their  kings ;  the  Americans  opened  their 
career  of  independence  by  a  declaration  of  the 
self-evident  rights  of  man;  and  this,  begun  by  Vir- 
ginia, was  repeated,  with  variations,  in  every  con- 
stitution formed  after  independence,  except  that 
of  South  Carolina.  In  that  state,  the  amended 
constitution  breathed  not  one  word  for  universal 
freedom,  made  no  assertion  of  human  rights,  and 
no  longer  affirmed  that  the  people  is  the  source 
of  power.  Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  and  New 
Hampshire  proclaimed  that  all  men  are  born  free, 
and  as  a  consequence  were  the  first  to  get  rid  of 
slavery ;  Georgia  recognised  rights  derived  to  Amer- 
icans from  "  the  laws  of  nature  and  reason ; "  at 
the  bar  of  humanity  and  the  bar  of  the  people, 
South   Carolina  alone   remained  silent. 

Here,  then,  we  have  the  prevailing  idea  of  politi- 
cal life  in  the  United  States.  On  the  one  hand, 
they  continued  the  institutions  received  from  Eng- 
land with  as  little  immediate  change  as  possible ; 
and  on  the  other,  they  desired  for  their  constitu- 
tions a  healthy,  continuous  growth.  They  accepted 
the  actual  state  of  society  as  the  natural  one 
resulting  from  the  antecedents  of  the  nation ;  at 
the  same  time,  they  recognised  the  right  of  man 
to  make  unceasing  advances  towards  realizing  polit- 
ical justice,  and  the  public  conscience  yearned  for 
a  nearer  approach  to  ideal  perfection.  Civil  power 
remained,  under  slight  modifications,  with  those  who 
had  held  it  before ;  but  for  their  inviolable  rule  in 


THE   CONSTITUTIONS   OF   THE    SEVERAL    STATES.  283 

its  exercise,  they  were  enjoined  to  take  the  gen-  chap. 
eral  principles  derived  from  the  nature  of  man 
and  the  eternal  reason.  No  one  thought  it  possible 
to  introduce  by  a  decree  the  reign  of  absolute 
right.  To  have  attempted  to  strike  down  all  evil 
at  one  blow  would  have  been  to  attempt  to  strike 
down  human  society  itself;  for,  from  the  nature 
of  man,  imperfection  clings  to  all  the  works  of 
his  hands.  The  American  statesmen  were  not  mis- 
led by  this  attractive  but  delusive  hope,  even 
while  they  held  that  their  codes  of  law  and  their 
constitutions  should  reflect  ever  more  and  more 
clearly  the  equality  and  brotherhood  of  man. 

America  neither  separated  abruptly  from  the 
past,  nor  adhered  to  its  decaying  forms.  The 
principles  that  gave  life  to  the  new  institutions 
pervaded  history  like  a  prophecy.  They  did  not 
compel  a  sudden  change  of  social  or  of  internal 
political  relations  ;  but  they  were  as  a  light  shining 
more  and  more  brightly  into  the  darkness.  In 
a  country  which  enjoyed  freedom  of  conscience,  of 
inquiry,  of  speech,  of  the  press,  and  of  government, 
the  universal  intuition  of  truth  promised  a  never- 
ending  career  of  progress  and  reform. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

PREPARATIONS  OF  EUROPE  FOR  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF 
1777.  FRANCE  AND  HOLLAND. 

December,  1776  —  May,  1777. 

CxviP'       While  Washington  was  toiling   under   difficulties 
v~~y-^-'  without   reward,  a   rival   in    Europe    aspired   to  his 

177G .  .... 

Dec#  place.  The  Count  de  Broglie,  disclaiming  the  am- 
bition of  becomino;  the  sovereign  of  the  United 
States,  insinuated  his  willingness  to  be  for  a  pe- 
riod of  years  its  William  of  Orange,  provided  he 
could  be  assured  of  a  large  grant  of  money  be- 
fore embarkation ;  an  ample  revenue,  the  highest 
military  rank,  and  the  direction  of  foreign  rela- 
tions during  his  command ;  and  a  princely  annuity 
for  life  after  his  return.  The  offer  was  to  have 
'been  made  through  Kalb,1  the  former  emissary  of 
Choiseul  in  the  British  colonies  :  the  acknowl- 
edged poverty  of  the  new  republic  scattered  the 
great   man's   short-lived   dream ;    but   Kalb,   though 

1  Lettre  du   Comte  de  Brojrlie  k     by    Freileric   Kapp.       See   Kapp's 
de  Kalb,  a  Ruffec,  le  11  Decembre,     Kalb,  88. 
1776,  communicated  to  me  iu  MS. 


EUROPE  PREPARES  FOR  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1777.  285 

in  his  fifty-sixth  year,  affluent,  and  happy  in  his  0^y[- 
wife  and  children,  remained  true  to  an  engage-  ' — y— ' 
ment  which  in  company  with  Lafayette  he  had  pec<  * 
taken  with  Deane  to  serve  as  a  major-general  in 
the  insurgent  army.  In  him  the  country  gained 
an  officer  who  had  ability  and  experience,  spoke 
English  well,  and,  though  no  enthusiast,  was  active 
and  devoted  to  duty.  When  the  American  com- 
missioner told  Lafayette  plainly  that  the  credit  of 
his  government  was  too  low  to  furnish  the  volun- 
teers a  transport,  "  Then,"  said  the  young  man,  "  I 
will  purchase  one  myself;"  and,  glad  to  be  useful 
where  he  had  before  only  shown  zeal,  at  his  own 
cost  he  bought  and  secretly  freighted  the  "Vic- 
tory," which  was  to  carry  himself,  the  veteran 
Kalb,  and  twelve  other  French  officers  to  America. 
During  the  weeks  of  preparation,  he  made  a  visit 
to  England.  At  the  age  of  nineteen  it  seemed  to 
him  an  amusement  to  be  presented  to  the  king 
against  whom  he  was  going  to  fight;  but  he  de- 
clined the  king's  offer  of  leave  to  inspect  the  Brit- 
ish navy-yards. 

After  a  stormy  passage  of  thirty  days,  during 
which  his  ship,  the  "Beprisal,"  had  been  chased 
by  British  cruisers,  and  had  taken  two  British  brig- 
antines  as  prizes,  Franklin  came  within  sight  of 
France ;  and  on  the  seventh  of  December,  he 
reached  Nantes.  His  arrival  took  Europe  by  sur- 
prise, as  no  notice  of  his  mission  had  preceded 
him.  The  story  was  spread  in  England,  that  he  was 
a  fugitive  for  safety.  "I  never  will  believe,"  said 
Edmund  Burke,  "that  he  is  going  to  conclude  a 
long  life,  which  has  brightened  every  hour   it  has 


286  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  continued,  with  so  foul  and  dishonorable  a  flight." 
All  Europe  at  once  inferred,  that  a  man  of  his 
years  and  great  name  would  not  have  crossed  the 
Atlantic  but  in  the  assured  hope  of  happy  results. 
The  sayings  that  fell  from  him  at  Nantes  ran 
through  Paris  and  France ;  and  on  his  word  the 
nation  eagerly  credited  what  it  wished  to  find 
true,  that  not  even  twenty  successful  campaigns 
could  reduce  the  Americans ;  that  their  irrevocable 
decision  was  made ;  that  they  would  be  forever  an 
independent  state,  and  the  natural  ally  of  France. 
His  manner  was  frank ;  and  yet,  when  he  had 
spoken,  his  silence  raised  expectation  that  he  had 
still  weightier  words  to  utter. 

Lord  Stormont,  the  British  ambassador,  was  con- 
stantly protesting  against  the  departure  of  French 
ships,  laden  with  military  stores,  for  America. 
He  now  demanded  the  restoration  of  the  two 
prizes  brought  in  to  Nantes  with  Franklin,  arguing 
from  the  law  of  nations,  that  no  prize  can  be  a 
lawful  one  unless  made  under  the  authority  of 
some  sovereign  power,  whose  existence  has  been 
acknowledged  by  other  powers,  and  evidenced  by 
treaties  and  alliances.  "You  cannot  expect  us," 
replied  Vergennes,  "  to  take  upon  our  shoulders  the 
burden  of  your  war ;  every  wise  nation  places  its 
chief  security  in  its  own  vigilance."  "  The  eyes 
of  Argus,"  said  Stormont,  "would  not  be  too  much 
for  us."  "And  if  you  had  those  eyes,"  answered 
Vergennes,  "  they  would  only  show  you  our  sincere 
desire  of  peace."  Stormont  complained  that  French 
officers  were  embarking  for  America.  "  The  French 
nation,"  replied  Vergennes,  "has  a   turn  for  adven- 


EUROPE  PREPARES  FOR  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1777.  287 

ture."     The  ambassador  saw,  and  reported,  that  his   c^p- 

vigorous    and    incessant   remonstrances    were    little  — v — ' 

.17  7  6. 

heeded.  Even  Maurepas,  who  professed  to  aim  at  •Dec< 
preserving  peace,  was  drawn  along  by  his  easiness 
of  temper,  his  love  of  artifice,  and  the  desire  to 
maim  the  British  by  secret  wounds.  To  strike  the 
nation's  rival,  covertly  or  openly,  was  the  sentiment 
of  nearly  every  Frenchman  except  the  king.  Artois, 
the  king's  second  brother,  avowed  his  good-will  for 
the  Americans,  and  longed  for  a  war  with  England. 
"  We  shall  be  sure  to  have  it,"  said  his  younger 
brother  to  a  friend  of  the  Americans. 

Franklin  reached  Paris  on  the  twenty-first  of 
December,  and  was  welcomed  with  wonderful  una- 
nimity. His  fame  as  a  philosopher,  his  unfailing 
good-humor,  the  dignity,  self-possession,  and  ease  of 
his  manners,  the  plainness  of  his  dress,  his  habit 
of  wearing  his  straight,  thin,  gray  hair  without  pow- 
der, contrary  to  the  fashion  of  that  day  in  France, 
acted  as  a  spell.  The  venerable  impersonation 
of  the  republics  of  antiquity  seemed  to  have 
come  to  accept  the  homage  of  the  gay  capital. 
The  national  cry  was  in  favor  of  the  "insurgents," 
for-  so  they  were  called,  and  never  rebels;  their 
cause  was  the  cause  of  all  mankind;  they  were 
fighting  for  the  liberty  of  France  in  defending 
their  own.  Some  of  the  constitutions  of  the  colo- 
nies, separating  the  state  from  the  church,  and 
establishing  freedom  of  worship,  were  translated, 
and  read  with  rapture.  Those  who  lived  under 
arbitrary  power  did  not  disguise  their  longing  for 
freedom.  The  friends  of  Choiseul,  who  heaped  civil- 
ities  on   Franklin,  were  persistent  in  their  clamora 


288  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   that   now  was    the    happy   moment   for    France    to 

— Y — '  take    a    lasting   revenge    on    her    haughty   enemy. 

Dec  "  ^ut    Franklin   betrayed   no    symptoms    of    sharing 

their    impatience,    avoiding    jealousies     by    keeping 

the    company   of  men  of  letters,  and  appearing  to 

be  absorbed  in  the  pursuits  of  science. 

Meantime  the  policy  of  the  court  unfolded  itself. 
In  the  morning  of  the  twenty-eighth,  the  three 
American  commissioners  waited  by  appointment  on 
Yergennes.  He  assured  them  protection,  read  their 
commissions,  and  received  the  plan  of  congress  for 
a  treaty  with  France.  Vergennes  spoke  freely  to 
the  commissioners  of  the  attachment  of  the  French 
nation  to  their  cause.  Prizes  taken  under  the 
American  flag  might  be  brought  into  French  ports, 
with  such  precautions  as  would  invalidate  complaints 
from  Great  Britain.  Of  Franklin  he  requested  a 
paper  on  the  condition  of  America.  Their  future 
intercourse  he  desired  might  be  most  strictly  secret, 
without  the  intervention  of  any  third  person.  He 
added  that  as  France  and  Spain  were  perfectly  in 
accord,  they  might  communicate  freely  with  the 
Spanish  ambassador. 

The  Count  de  Aranda,  then  fifty-eight  years  old, 
was  of  the  grandees  of  Aragon.  By  nature  proud, 
impetuous,  restless,  and  obstinate,  he  had  never 
disciplined  his  temper,  and  his  manners  were  un- 
genial.  A  soldier  in  early  life,  he  had  been  at- 
tracted to  Prussia  by  the  fame  of  Frederic ;  he 
admired  Voltaire,  D'Alembert,  and  Bousseau ;  and 
in  France  he  was  honored  for  his  superiority  to 
superstition.  His  haughty  self-dependence  and  force 
of  will  just  fitted  him  for  the  service  of  Charles  the 


EUROPE  PREPARES  FOR  THE  CAMPAIGN   OF   1777.  280 

Third  in  suppressing  the  riots  of  Madrid  and  driving  c£ff- 
the  Jesuits  from  Spain.  As  an  administrative  re- 
former he  began  with  too  much  vehemence ;  but 
thwarted  by  the  stiff  formalities  of  officials,  and  the 
jealousies  of  the  clerical  party,  he  withdrew  from 
court  to  fill  the  embassy  at  Paris,  where  he  was 
tormented  by  an  unquiet  eagerness  for  more  active 
employment.  His  system  was  marked  by  devoted- 
ness  to  the  French  alliance,  and  hatred  of  England, 
on  whose  prosperity  and  power  he  longed  to  see 
France  and  Spain  inflict  a  mortal  blow.  But  he 
was  a  daring  schemer  and  bad  calculator,  rather 
than  a  creative  or  sagacious  statesman ;  and  on 
much  of  the  diplomatic  business  with  France,  re- 
lating to  America,  he  was  not  consulted. 

On  the  twenty-ninth  of  December,  1776,  and 
again  six  days  later,  the  American  commissioners  1Vn% 
held  secret  but  barren  interviews  with  Aranda.  He 
could  only  promise  American  privateers,  with  their 
prizes,  the  same  security  in  Spanish  ports  which 
they  found  in  those  of  France ;  he  had  no  authority 
to  expound  the  intentions  of  his  king;  his  opin- 
ions, which  passionately  favored  the  most  active 
measures  in  behalf  of  America,  were  known  at 
Madrid,  and  passed  unheeded.  He  did  not  de- 
ceive the  sagacity  of  Franklin,  who  always  advised 
his  country  "to  wait  with  dignity  for  the  appli- 
cations of  others,  and  not  go  about  suitoring  for 
alliances;"  but  a  few  weeks  later,  Arthur  Lee,  in 
his  eagerness  to  negotiate  with  Spain,  took  from 
Aranda  a  passport  for  Madrid. 

On  the  fifth   of  January,  the   commissioners  pre- 
sented   to  Vergennes    a    written   request  for    eight 

VOL.   IX.  25 


290  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,    ships  of  the  line,  for  ammunition,  brass  field-pieces, 
w- <~~ /  and  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  muskets.     The  reason- 

17  7  7*  • 

Jan  "  mo  was  addressed  alike  to  France  and  Spain:  "The 
interest  of  the  three  nations  is  the  same ;  the 
opportunity  of  securing  a  commerce,  which  in  time 
will  be  immense,  now  presents  itself;  if  neglected, 
it  may  never  return;  delay  may  be  attended  with 
fatal  consequences."  This  paper  excited  no  inter- 
est in  the  Spanish  government,  which  was  only 
anxious  to  secure  the  exclusive  commerce  of  its 
own  colonies,  and  did  not  aspire  to  that  of  the 
United  States.  At  Versailles,  the  petition  was  re- 
ported to  the  king,  in  the  presence  of  Maurepas, 
and  made  the  subject  of  the  calmest  deliberation ; 
and  on  the  thirteenth,  Gerard,  meeting  the  commis- 
sioners by  night,  at  a  private  house  in  Paris,  read 
to  them  the  careful  answer  which  had  received  the 
royal  sanction.  The  king  could  furnish  the  Ameri- 
cans neither  ships  nor  convoys,  for  such  a  partiality 
would  be  a  ground  of  war,  into  which  he  would 
not  be  led  but  by  methods  analogous  to  the  dig- 
nity of  a  great  power,  and  by  the  necessity  of 
his  important  interests.  "Time  and  events  must 
be  waited  for,  and  provision  made  to  profit  by 
them.  The  United  Provinces,"  so  the  new  republic 
was  styled,  "may  be  assured,  that  neither  France 
nor  Spain  will  make  them  any  overture  that  can  in 
the  least  contravene  their  essential  interests ;  that 
they  both,  wholly  free  from  every  wish  for  conquests, 
always  have  singly  in  view  to  make  it  impossible  for 
the  common  enemy  to  injure  the  United  Powers. 
The  commercial  facilities  afforded  in  the  ports  of 
France   and   Spain,  and  the   tacit   diversion   of  the 


EUROPE   PREPARES  FOR    THE  CAMPAIGN   OF  1777.  291 

two  powers  whose  expensive  armaments  oblige  (^.p- 
England  to  divide  her  efforts,  manifest  the  inter- 
est of  the  two  crowns  in  the  success  of  the  Amer- 
icans. The  king  will  not  incommode  them  in 
deriving;  resources  from  the  commerce  of  his  kino;- 
dom,  confident  that  they  will  conform  to  the  rules 
prescribed  by  the  precise  and  rigorous  meaning  of 
existing  treaties,  of  which  the  two  monarchs  are 
exact  observers.  Unable  to  enter  into  the  details 
of  their  supplies,  he  will  mark  to  them  his  be- 
nevolence and  good-will  by  destining  for  them 
secret  succors  which  will  assure  and  extend  their 
credit  and  their  purchases." 

Of  this  communication,  which  was  due  to  the 
confidence  inspired  by  Franklin,  —  of  Arthur  Lee 
Vergennes  did  not  so  much  as  notice  the  name, — 
the  promises  were  faithfully  kept.  Half  a  million 
of  livres  was  paid  to  the  banker  of  the  commission- 
ers quarterly,  the  first  instalment  on  the  sixteenth. 
After  many  ostensible  hindrances,  the  "  Seine,"  the 
"Amphitrite,"  and  the  "Mercury,"  laden  with  warlike 
stores  by  Deane  and  Beaumarchais,  were  allowed  to 
set  sail.  Of  these,  the  first  was  captured  by  the 
British ;  but  the  other  two  reached  their  destination 
in  time  for  the  summer  campaign.  The  commis- 
sioners were  further  encouraged  to  enter  into  a 
contract  wTith  the  farmers-general  to  furnish  fifty- 
six  thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco ;  and  on  this 
contract  they  received  an  advance  of  a  million 
livres.  Thus  they  were  able  to  send  warlike  sup- 
plies to  America. 

To   France   the   British   ministry    sent   courteous     Feb. 
remonstrances;   towards  the  weaker  power   of  Hoi- 


292  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  land  they  were  overbearing.  A  commerce  existed 
< — y — '  between  St.  Eustatius  and  the  United  States :  the 
Feb  '  British  admiral  at  the  Leeward  islands  was  "ordered 
to  station  proper  cruisers  off  the  harbor  of  that 
island,  and  to  direct  their  commanders  to  search  all 
Dutch  ships  and  vessels  going  into  or  carrying  out 
of  the  said  harbor,  and  to  send  such  of  them  as 
shall  be  found  to  have  any  arms,  ammunition, 
clothing,  or  materials  for  clothing  on  board,  into 
some  of  his  majesty's  ports,  to  be  detained  until 
further  orders."  *  The  king  "  perused,  with  equal 
surprise  and  indignation,"  the  papers  which  proved 
that  the  principal  fort  on  the  island  had  returned 
the  salute  of  the  American  brigantine  "Andrew 
Doria,"  and  that  the  governor  had  had  "the  inso- 
lence and  folly"2  to  say:  "lam  far  from  betraying 
any  partiality  between  Great  Britain  and  her  North 
American  colonies."3  The  British  ambassador  at  the 
Hague,  following  his  instructions,  demanded  of  their 
high  mightinesses  the  disavowal  of  the  salute  and 
the  recall  of  the  governor :  "  till  this  satisfaction  is 
given,  they  must  not  expect  that  his  majesty  will 
suffer  himself  to  be  amused  by  simple  assurances, 
or  that  he  will  hesitate  for  an  instant  to  take  the 
measures  that  he  shall  think  due  to  the  interests 
and  dignity  of  his  crown."4  This  language  of  con- 
tempt and  menace  incensed  all  Holland,  especially 
the  city  of  Amsterdam  ;  and  a  just  resentment 
influenced   the   decision   of  the   States    and   of   the 

1  Suffolk  to  the  Lords  of  the  Ad-  tatius,  to  Mr.  President  Greathead, 

miralty,  15  Feb.  1777.  23  Dec.  1776. 

8  Suffolk   to    Sir   Joseph   Yorke,         4  Memorie  van  den   heer  Yorko 

14  Feb.  1777.  te  's  Gravenhase.     Exhibitum  den 

3  De  Graaf,  governor  of  St.  Eus-  21  February,  1777. 


EUROPE  PREPARES  FOR  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1777.  293 

Prince  of  Orange.  Van  de  Graaf,  the  governor,  who  c,hap. 
was  the  first  person  abroad  to  salute  the  congress 
colors  with  their  thirteen  stripes,1  was  recalled ;  but 
the  States  returned  the  paper  of  Yorke,2  and  the 
Dutch  minister  in  London  made  answer  directly 
to  the  king,  complaining  of  "the  menacing  tone 
of  the  memorial,  which  appeared  to  their  high 
mightinesses  too  remote  from  that  which  is  usual, 
and  which  ought  to  be  usual,  between  sovereigns 
and  independent  powers."3  "I  am  pretty  callous," 
wrote  Yorke  privately  to  the  foreign  office ;  "  a 
long  residence  in  these  marshes  has  not  blinded  me 
in  favor  of  Nic  Frog."4  As  the  result,  the  States 
demanded  a  number  of  armed  ships  to  be  in 
readiness;  and  thus  one  step  was  taken  towards 
involving  the  United  Provinces  in  the  war. 

The  measures  sanctioned  by  the  king  of  France 
were  a  war  in  disguise  against  England ;  but  he 
professed  to  be  unequivocally  for  peace,  and  was 
so  dull  as  not  to  know  that  he  was  forfeiting  his 
right  to  it.  After  long  research,  with  the  best  op- 
portunities, I  cannot  find  that  on  any  one  occasion 
he  expressed  voluntary  sympathy  with  America ; 
and  he  heard  the  praises  of  Franklin  with  petu- 
lance. It  was  the  philosophic  opinion  of  France 
which  swayed  the  cabinet  to  the  side  of  the  young 
republic.  Since  Turgot  and  Malesherbes  had  been 
discharged,  there  was  no  direct  access  for  that  opin- 
ion  to    give    advice    to   the   monarch;   and   it   now 

1  Deposition  of  James  Fraser :  Welderen  te  Londen  aan  den  Grif- 
"  The  congress  colors,  with  thirteen  fier  der  Staten  Generaal,  dat.  28 
stripes  in  them."  "  It  [the  salute]  Maart,  1777.  Bylage,  recepta  1 
was  by  the  governor's  order."  April,  1777. 

2  Franklin,  viii.  208.  4  S|r  Joseph   Yorke  to   William 

3  Missive  van  den  heer  J. -W.  v.  Eden,  18  April,  1777. 

25* 


294  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

CxviP'   Penetrated  the  palace  through  the  intrigues  of  the 
* — y — '  author  of  "Figaro."     With  profuse  offers  to  Maure- 

1777*  •  . 

March!  Pas  °f  devoted  service,  and  a  wish  to  make  his 
administration  honored  by  all  the  peoples  of  the 
world,  Beaumarchais,  on  the  thirtieth  of  March,  be- 
sought him  imploringly  to  overcome  his  own  hesi- 
tation and  the  scruples  of  the  king,  in  words  like 
these : 

"Listen  to  me,  I  pray  you.  I  fear  above  all, 
that  you  underrate  the  empire  which  your  age 
and  your  wisdom  give  you  over  a  young  prince 
whose  heart  is  formed,  but  whose  politics  are  still 
in  the  cradle.  You  forget  too  much  that  this  soul, 
fresh  and  firm  as  it  may  be,  has  many  times  been 
bent,  and  even  brought  back  from  very  far.  You 
forget  that  as  dauphin  Louis  the  Sixteenth  had  an 
invincible  dislike  to  the  old  magistracy,  and  that 
their  recall  honored  the  first  six  months  of  his 
reign.  You  forget  that  he  had  sworn  never  to 
be  inoculated,  and  that  eight  days  after  the  oath 
he  had  the  virus  in  his  arm.  There  is  no  one 
who  does  not  know  it,  and  no  one  who  excuses 
you  for  not  using  the  proudest  right  of  your 
office,  that  of  giving  effect  to  the  great  things 
which  you  bear  in  your  soul.  I  shall  never  have 
a  day  of  true  happiness  if  your  administration 
closes  without  accomplishing  the  three  grandest 
objects  which  can  make  it  illustrious:  the  abase- 
ment of  the  English  by  the  union  of  America  and 
France,  the  reestablishment  of  the  finances,  and 
the  concession  of  civil  existence  to  the  Protestants 
of  the  kingdom  by  a  law  which  shall  legally 
commingle  them  with  all  the  subjects  of  the  king. 


1777 


EUROPE  PREPARES  FOR  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   1777.  295 

These  three  objects  are  to-day  in  your  hands. 
What  successes  can  more  beautifully  crown  your 
noble  career?  After  such  action,  death  would  be 
no  more  :  the  dearest  life  of  man,  his  reputation, 
survives  over  all,  and  becomes  eternal." * 

The  disfranchisement  of  Protestants  already  began 
to  be  modified :  the  office  of  comptroller-general,  of 
which  the  incumbent  was  required  to  take  an  oath 
to  support  the  Catholic  religion,  was  abolished  in  fa- 
vor of  the  Calvinist,  Necker,  a  rich  Parisian  banker, 
by  birth  a  republican  of  Geneva,  the  defender  of 
the  protective  system  against  Turgot;  and  on  the 
second  of  July,  after  a  novitiate  as  an  assistant,  he 
was  created  director -general  of  the  finances,  but 
without  a  seat  in  the  cabinet.  The  king  consented 
because  he  was  told  that  the  welfare  of  France  re- 
quired the  appointment ;  Maurepas  was  pleased,  for 
he  feared  no  rivalry.  As  an  able  and  incorrupt 
financier,  Necker  brought  aid  to  the  credit  of  the 
government ;  he  boldly  promised  to  provide  for  a 
war  of  two  years  without  new  taxes ;  but  he  was 
not  suited  to  become  a  leading  statesman,  for  his 
vanity  could  get  the  better  of  his  public  spirit. 

The  king  could  not  suppress  the  zeal  that  pre- 
vailed in  France,  though  "  he  would  break  out 
into  a  passion  whenever  he  heard  of  help  fur- 
nished to  the  Americans."2  After  a  stay  of  three 
weeks  on  the  north  side  of  the  channel,  Lafayette 
travelled,  with  Kalb  as  his  companion,  from  Paris 
to  Bordeaux.     He  and  his    party  hastened   in    the 

1  Copie  de  ma  lettre  a  M.  le  Comte  Angleterre,  T.  cccccxxii.  The  date 
de  Maurepas  du  30  May,  1777,  in  of  May  in  the  copy  should  be  March. 
Beaumarehais  to  Vergennes,  30  2  Words  of  Count  d'Artois,  as  re- 
March,  1777,  in  French  Archives,  ported  by  Stormont. 


IT7T. 


296  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  "Victory"  to  escape  from  France  to  the  Spanish 
port  of  Los  Pasages.  There  he  received  the  order 
of  the  king  to  give  up  his  expedition ;  but  after 
some  vacillation,  and  a  run  to  Bordeaux  and  back, 
he  braved  the  order,  and,  on  the  twenty-sixth  of 
April,  embarked  for  America.  The  English  lay  in 
wait  for  him,  eager  to  consign  him  to  a  prison;1 
but  he  escaped  their  devices.  To  his  young  wife, 
whom  he  left  far  advanced  in  her  second  pregnancy, 
he  wrote  on  board  the  "  Victory,"  at  sea :  "  From 
love  to  me  become  a  good  American  ;  the  welfare 
of  America  is  closely  bound  up  with  the  welfare 
of  all  mankind;  it  is  about  to  become  the  safe 
asylum  of  virtue,  tolerance,  equality,  and  peaceful 
liberty."  The  women  of  Paris  applauded  his  hero- 
ism ;  the  queen  gave  him  her  admiration ;  pub- 
lic opinion  extolled  "his  strong  enthusiasm  in  a 
good  cause ; "  the  indifferent  spoke  of  his  conduct 
as  "  a  brilliant  folly."  "  The  same  folly,"  said  Ver- 
gennes,  "has  turned  the  heads  of  our  young  peo- 
ple to  an  inconceivable  extent." 

He  was  soon  followed  by  Casimir  Pulaski,  a 
Polish  nobleman  illustrious  in  Europe  for  his  vir- 
tues and  his  misfortunes.  In  the  war  for  the  in- 
dependence of  his  native  land,  he  lost  his  father 
and  his  brothers.  After  his  attempt  to  carry  off 
the  king  of  Poland,  his  property  was  confiscated, 
and  he  was  sentenced  to  outlawry  and  death ;  and 
now  he  lived  in  exile  at  Marseilles,  in  the  utmost 
destitution,  under  an  adopted  name.     Through  Eul- 

1  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  to  William  Lafayette,  and  had  rather  he  was  so 
Eden,  April  18,  1777  :  "I  like  your  lodged,  than  stopped  at  St.  Sebas- 
plan  for  the  accommodation  of  M.  de    tian's." 


EUROPE  PREPARES  FOR  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   1777. 


297 


hiere,  the   historian   of  Poland,  Yergennes   paid  his  CJ^P- 
debts    and    recommended    him    to     Franklin,    who  ^-v — 

1777. 

gave  him  a  conveyance  to  the  United  States,  and 
explained  to  congress  how  much  he  had  done  for 
the  freedom  of  his  country.  Stormont  called  him 
"  an  assassin,"  as  he  had  called  the  American  dep- 
uties malefactors  that  deserved  the  gallows. 

In  April  and  May,  Joseph  the  Second  of  Austria 
passed  six  weeks  at  Paris.  In  conversation  he  was 
either  silent  on  American  affairs,  or  took  the  side 
which  was  very  unpopular  in  the  French  capital;1 
excusing  himself  to  the  Duchess  of  Bourbon  by 
saying :  "  I  am  a  king  by  trade ; "  nor  would  he 
permit  a  visit  from  Franklin  and  Deane,  or  even 
consent  to  meet  them  in  his  walks ;  though  he  re- 
ceived from  the  Tuscan  minister,  the  Abbe  Niccoli, 
who  was  a  zealous  abettor  of  the  cause  of  the 
insurgents,  a  paper  justifying  their  conduct,  and 
explaining  the  extent  of  their  resources. 

Ships  were  continually  leaving  the  ports  of 
France  for  the  United  States,  laden  with  all  that 
they  most  needed,  and  American  trading  vessels 
were  received  and  protected.  Care  was  taken  to 
preserve  appearances,  so  that  the  British  govern- 
ment, which  knew  very  well  what  was  doing,  might 
not  be  compelled  to  declare  war  against  France, 
for  each  nation  wished  to  postpone  hostilities. 
When  Stormont  remonstrated,  a  ship  bound  for 
America  would  be  stopped,  and  if  warlike  stores 
were  found  on  board,  would  be  compelled  to  unload 
them ;  but  presently  the  order  would  be  forgotten, 
the  ship  would  take  in   its  cargo   and  set  sail,  and 

1  Stormont  to  Suffolk,  22  May,  1777. 


298  AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  the  ever-renewed  complaints  of  the  English  ambas- 
> — y-^>  saclor  would  be  put  aside  by  the  quiet  earnestness 
77  7*  of  Vergennes  and  the  polished  levity  of  Maurepas. 
The  use  made  by  American  privateers  of  every 
convenient  French  harbor  was  a  more  defiant  vio- 
lation of  public  law.  The  king  refused  to  seize 
and  restore  their  prizes;  but  orders  were  given 
that  American  privateers  should  be  admitted  into 
French  harbors  only  in  cases  of  extreme  urgency, 
and  should  be  furnished  with  no  more  than  enough 
to  enable  them  to  regain  their  own  ports.  For  all 
that,  the  "Reprisal,"  after  replenishing  its  stores  at 
Nantes,  cruised  off  the  French  coast,  and  its  five 
new  prizes,  one  of  which  was  the  royal  packet  be- 
tween Lisbon  and  Falmouth,  were  unmoored  in  the 
harbor  of  L'Orient,  the  captain  giving  out  that  he 
intended  to  send  them  to  America.  Stormont  hur- 
ried to  Vergennes  to  demand  that  the  captive 
ships,  with  their  crews  and  cargoes,  should  be  de- 
livered up.  "  You  come  too  late,"  said  Vergennes ; 
"orders  have  already  been  sent  that  the  American 
ship  and  her  prizes  must  instantly  put  to  sea." 
The  "Reprisal"  continued  its  depreciations  till  mid- 
summer, when  it  was  caught  by  the  British ;  but 
before  its  capture,  two  other  privateers  were  suf- 
fered to  use  French  harbors  as  their  base.  The 
facts  were  open ;  the  excuses  deceived  no  one ; 
the  rule  of  public  law  was  not  questioned.  Stor- 
mont remonstrated  incessantly,  and  sometimes  with 
passion ;  but  the  English  ministers  were  engaged 
in  a  desperate  effort  to  reduce  their  former  colo- 
nies in  one  campaign,  and  avoided  an  immediate 
rupture. 


EUROPE  PREPARES  FOR  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   1777.  299 

While    unmeaning;   assurances   of  a  wish  for  con-   °£yf- 


tinued  peace  were  repeated  by  rote,  Vergennes 
never  dissembled  to  himself  that  his  policy  was  in- 
consistent with  every  duty  towards  a  friendly  power; 
he  professed  no  justification,  except  that  England 
was  not  a  friendly  power,  but  an  inveterate  enemy 
whose  enfeeblement  was  required  for  the  future 
tranquillity  of  France.  His  measures  were  chosen 
to  promote  the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
with  a  full  knowledge  that  they  led  necessarily  to 
an  open  war.  Complaints  and  rejoinders  were  un- 
ceasing ;  but  both  parties  were  reluctant  to  lay  down 
in  writing  the  principles  of  national  law  by  which 
they  regulated  their  conduct.  France  always  ex- 
pressed the  purpose  to  conform  to  treaties,  and 
England  would  never  enumerate  the  treaties  which 
she  wished  to  be  considered  as  still  in  force.  A 
profession  of  neutrality  would  have  been  resented 
by  England  as  an  insult  and  a  wrong ;  Vergennes, 
though  in  the  presence  of  Lord  Stormont  he  in- 
cidentally called  America  a  republic,  never  recog- 
nised the  Americans  as  a  belligerent  power,  but 
viewing  the  colonies  as  a  part  of  the  British  do- 
minions, threw  exclusively  upon  England  the  bur- 
den of  maintaining  her  own  municipal  laws.  Eng- 
land claimed  that  France  should  shut  her  harbors 
against  American  privateers ;  and  Vergennes  pro- 
fessed to  admit  them  only  when  in  distress,  and 
to  drive  them  forth  again  without  delay.  England 
insisted  that  no  arms  or  munitions  of  war  should 
be  exported  to  America,  or  to  ports  to  which 
Americans  could  conveniently  repair  for  a  supply ; 
Vergennes,    rather   acknowledging    the    rightfulness 


1777. 


300  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


XVI, 

1777. 


chap,  of  the  demand,  represented  the  Americans  and 
their  friends  as  escaping  his  vigilance.  England 
was  uneasy  at  the  presence  of  American  commis- 
sioners in  Paris ;  Vergennes  compared  the  house 
of  a  minister  to  a  church  which  any  one  might 
enter,  but  with  no  certainty  that  his  prayers  would 
be  heard.  England  claimed  the  right  of  search; 
Vergennes  admitted  it  in  the  utmost  latitude  in 
the  neighborhood  of  any  part  of  the  British  domin- 
ions, but  demurred  to  its  exercise  in  mid-ocean. 
England  did  not  scruple  to  seize  and  confiscate 
American  property  wherever  found ;  France  held 
that  on  the  high  seas  American  property  laden 
in  French  ships  was  inviolably  safe.  England  de- 
layed its  declaration  of  war  from  motives  of  con- 
venience ;  France  knew  that  it  was  imminent  and 
inevitable,  and  prepared  for  it  with  the  utmost 
diligence. 


CHAPTER  XVIL 

PREPARATIONS    OF   EUROPE   FOR   THE    CAMPAIGN    OF 

1777,   CONTINUED. 
THE  ASPECT  OF   SPAIN   ON  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

1777. 

France  preferred  to  act  in  perfect  concert  with  c^£- 
Spain,  which  by  her  projection  into  the  Atlantic  *— r-~ 
seemed  destined  to  be  the  great  ocean  power  of 
Europe,  and  which,  more  than  any  other  kingdom, 
was  touched  by  questions  of  colonial  independence. 
One  of  her  own  poets,  using  the  language  of  im- 
perial Rome,  had  foretold  the  discovery  of  the 
western  world ;  her  ships  first  entered  the  harbors 
of  the  New  Indies,  first  broke  into  the  Pacific,  first 
went  round  the  earth ;  Spanish  cavaliers  excelled  all 
others  as  explorers  of  unknown  realms,  and,  at  their 
own  cost,  conquered  for  their  sovereigns  almost 
a  hemisphere.  After  a  long  period  of  decline,  this 
proud  and  earnest  people,  formed  out  of  the  most 
cultivated  races  and  nations,  Aryan  and  Semitic, 
Iberians,  Celts,  Phoenicians,  Romans,  Jews,  Gothic 
Germans,  and  Saracens,  counting    among   its  great 

vol..  ix.  26 


302 


AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


Cxvn'  men  Seneca  and  Trajan,  Averrhoes  and  the  Cid, 
* — y — •  Cervantes  and  Velasquez,  devout  even  to  bigotry 
in  its  land  of  churches,  the  most  imaginative  and 
poetic  among  the  nations,  was  seen  to  be  entering 
on  a  career  of  improvement.  Rousseau  contem- 
plated its  future  with  extravagant  hope ;  D'Alem- 
bert,  reasoning  more  calmly,  predicted  its  recovery 
of  a  high  position  among  the  powers  of  the  world; 
Spain  was  the  only  country  of  which  Frederic  of 
Prussia  envied  the  sovereign,  for  the  delights  of  its 
climate,  and  the  opportunity  offered  to  its  ruler  to 
renew  its  greatness.  For  want  of  a  good  govern- 
ment by  which  the  people  could  have  been  led,  of 
organs  to  concentre  their  will,  of  liberty  to  develop 
their  resources,  they  were  destined  to  move  towards 
their  regeneration  through  a  half-century  of  afflic- 
tions, to  find  that  the  monarchy  to  which  they  were 
devoted  was  crumbling  away  their  strength  and 
corrupting  public  morals,  that  there  was  no  polit- 
ical life,  no  hope  but  in  themselves. 

During  the  long  struggle  of  Spain  to  eman- 
cipate itself  from  the  dominion  of  the  Moors,  the 
cross  had  been  the  emblem  of  its  national  exist- 
ence as  well  as  of  Christian  civilization.  Religion, 
the  monarchy,  Spanish  nationality,  were  all  as  one ; 
the  enthusiasm  of  faith  was  also  a  patriotic  enthusi- 
asm, reverencing  alike  the  church  and  the  throne, 
deeply  seated  in  tradition  and  in  hope,  as  intol- 
erant of  resistance,  or  even  of  doubt,  as  of  treason 
against  the  state,  inquisitive  of  dissent,  hardening 
into  bigotry  to  such  a  degree  that  even  the  sci- 
ences which  the  Saracens  had  cultivated  were  re- 
garded with  distrust  as  the  pursuits  of  materialists. 


THE  ASPECT  OF   SPADT.  303 

The  centuries  of   wars   for   the  very  being  of  the    chap. 

J  °  .  XVII. 

kingdom  had  thrown  a  halo  round  the  profession  — v — ' 
of  arms ;  the  pride  of  chivalry  scorned  the  humble 
virtues  of  industry,  and  even  the  laws  cast  dishonor 
on  mechanic  labor.  The  prelates,  devoting  their 
vast  revenues  to  wholesale  almsa-iving,  sanctified 
and  perpetuated  the  idleness  of  beggary.  Just 
when  the  discovery  of  America  opened  a  bound- 
less career  to  colonial  enterprise,  the  house  of 
Hapsburg  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Castile  and 
Aragon,  and  wasted  away  the  resources  of  the 
united  kingdoms  in  the  animosities  and  wars  of  a 
foreign  family.  The  consolidation  of  all  Spain  into 
one  country,  for  which  the  Austrian  dynasty  had 
during  two  centuries  vainly  toiled,  signalized  the 
accession  of  the  grandson  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth 
of  France ;  but  that  blessed  unity  was  gained  at 
the  too  great  price  of  the  time-honored  liberties  of 
its  ancient  kingdoms. 

Charles  the  Third,  who  now  held  the  sceptre  in  177'r« 
Spain,  was  the  best  of  the  Spanish  Bourbons.  It 
is  touching  to  see  the  affection  with  which  the  de- 
generacy of  his  immediate  successors  leads  Spanish 
historians  to  dwell  on  his  memory.  He  was  of  a 
merciful  disposition,  and  meant  well  for  the  land 
he  ruled,  slowly  and  steadily  seeking  the  improve- 
ment of  its  condition ;  but  he  was  more  devoted 
to  the  principle  of  monarchy  than  to  Spain.  'He 
was  an  obstinate  stickler  for  regality  against  the 
pope ;  and  for  that  he  had  exiled  the  Jesuits,  and 
desired  the  abolition  of  their  order.  But  under 
the  influence  of  his  confessor,  a  monk  of  the  worst 
type,   he    restored    vitality   to    the    Inquisition,   suf- 


304  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


chap,  fered  it  to  publish  the  papal  bull  which  granted 
— -Y-— '  it  unlimited  jurisdiction,  and,  by  way  of  excuse  for 
his  consent  to  its  arraigning,  on  most  frivolous 
grounds,  one  of  his  best  administrative  officers  for 
"  atheism,  heresy,  and  materialism,"  declared  that 
"he  would  have  delivered  up  to  its  tribunal  his 
own  son."  *  And  with  increase  of  years  his  con- 
science was  sure  to  grow  more  sensitive. 

Spain  believed  herself  in  need  of  allies.  Between 
the  peoples  of  France  and  Spain  there  was  no  affec- 
tion ;  so  in  August,  1761,  a  family  compact  was 
established  between  their  kings.  In  forming  this 
alliance  not  one  Spaniard  took  part :  the  act  was 
that  of  the  Bourbon  families ;  the  agents  on  the 
part  of  the  Spanish  branch  were  Wall  and  Grimaldi, 
one  of  them  an  adventurer  from  Ireland,  the  other 
from  Italy. 
Feb.  It  seemed  the  dawn  of  better  days  for  Spain,  when, 
in  February,  1777,  the  universal  popular  hatred  of 
the  babbling,  incompetent  Grimaldi,  quickened  by 
the  shameful  failure  of  the  expedition  against  Al- 
giers, drove  him  from  the  ministry  and  from  the 
country.  On  the  eighteenth  he  was  succeeded  by 
Don  Jose  Monino,  Count  de  Florida  Blanca.  For 
the  first  time  for  more  than  twenty  years,  Spain 
obtained  a  ministry  composed  wholly  of  Spaniards ; 
and  for  the  first  time  since  the  days  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  a  Spanish  policy  began  to  be  formed. 
The  new  minister,  son  of  a  provincial  notary, 
had  been  carefully  educated;  following  his  father's 
profession,  he  became  one  of  the  ablest  advocates 
of  his  day,  and   attained   administrative  distinction. 

1  Montmorin  to  Vergennes,  Madrid,  24  Dec.   1777. 


THE  ASPECT   OF   SPAIN.  305 

In  March,  1772,  he  went   as   ambassador  to  Rome,   chap. 


xvii. 


where  by  his  intrigues  Cardinal  Ganganelli  was 
elected  pope,  and  the  order  of  the  Jesuits  was 
abolished.  He,  too,  controlled  the  choice  of  Ganga- 
nelli's  successor.  Now  forty-six  years  old,  esteemed 
for  strong  good  sense  and  extensive  information,  for 
prudence,  personal  probity,  and  honest  intentions, 
he  placed  his  views  of  ambition  in  useful  projects, 
and  was  bent  upon  enlarging  the  commerce  of 
Spain,  and  making  the  kingdom  respected.  A  de- 
voted Catholic,  he  was  equally  "a  good  defender 
of  regality;"1  he  restrained  the  exorbitant  claims 
of  the  church,  and  was  no  friend  to  the  Inquisi- 
tion. Much  given  to  reflection,  he  was  cold  and 
excessively  reserved;  a  man  of  few  words,  though 
his  words  were  to  the  purpose.  Feebleness  of 
health  unfitted  him  for  indefatigable  labor,  and 
was  perhaps  one  of  the  causes  why  he  could  not 
bear  contradiction,  nor  even  hear  a  discussion  with- 
out fretting  himself  into  a  passion.  To  his  inter- 
course with  foreign  powers  he  brought  something 
of  duplicity  and  crafty  cunning.  Like  Grimaldi,  he 
professed  the  greatest  regard  for  the  interests  and 
welfare  of  France;  but,  unlike  Grimaldi,  his  heart 
was  the  heart  of  a  Spaniard.  In  his  manners  he 
was  awkward  and  ill  at  ease.  He  spoke  French 
with  difficulty.  For  the  fire  and  haughtiness  of 
a  grandee,  he  had  the  vanity  of  a  man  of  con- 
siderable powers,  who  from  a  humble  station  had 
reached  the  highest  under  the  king;  and  he  clung 

1  "  Un  buon  regalista : "   the   de-  the  church  sides  -with  the  crown  :  a 

scription  of  Florida  Blanca  by  his  class  of  politicians  never  known  in 

king.     A  "regalista"  is  one  who  in  England,  after  the  reign  of  Henry 

the  contests  between  the  crown  and  the  Eighth. 
26* 


306  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  to  office  with  tenacity.  His  character  and  qualities 
^ -v — '  and  unfailing  subservience  were  exactly  fitted  to 
fasten  his  influence  on  Charles  the  Third,  and  his 
supremacy  continued  to  the  end  of  the  reign.  But 
for  the  present,  his  natural  slowness  of  decision  was 
increased  by  his  inexperience. 

By  far  his  ablest  colleague,  and  perhaps  the 
ablest  statesman  of  Spain, 'was  Galvez,  the  minister 
for  the  Indies,  that  is,  for  the  colonies.  Like 
Florida  Blanca,  he  had  been  taken  from  the  class 
of  advocates.  The  experience  derived  from  a 
mission  to  Mexico  had  made  him  familiar  with  the 
business  of  his  department,  to  which  he  brought 
honesty  and  most  laborious  habits,  a  lingering 
prejudice  in  favor  of  the  system  of  commercial 
monopoly,  and  the  purpose  to  make  the  Spanish 
colonies  self-supporting  both  for  production  and  de- 
fence. 

On  entering  upon  office,  Florida  Blanca  was  met 
at  the  threshold  by  the  question  of  the  aspect  of 
the  American  revolution  on  the  interests  of  Spain; 
and  as  Arthur  Lee  was  already  on  his  way  to 
Madrid,  it  seemed  to  demand  an  immediate  solu- 
tion. But  a  court  which  venerated  the  crown 
equally  with  the  cross  could  not  sanction  a  rebel- 
lion of  subjects  against  their  sovereign.  Next, 
Spain  was  of  all  the  maritime  powers  the  largest 
possessor  of  colonial  acquisitions  ;  and  how  could 
its  government  concede  the  principle  of  a  right  in 
colonies  to  claim  independence  ?  And  how  could 
it  give  an  example  to  England  and  the  world  of 
interference  in  behalf  of  such  independence  ?  More- 
over,  the  rising  state  was  a  republic;   and  in  addi- 


THE  ASPECT  OF  SPAIN.  307 

tion   to   their    fixed    abhorrence    of  the   republican   chap. 

XVII. 

principle,  the  Spanish  ministers  foreboded  danger  to  * — Y — » 
their  own  possessions  from  the  example,  from  the  1777* 
strength,  and  from  the  ambition  of  the  Americans, 
whom  they  feared  to  see  cross  the  Alleghanies 
and  prepare  to  contest  with  them  the  Mississippi. 
Whatever  might  betide,  the  Spanish  government 
would  never  consent  to  become  the  ally  of  the 
insurgents,  and  would  never  harbor  any  sympathy 
with   their  purpose  of  independence. 

Add  to  this  that  an  American  alliance  involved  a 
war  with  England,  and  that  Spain  was  unprepared 
for  war.  Equal  to  Great  Britain  in  the  number 
of  her  inhabitants,  greatly  surpassing  that  island 
in  the  extent  of  her  home  territory  and  her  colo- 
:ties,  she  did  not  love  to  confess  or  to  perceive 
her  inferiority  in  wealth  and  power.  Her  colonies 
brought  her  no  opulence,  for  their  commerce, 
which  was  soon  to  be  extended  to  seven  ports, 
then  to  twelve,  and  then  to  nearly  all,  was  still 
confined  to  Cadiz ;  the  annual  exports  to  Spanish 
America  had  thus  far  fallen  short  of  four  mill- 
ions of  dollars  in  value,  and  the  imports  were 
less  than  the  exports.  Campomanes  was  urging 
through  the  press  the  abolition  of  restrictions  on 
trade ;  but  for  the  time  the  delusion  of  mercan- 
tile monopoly  held  the  ministers  fast  bound.  The 
serious  strife  with  Portugal  had  for  its  purpose 
the  occupation  of  both  banks  of  the  river  La 
Plata,  that  so  the  mighty  stream  might  be  sealed 
up  against  all  the  world  but  Cadiz.  As  a  neces- 
sary consequence,  Spanish  shipping  received  no 
development ;     and    though    the    king    constructed 


308  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  ships  of  the  line  and  frigates,  he  could  have  no 
« — y — '  efficient  navy,  for  want  of  proper  nurseries  of  sea- 
men.  The  war  department  was  in  the  hands  of 
an  indolent  chief,  so  that  its  business  devolved  on 
O'Reilly,  whose  character  is  known  to  us  from 
his  career  in  Louisiana,  and  whose  arrogance  and 
harshness  were  revolting  to  the  Spanish  nation. 
The  revenue  of  the  kingdom  fell  short  of  twenty- 
one  millions  of  dollars,  and  there  was  a  notorious 
want  of  probity  in  the  management  of  the  finances. 
In  such  a  state  of  its  navy,  army,  and  treasury, 
how   could   it   make   war   on   England  ? 

The  aged  king  wished  to  finish  his  reign  in 
unbroken  tranquillity;  Florida  Blanca  and  Galvez 
saw  that  Spain  was  not  in  a  condition  to  em- 
broil itself  with  the  greatest  maritime  power  of 
the  day :  unreserved  assurances  of  a  preference 
for  peace  were  given  to  the  British  minister  at 
Madrid,  and  repeated  by  the  Spanish  embassy  in 
London,  and  it  was  declared  that  an  American 
emissary  should  not  be  allowed  to  appear  in 
Madrid.  A  letter  was  sent  to  stop  Arthur  Lee 
at  Burgos,  where  he  must  wait  for  Grimaldi,  who 
was  on  his  way  to  Italy.  They  met1  on  the 
fourth  of  March,  with  Gardoqui  as  interpreter, 
for  Lee  could  speak  nothing  but  English.  Gri- 
maldi, who  describes  him  as  an  obstinate  man, 
amused  him  with  desultory  remarks  and  pro- 
fessions :  the  relation  between  France  and  Spain 
was  intimate;  the  Americans  would  find  at  New 
Orleans  three  thousand  barrels  of  powder  and  some 

1  I  have,  in  MS.,  Arthur  Lee's  Grimaldi's  account  at  second-hand, 
own  account  of  the  interview,  and     also  in  MS. 


THE  ASPECT  OF  SPAIN.  309 

store  of  clothing,  which  they  might  take  on  credit ;  chap. 
Spain  would  perhaps  send  them  a  well-freighted  * — ^-^ 
ship  from  Bilbao ;  but  the  substance  of  the  inter-  1 7  7  7  * 
view  was,  that  Lee  must  return  straight  to  Paris, 
and  wait  there  for  instructions  to  Aranda,  which 
instructions  were  never  to  come.  At  Madrid, 
Florida  Blanca,  even  though  it  implied  a  censure 
of  the  court  of  France,  repeatedly  made  a  merit 
with  the  British  government  of  having  refused 
to  receive  an  American  emissary.  "All  attempts 
of  the  like  kind  from  agents  of  the  rebellious 
colonies  will  be  equally  fruitless : "  so  spoke  Flor- 
ida Blanca  to  the  British  minister  again  and  again 
"  in  the  strongest  manner ; "  "  his  catholic  majesty 
is  resolved  not  to  interfere  in  any  manner  in  the 
dispute  concerning  the  colonies ; "  "  it  is  and  has 
been  my  constant  opinion,  that  the  independence 
of  America  would  be  the  worst  example  to  other 
colonies,  and  would  make  the  Americans  the  worst 
neighbors,  in  every  respect,  that  the  Spanish  colo- 
nies could  have."1  In  all  this  there  is  no  room  to 
doubt  that  he  was  sincere;  for  the  report  of  the 
French  ambassador  at  Aranjuez  is  explicit,  "  that 
it  was  the  dominant  wish  of  the  catholic  king  to 
avoid  war,  that  he  longed  above  all  things  to  end 
his  days  in  peace."2 

Yet  the  Spanish  court  was  irresistibly  drawn 
towards  the  alliance  with  France,  though  the  con- 
flict of  motives  gave  to  its  policy  an  air  of  uncer- 
tainty, weakness,  and   dissimulation.      Its   boundless 

1  Letters    in   cipher   from    Lord  ~  D'Ossun  to  Vergennes,  15  May, 

Grantham  to  Viscount  Weymouth,  1777.      Compare    Flassan,  Histoire 

17  March,  20  March,  and  26  May,  Generale   de   la  Diplomatic    Fran- 

1777,  and  many  others.  caise,  vii.  177,  note. 


310  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

?viF'  c°l°nial  claims  had  led  to  disputes  with  England  for 
v-^> <-•*•>  one  hundred  and  seventy  years,  that  is,  from  the 
time  when  Englishmen  planted  a  colony  in  the 
Chesapeake  bay,  which  Spain  had  discovered,  and 
named,  and  marked  as  its  own  bay  of  Saint  Mary's. 
It  was  now  perpetually  agitated  by  a  morbid  and 
extravagant,  though  not  wholly  unfounded  jealousy 
of  the  good  faith  of  British  ministries;  and  it  lived 
in  constant  dread  of  sudden  aggression  from  a 
power  with  which  it  knew  itself  unable  to  cope 
alone.  This  instinctive  fear  and  this  mortified  pride 
gave  a  value  to  the  protecting  friendship  of  France, 
and  excused  the  wish  to  see  the  pillars  of  Eng- 
land's greatness  overthrown.  Besides,  the  occupa- 
tion of  Gibraltar  by  England  made  every  Spaniard 
her  enemy.  To  this  were  added  the  obligations  of 
the  family  compact  between  the  two  crowns,  of 
which  Charles  the  Third,  even  while  eager  for  a 
continuance  of  peace,  was  scrupulous  to  respect 
the  conditions  and  to  cherish  the    spirit. 

Hence  the  government  of  Spain,  treading  stealth- 
ily in  the  footsteps  of  France,  had,  under  the  ad- 
ministration of  Grimaldi,  given  money  to  the  insur- 
gents, but  only  on  the  condition  that  France  should 
be  its  almoner  and  that  its  gifts  should  be  shrouded 
in  impenetrable  secrecy.  It  neglected  or  reproved 
the  hot  zeal  with  which  Aranda  counselled  war ; 
it  still  suffered  American  ships,  and  even  privateers 
with  their  prizes,  to  enter  its  harbors;  but  it  as- 
sured England  that  everything  which  could  justly 
be  complained  of  was  done  in  contravention  of  its 
orders ;  and  it  listened  with  interest  to  the  vague 
and    delusive  proposition  of  that  power  for   a   gen- 


1777. 


THE   ASPECT   OF   SPAIN.  311 

eral   disarming;.1     Fertile  in    shifts   and   subterfuges,  chap. 

XVII. 

Florida  Blanca  sought  to  avoid  on  either  hand  a  < — •»-»/ 
frank,  ultimate,  irrevocable  decision,  and  evaded 
everything  like  an  agreement  for  an  eventual  war 
with  Great  Britain.  His  first  escape  from  the  im- 
portunity of  France  was  by  a  counter  proposition 
for  the  two  powers  to  ship  large  reinforcements  to 
their  colonies :  a  proposition  which  Vergennes  re- 
jected,2 because  sending  an  army  to  the  murderous 
climate  of  Saint  Domingo  would  involve  all  the 
mortality  and  cost  of  a  war,  with  none  of  its  ben- 
efits. Florida  Blanca  next  advised  to  let  Britain 
and  her  insurgents  continue  their  struggle  till  both 
parties  should  be  exhausted,  and  so  should  invite 
the  interposition  of  France  and  Spain  as  mediators, 
who  would  then  be  able  in  the  final  adjustment  to 
take  good  care  of  their  respective  interests.3  To 
this  Vergennes  could  only  reply  that  he  knew  not 
how  the  acceptance  of  such  a  mediation  could  be 
brought  about;  and  in  July  he  unreservedly  fixed 
upon  January  or  February,  1778,  as  the  epoch 
when  the  two  crowns  must  engage  in  the  war,  or 
have  only  to  regret  forever  the  opportunity  which 
they  would  have  neglected.4 

1  Vergennes  to  D'Ossun,  28  Feb-  3  Florida  Blanca  to  De  Aranda, 
ruary,  1777.     MS.  7  April,    1777.      D'Ossun   to  Ver- 

2  D'Ossun     to     Vergennes,     31  gennes,  8  May,  1777.     MSS. 
March,  1777.     Montmorin  to  Ver-  4  Memoire  communique  au  roi,  le 
gennes,  23  December,  1777.    MSS.  23  Juillet,  1777.     MS. 


CHAPTER    XVni. 

ENGLAND  PREPARES  FOR  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1777. 

January  —  May,  1777. 
chap.        The  year  1777   opened   with  a  declared   division 

XVIIL  ••  •  •   • 

w^«/  of  opinion  in  the  British  ministry  on  the  conduct 
1777.  0f  the  war;  Lord  North  formally1  proposed  to  his 
friends  in  parliament,  as  his  system,  the  restoration 
of  America  to  the  condition  of  1763.  The  tardy 
avowal  was  followed  by  an  intrigue  of  some  of 
his  colleagues  to  eject  him  from  the  cabinet ;  and 
though  the  intrigue  failed,  the  policy  of  the  Bed- 
ford party  was  still  paramount. 

The  conduct  of  the  war  on  the  side  of  Canada 
was  left  entirely  to  Lord  George  Germain ;  the 
chief  command  and  the  planning  of  the  next  cam- 
paign within  the  United  States  remained  with 
Howe,  who  was  strong  in  the  support  of  Lord 
North  and  the  king. 

1  Lord  North's  Address  in  the  uary,  1777.  Compare  Colonel  Wal- 
Public  Advertiser  of  24  January,  cott's  report  to  Howe,  11  March, 
1777.    Noailles  to  Vergennes,  Jan-     1777.     MS. 


ENGLAND  PREPARES  FOR  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   1777.  313 

Every  effort  was   made   to   gain   recruits  for  the    chap. 

1  rm  l  l       XV1IL 

army  and  navy.  Threats  and  promises  were  used  - — y-w 
to  induce  captive  American  sailors  to  enlist  in  the 
British  service. .  "  Hang  me,  if  you  will,  to  the 
yard-arm  of  your  ship,  but  do  not  ask  me  to  be- 
come a  traitor  to  my  country,"  was  the  answer  of 
Nathan  Coffin,1  and  it  expressed  the  spirit  of  them 
all.2  In  February,  Franklin  and  Deane  proposed 
to  Stormont,  at  Paris,  to  exchange  a  hundred  Brit- 
ish seamen,  taken  by  Wickes,  of  the  "Reprisal," 
for  an  equal  number  of  the  American  prisoners  in 
England.  To  this  first  application  Stormont  was 
silent ;  to  a  more  earnest  remonstrance,  in  April, 
he  answered :  "  The  king's  ambassador  receives  no 
applications  from  rebels  unless  they  come  to  im- 
plore his  majesty's  mercy." 

For  land  forces,  the  hopes  of  the  ministers  rested 
mainly  on  the  kinglings  of  Germany.  The  petty 
prince  of  Waldeck  collected  for  the  British  service 
twenty  men  from  his  own  territory  and  its  neigh- 
borhood, twenty-three  from  Suabia,  near  fifty  else- 
where, in  all  eighty-nine;  and  to  prevent  their 
desertion,  locked  them  up  in  the  Hanoverian  for- 
tress of  Hameln.  It  was  the  cue  of  the  hereditary 
prince  of  Cassel  to  talk  of  difficulties  and  impossi- 
bilities, that  he  might  gain  a  still  greater  claim  on 
British  gratitude  and  treasure  for  exceeding  all 
expectations.  He  had  a  troublesome  competitor  in 
his  own  father,  whose  agents  were  busy  in  all  the 
environs  of  Hanau ;  nevertheless  he  furnished  ninety- 
one   recruits,  and  four   hundred  and  sixty-eight   ad- 

1  MS.  communication  from  C.  H.        2  Noailles  to  Vergennes,  14  Feb- 
Marshall  of  New  York,  ruary,   1777.     MS. 

VOL.  ix.  27 


314  AMERICAN    INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  ditional   yagers,  which  was   fifty-six   more   than   he 

— y— '  had  bargained  for. 

In  Hesse-Cassel  the  favor  of  Schlieffen,  the  min- 
ister, was  secured  by  repeated  gifts  of  money ; 
after  which  the  recall  of  Heister  was  peremptorily 
demanded.  "  The  king  is  determined  upon  it,"  were 
Suffolk's  words.  No  reasons  were  given,  but  the 
British  government  had  feared  that  foreign  gen- 
erals might  be  too  "  regardful  of  the  preservation 
of  the  troops  under  their  command,"  and  in  advance 
had  offered  rewards  in  money  to  such  of  them  as 
should  be  found  compliant;1  Howe  had  wished  for 
no  foreign  officers,  except  captains  and  subalterns, 
and  failing  in  this,  he  had  pledged  himself  at  any 
rate,  "  to  gain  all  the  service  he  could  from  troops 
who  might  avoid  the  loss  of  men."2  Heister  was  a 
meritorious  veteran  officer,  anxious  in  his  respon- 
sibility for  the  troops  under  his  charge,  and  unapt 
to  favor  a  disproportionate  consumption  of  them. 
For  no  better  reason,  he  was  superseded  by  Knyp- 
hausen;  and  he  returned  to  his  country  only  to 
die  of  the  wound  inflicted  on  his  military  pride. 
The  land  whose  sons  he  would  have  spared,  was 
drained  of  men,  and  extraneous  recruits  were  ob- 
tained slowly;  yet  in  the  course  of  the  year,  by 
force,  impressment,  theft  of  foreigners,  and  other 
means,  it  furnished  of  recruits  and  yagers  fourteen 
hundred  and  forty-nine.  But  this  number,  of  which 
more  than  half  were  yagers,  barely  made  good  the 
losses  in  the  campaign  and  at  Trenton;  a  putrid 
epidemic,  which  at  the  end  of  the  winter  broke  out 

1  Suffolk  to  Faucitt,  12  Febru-  2  General  Howe  to  Lord  George 
ary,  1776.     MS.  Germain,  25  April,  1776.     MS. 


ENGLAND   PREPARES   FOR  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF    1777.  315 

among    the    Hessian    grenadiers    at    Brunswick,    in   chap. 
eight  weeks   swept  away  more  than  three  hundred  — y~— ' 
as  able  men  as  ever  stood  in  the  ranks  of  an  army, 
and  their  places  were  not  supplied. 

The  duke  of  Brunswick  behaved  the  most  shab- 
bily of  all.  Of  the  men  whom  he  offered,  Faucitt 
writes  :  "  I  hardly  remember  to  have  ever  seen  such 
a  parcel  of  miserable,  ill-looking  fellows  collected 
together."  Two  hundred  and  twenty-two  were  with 
difficulty  culled  out  and  accepted;  and  even  these 
were  far  from  being  wholly  fit  for  service. 

The  margrave  of  Brandenburg- Anspach,  nephew 
of  Frederic  of  Prussia,  a  kinsman  of  George  the 
Third  of  England,  expressed  his  eager  desire  to 
enter  into  the  trade  in  soldiers;  and  on  very  mod- 
erate terms  he  furnished  two  regiments  of  twelve 
hundred  men,  beside  a  company  of  eighty-five  ya- 
gers, all  of  the  besfc  quality,  unsurpassed  in  any 
service,  tall,  neatly  clad,  handling  their  bright  and 
faultless  arms  with  dexterity,  spirit,  and  exactness. 
The  margrave  readily  promised  that  they  should 
receive  the  full  British  pay,  and  kept  his  engage- 
ments with  exceptional  scrupulousness. 

In  the  former  year  a  free  passage  had  every- 
where been  allowed  to  the  subsidized  troops;  the 
enlightened  mind  of  Germany,  its  scholars,  its  phi- 
losophers, its  poets,  had  not  yet  openly  revolted  at 
the  hiring  of  its  sons  to  recruit  armies  for  a  war 
waged  against  the  rights  of  man ;  but  the  universal 
feeling  of  its  common  people  was  a  perpetual  per- 
suasion against  enlistments,  and  an  incentive  to 
desertion.  The  subsidized  princes  sought  for  men 
outside    of   their    own    lands,   and   forced   into   the 


316  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  service  not  merely  vagabonds  and  loose  fellows  of 

XVIII.  . 

1 — y — '  all  kinds,  but  any  unprotected  traveller  or  hind 
on  whom  they  could  lay  their  hands.  The  British 
agents  became  sensitive  to  the  stories  that  were 
told  of  them,  and  to  "  the  excessive  defamation " 
which  they  encountered.  The  rulers  of  the  larger 
states  felt  the  dignity  of  the  empire  insulted. 
Frederic  of  Prussia  never  disguised  his  disgust. 
The  court  of  Vienna  concerted  with  the  elector 
of  Mentz  and  the  elector  of  Treves  to  throw  a 
slur  on  the  system.  At  Mentz,  the  yagers  of 
Hanau  who  came  first  down  the  Rhine  were 
stopped,  and  eight  of  them  rescued  by  the  elec- 
tor's order  as  his  subjects  or  soldiers.  From  the 
troops  of  the  landgrave  of  Hesse  eighteen  were 
removed  by  the  commissaries  of  the  ecclesiastical 
prince  of  Treves.  At  Coblentz,  Metternich,  the 
active  young  representative  of«the  court  of  Vienna, 
in  the  name  of  Maria  Theresa  and  Joseph  the 
Second,  reclaimed  their  subjects  and  deserters. 

Still  more  formidable  was  the  rankling  dis- 
content of  the  enlisted  men.  The  regiments  of 
Anspach  could  not  be  trusted  to  carry  ammu- 
nition or  arms,  but  were  driven  on  by  a  com- 
pany of  trusty  yagers  well  provided  with  both, 
and  ready  to  nip  a  mutiny  in  the  bud.  Yet 
eighteen  or  twenty  succeeded  in  deserting.  When 
the  rest  reached  their  place  of  embarkation  at 
Ochsenfurt  on  the  Main,  the  regiment  of  Bayreuth 
began  to  march  away  and  hide  themselves  in  some 
vineyards.  The  yagers,  who  were  all  picked  marks- 
men, were  ordered  to  fire  among  them,  by  which 
some   of   them  were    killed.     They   avenged  them- 


1777. 


ENGLAND  PREPARES  FOR  THE  CAMPAIGN   OF   1777.  317 

selves  by  putting  a  yager  to  death.  The  mar-  c^ap. 
grave  of  Anspach,  summoned  by  express,  rode  to 
the  scene  in  the  greatest  haste,  leaving  his  watch 
on  his  table,  and  without  a  shirt  to  change.  He 
who  by  the  superstitions  of  childhood  and  hallowed 
traditions  was  their  land's  father  stood  before  them. 
The  sight  overawed  them.  They  acknowledged 
their  fault,  and  submitted  to  his  severe  reprimands. 
Four  of  them  he  threw  into  irons,  and  ordered  all 
to  the  boats.  Instead  of  the  yagers,  he  in  person 
assumed  the  office  of  driver ;  marched  them  through 
Mentz  in  defiance  of  the  elector;  administered  the 
oath  of  fidelity  to  the  king  of  England  at  Nym- 
wegen;  and  the  land's  father  never  left  his  post  till, 
at  the  end  of  March,  in  the  presence  of  Sir  Joseph 
Yorke,  his  children,  whose  service  he  had  sold,1  were 
delivered  by  him  in  person  on  board  the  British 
transports  at  S'cravendell.  "The  margrave  went 
through  every  detail,  brought  the  men  on  board 
himself,  went  through  the  ships  with  them,  marked 
their  beds,  gave  out  every  order  which  was  recom- 
mended to  him,  and  saw  it  executed,  with  but  lit- 
tle assistance,  indeed,  from  his  own  officers  in  the 
beginning,  though  they  soon  grew  better  recon- 
ciled." 

The  whole  number  of  recruits  and  reinforce- 
ments obtained  from  Germany  amounted  to  no 
more  than  thirty-five  hundred  and  ninety-six.  It 
is   noticeable,   that   they  all   came   from   Protestant 

1  Rainsford  to  Secretary  Suffolk,  highness  has  shown;  without  which 

28  March,  1777  :"  The  margrave  ac-  we   should   have    met   with    insur- 

companied   them  from  Ochsenfurt.  mountable     difficulties."      Compare 

It  is  impossible  to  express  the  zeal  Sir    Joseph    Yorke    to     Secretary 

and    personal    trouble    his    serene  Suffolk,  1  April,  1777.    MSS. 
27* 


318  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  principalities;   for   the   landgrave   of  Hesse,  though 
v^y^/  a   Roman  convertite,   can   hardly  pass   for   a   Cath- 
1777.  0]jc  prince_     Besides,,  the   British   government  from 
its    constitution  preferred  the  employment  of  Prot- 
estants in  the  army,  as  well  as  in  all  other  depart- 
ments. 

A  large  contribution  had  been  expected  from  the 
duke  of  Wirtemberg,  who  had  been  in  England 
in  search  of  a  contract;  and  his  agent  in  London 
offered  three  thousand  men.  At  Stuttgart,  alluring 
civilities  were  lavished  on  the  British  envoy ;  but 
he  was  on  his  guard.  The  duke,  who  confidently 
renewed  his  offer,  had  for  many  years  given  him- 
self so  exclusively  to  effeminate  amusements,  that 
every  branch  of  his  government  had  fallen  into 
decay.  He  had  neither  money  nor  credit.  Almost 
the  whole  of  his  regiments  were  but  the  wrecks  of 
the  last  war,  too  decrepit  and  stiff  for  further  ser- 
vice ;  the  few  effective  men  were  watching  a  chance 
to  desert,  for  he  had  cheated  them  out  of  their 
bounty  on  enlisting,  left  their  pay  in  arrears,  and 
forced  them  to  remain  after  their  engagement  had 
expired.  "  The  inability  of  the  duke  to  supply  any 
troops  was  soon  discovered,  and  the  idea,  though 
not  without  great  disappointment,  laid  aside."  The 
British  ministers  searched  Germany  far  and  near 
for  more  men ;  "  but  the  Catholic  princes  of  the 
empire  seemed  to  wish  to  discourage  the  service ; " | 
and  the  king  of  Prussia  set  himself  against  it  with 
his  advice.  The  excellent  little  army  of  the  duke 
-  of  Saxe-Gotha  was  coveted  in  vain ;  the  landgrave 
of  Darmstadt  was   too  fond   of  his   soldiers   to   let 

1  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  to  Secretary  Suffolk,  1  April,  1777. 


ENGLAND  PREPARES  FOR  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   1777.  319 

them  go  out  of  his  sight;  there  was  no  hope  but  chap. 
from  the  half-crazy  prince  of  Anhalt-Zerbst,  and  with  i — y — ' 
him  the  king's  ambassador  at  the  Hague  opened  a 
correspondence.  The  young  profligate  caught  with 
avidity  at  the  overture,  which  found  him  engaged 
with  three  other  princes  of  his  family  on  a  hunt- 
ing expedition.  They  had  billeted  six  hundred 
dogs  upon  the  citizens  Of  Dessau ;  entranced  by 
the  occasion,  he  wrote  in  strange  French :  "  Beau- 
tiful garrison !  and  at  the  first  sound  of  the  whip 
or  the  hunting-horn,  this  rabble  came  together 
like  troops  at  the  beat  of  the  drum.  Devil !  if 
we  could  run  down  the  'Ameriquains '  like  that, 
it  would  not  be  bad."1  He  did  not  know  that 
the  wild  huntsman  of  revolution  was  soon  to  wind 
his  bugle,  and  run  down  these  princely  dealers  in 
men. 

In  narrating  these  events,  I  have  followed  exclu- 
sively the  letters  and  papers  of  the  princes  and 
ministers  who  took  part  in  the  transactions.  They 
prove  the  law,  which  all  induction  confirms,  that 
the  transmission  of  uncontrolled  power,  visiting  the 
sins  of  the  fathers  upon  the  children,  inevitably 
develops  corruptness  and  depravity.  Despotic  power 
of  man  over  man  is  what  no  succession  of  genera- 
tions can  be  trusted  with ;  it  brings  a  curse  on 
whatever  family  receives  it. 

All  the  German  levies  except  the  Brunswick 
and  Hanau   recruits   and  four  companies  of  Hanau 

1  "  Quatre  Freres  a  Dessau  avoient  bloit  comme  les  Troupes  au  coup  de 

entre  eux  plus  de   600  chiens   par  Tambour.      Diable !    si  on   pouvoit 

force   loger    chds   les  Bourgeois  de  courir  les  Ameriquains  comme  cela, 

Dessau.     Belle  garnison  !  et  au  pre-  ce  ne  seroit  pas  mauvais  ;    mais  il 

mier  Coup  de  Fouet  ou  de  Cors  de  faut  des  Troupes."     Prince  Anhalt- 

Chasse,   cette    Canaille   se   rassem-  Zerbst  to  Sir  Joseph  Yorke. 


320  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


XVIII, 
1777. 


chap,  yagers,  which  went  to  Quebec,  were  used  to  reen- 
force  the  army  under  Howe.  From  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland,  the  number  of  men  who  sailed  for 
New  York  before  the  end  of  the  year  was  three 
thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty-two ;  for  Canada, 
was  seven  hundred   and    twenty-six. 

This  scanty  supply  of  troops  was  eked  out  by 
enlistments  in  America,  •  in  which  numerous  and 
ever  increasing  recruiting  stations  for  the  British 
army  were  established.  In  this  undertaking,  Tryon 
was  the  favorite  general  officer  of  Germain ;  but 
offers  for  raising  regiments  were  accepted  by  Howe 
from  every  one  whose  success  seemed  probable. 
As  leaders  in  the  work,  De  Lancey  of  New  York 
and  Cortland  Skinner  of  New  Jersey  were  ap- 
pointed brigadiers;  and  in  a  few  months,  the  for- 
mer had  enlisted  about  six  hundred,  the  latter 
more  than  five  hundred  men.  In  the  course  of 
the  winter,  commissions  were  issued  for  embodying 
thirteen  battalions,  to  be  composed  of  six  thousand 
five  hundred  men;  and  already  in  May  more  than 
half  the  promised  complement  was  obtained.  Loyal- 
ists repeatedly  boasted,  that  as  many  soldiers  from 
the  states  were  taken  into  the  pay  of  the  crown  as 
of  the  continental  congress;  and  the  boast,  though 
grossly  exaggerated,  had  some  plausible  foundation. 
But  of  those  in  the  United  States  who  entered  the 
service  of  the  king  only  a  small  proportion  were 
Americans.  The  service  of  two  thousand  French 
Canadians  was  called  for  and  expected. 

The  remaining  deficiency  was  to  be  supplied  by 
the  employment  of  the  largest  possible  number  of 
savages.     To  this  Germain  gave  his  closest  personal 


ENGLAND  PREPARES  FOR   THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   1777.  321 

attention,  issuing  his  instructions  with  eager  zeal  and   chap. 

XVIIL 

almost  ludicrous  minuteness  of  detail.  Nor  did  he  > — Y~^, 
act  alone;  "after  considering  every  information  that  177T* 
could  be  furnished,  the  king  gave  particular  direc- 
tions for  every  part  of  the  disposition  of  the  forces 
in  Canada."1  It  was  their  hope  to  employ  bands 
of  wild  warriors  along  all  the  frontier.  Carleton 
had  checked  their  excesses  by  placing  them  under 
agents  of  his  own  appointment,  and  by  confining 
them  within  the  limits  of  his  own  command.  His 
scruples  gave  offence,  and  all  his  merciful  precau- 
tions were  swept  away.  The  king's  peremptory 
orders  were  sent  to  the  northwest,  to  "  extend 
operations  ; "  and  among  those  whose  "  inclination 
for  hostilities  "  was  no  more  to  be  restrained,  were 
enumerated  "  the  Ottawas,  the  Chippewas,  the 
Wyandots,  the  Shawnees,  the  Senecas,  the  Dela- 
wares,  and  the  Potawatomies." 2  Joseph  Brant, 
the  Mohawk,  returned  from  his  interview  with  the 
secretary,  to  rouse  the  fury  of  his  countrymen,  and 
to  make  them  clamor  for  war  under  leaders  of 
their  own,  who  would  indulge  them  in  their  ex- 
cesses and  take  them  wherever  they  wished  to  go. 
Humane  British  and  German  officers  in  Canada 
were  alarmed  at  the  crowds  of  red  men  who  were 
ready  to  take  up  the  hatchet,  but  only  in  their  own 
way,  foresaw  and  deplored  the  effects  of  their  un- 
restrained and  useless  cruelty,  and  from  such  allies 

1  Lord   George   Germain   in   his  2  Lord  George   Germain   to    Sir 

letter  to  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  25  July,  Guy    Carleton,    26    March,    1777. 

1777,  attributes  his  directions  to  the  MS. 
kins.     MS. 


322  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


CHAP. 
XVIII. 


17T7. 


augured  no  good  to  the  service.1  But  the  policy  of 
Germain  was  unexpectedly  promoted  by  the  release 
of  La  Corne  Saint  Luc,  who  came  in  advance  to 
meet  his  wishes.  This  most  ruthless  of  partisans 
was  now  in  his  sixty-sixth  year,  but  full  of  vigor 
and  animal  spirits,  and  only  more  passionate  and 
relentless  from  age.  He  had  vowed  eternal  ven- 
geance on  "  the  beggars "  who  had  kept  him 
captive.  He  stood  ready  to  pledge  his  life  and  his 
honor,  that,  within  sixty  days  of  his  landing  at 
Quebec,  he  would  lead  the  Indians  to  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Albany.  His  words  were :  "  We  must 
let  loose  the  savages  upon  the  frontiers  of  these 
scoundrels,  to  inspire  terror,  and  to  make  them 
submit ; "  and  his  promises,  faithfully  reported  to 
Germain,  won  favor  to  the  leader  who  above  all 
others  was  notorious  for  brutal  inhumanity.2 

Relying  on  his  Indian  mercenaries  to  spread  such 
terror  by  their  raids  as  to  break  up  the  communica- 
tions between  Albany  and  Lake  George,  the  secre- 
tary, in  concert  with  Burgoyne,  drew  out  in  fullest 
particularity  the  plan  of  the  northern  campaign. 
They  both  refused  to  admit  the  possibility  of  any 
insurmountable  obstacle  to  the  triumphant  march  of 
the  army  from  Canada  to  Albany  and  New  York. 
To  put  success  beyond  all  doubt,  Saint  Leger  was 
selected  by  the  king  to  conduct  an  expedition  by 
way  of  Lake  Ontario  for  the  capture  of  Fort  Stan- 
wix  and  the  Mohawk  valley ;  the  regular  troops 
that    were    to   form   his    command    were    precisely 

1  Riedesel's  MS.  journal,  written  2  Governor  Tryon  to  Secretary 
for  the  duke  of  Brunswick.  Germain,  9  April,  1777.     MS. 


ENGLAND   PREPARES   FOR   THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   1777.  323 

specified,  arid   orders  were    given   for   the  thousand   ^viii' 
savages  who  were  to    serve   with   him   to   rally   at  — -< — ' 

XT.      °  ^17  77. 

JNiagara. 

Such  were  the  preparations  of  which  Germain 
spoke  with  assurance  to  the  house  of  commons 
as  sufficient  to  finish  the  war  in  the  approaching 
campaign.  When  he  heard  of  the  disasters  at  Tren- 
ton and  Princeton,  and  the  evacuation  of  New  Jer- 
sey, he  wisely  concluded  that  Howe  ought  to  be 
removed,  designing  to  intrust  the  army  in  Canada 
to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  the  chief  command  in 
New  York  to  Burgoyne,  who  was  seeking  his  "  pat- 
ronage and  friendship"  by  assurances  of  "a  solid 
respect  and  sincere  personal  attachment."  But  the 
king  withheld  his  consent ;  Howe  was  therefore  left 
to  conduct  his  part  of  the  campaign  according  to 
his  own  suggestions ;  and  Burgoyne,  with  a  full 
knowledge  of  what  was  expected  of  him,  ardently 
undertook  the  expedition  from  Canada. 

As  war  measures,  parliament  in  February  author- 
ized the  grant  of  letters  of  permission  to  private 
ships  to  make  prizes  of  American  vessels;  and  by 
an  act  which  described  American  privateersmen  as 
pirates,  it  suspended  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  with 
regard  to  prisoners  taken  on  the  high  seas. 

The  congress  of  the  United  States  had  neither 
credit,  nor  power  to  tax ;  it  vainly  proposed  a  lot- 
tery, and  sought  a  loan  in  Europe ;  and  after  all 
it  fell  back  upon  issues  of  more  paper  money: 
Lord  North  had  for  his  supplies  new  taxes,  new 
exchequer  bills,  a  profitable  lottery,  new  excise 
duties,  a  floating  debt  of  five  millions  sterling,  and 


1777 


324  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

xvfn.'  a  l°an  °f  ^ve  millions  more.  The  timid  feared  the 
swift  coming  of  national  bankruptcy;  but  the  re- 
sources of  England  grew  faster  than  the  most  hope- 
ful anticipated ;  and  while  the  rising  influence  of 
the  people  saved  her  liberties,  the  labors,  inven- 
tions, and  discoveries  of  plebeian  genius,  of  Wedg- 
wood, Watt,  Arkwright,  Harrison,  Brindley,  restored 
and  increased  her  wealth  faster  than  her  aristocratic 
government  could  waste  it  away. 

Public  opinion  still  supported  the  government, 
under  the  hope  of  a  speedy  end  of  the  war. 
The  clergy  were  foremost  in  zeal ;  in  a  sermon 
before  the  Society  for  propagating  the  Gospel, 
Markham,  the  archbishop  of  York,  not  doubting 
the  conquest  of  the  colonies,  recommended  a  re- 
construction of  their  governments  on  the  principle 
of  complete  subordination  to  Great  Britain. 

Some  voices  in  England  pleaded  for  the  Ameri- 
cans. The  war  with  them,  so  wrote  Edmund 
Burke  to  the  sheriffs  of  Bristol,  is  "fruitless,  hope- 
less, and  unnatural ; "  and  the  Earl  of  Abingdon 
added,  "on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  cruel  and 
unjust."  "  Our  force,"  replied  Fox  to  Lord  North, 
"is  not  equal  to  conquest,  and  America  cannot  be 
brought  over  by  fair  means  while  we  insist  on 
taxing  her."  Burke  harbored  a  wish  to  cross  the 
channel  and  seek  an  interview  with  Franklin; 
but  the  friends  of  Rockingham  disapproved  the 
idea.  Near  the  end  of  April,  Hartley  went  to 
Paris  as  an  informal  agent,  to  speak  with  Frank- 
lin of  peace  and  reunion ;  and  received  for  answer, 
that  England  could  never  conciliate  the  Americans 


1777. 


ENGLAND  PREPARES  FOR  THE  CAMPAIGN   OF  1777.  325 

but  by  conceding  their  independence.  "We  are  SS^f- 
the  aggressors,"  said  Chatham,  on  the  thirtieth  of 
May,  in  the  house  of  lords ;  "  instead  of  exact- 
ing unconditional  submission  from  the  colonies,  we 
ought  to  grant  them  unconditional  redress.  Now 
is  the  crisis,  before  France  is  a  party.  Whenever 
France  or  Spain  enter  into  a  treaty  of  any  sort 
with  America,  Great  Britain  must  immediately  de- 
clare war  against  them,  even  if  we  have  but  five 
ships  of  the  line  in  our  ports;  and  such  a  treaty 
must  and  will  shortly  take  place,  if  pacification  be 
delayed." 

This  advice  of  Chatham  was  rejected  by  the  vote 
of  nearly  four  fifths  of  the  house.  But  with  all  her 
resources,  England  labored  under  insuperable  dis- 
advantages. She  had  involved  herself  in  the  con- 
test by  a  violation  of  the  essential  principle  of 
English  liberty ;  and  her  chief  minister  wronged  his 
own  convictions  in  continuing  the  war.  It  began, 
moreover,  to  be  apparent,  that  France  would  join 
in  the  struggle,  if  it  should  extend  beyond  one 
more  campaign. 


NOTE. 

The  wishes  of  the  king  and  Lord  George  Germain  for  the  employment 
of  Indians  were  not  approved  by  General  Carleton  or  General  Howe  or 
Riedesel,  or  by  Stuart,  the  Indian  agent  for  the  southern  department; 
from  Major-General  William  Tryon,  late  governor  of  North  Carolina 
and  of  New  York,  they  met  with  a  hearty  response,  as  appears  from 
the  following  letter,  which  is  printed,  as  nearly  as  possible,  just  as  it 
was  written,  without  change  either  in  the  French  or  the  English  of 
its   author. 


28 


326  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

Pr5vate  New  Tork  9  Apl.  1777 

My  Lord, 

17  77.  I  have  had  many  conversations  with  Mons.  La  Come  St.  Luc,  lately 
exchanged  ^rom  D's  Captivity  with  the  Rebels.  We  agree  perfectly  in 
sentiments  respecting  the  propriety  &  importance  of  employing  the  In- 
dians. He  is  anxious  to  take  the  command  of  as  many  Canadians  & 
Indians,  as  Sr  Guy  Carleton  will  entrust  him  with  &  will  pledge  his  life 
&  honor  that  he  will  raise  them  &  be  in  the  environs  of  Albany  in  sixty 
days  after  he  lands  at  Quebec,  for  which  Port  he  sails  with  other  Cana- 
dian Gentlemen  the  first  fair  wind.  His  expressions  were  emphatical. 
"  II  faut,  dit  il,  lacher  les  sauvages  sur  les  frontieres  de  ces  Canals,  pour 
"  imposer  des  terreurs,  et  pour  les  faire  soumetre,  au  pied  de  la  Throne 
"  de  sa  Majeste  Britannic.  II  faut  absolument  mettre  tous  dehors,  pour 
"  finir  la  Guerre  cet  Ete.  Les  Rebels  commence  a  se  guerrier,  et  si  la 
"  guerre  continue  plus  long  terns  que  cett'  annee,  il  sera  tres  facheuse 
"  pour  toute  L'Empire.  Pour  soi-meme  il  m'a  assure,  qu'il  ne  voudroit 
"  jamah,  jamais,  (jusqu'a  ce  que  son  ame  Bat  dans  sons  Corps,  et  le  Sang 
"  coule  dans  ses  Veines,)  oublier  les  injures,  et  les  Insults  qu'il  a  recue 

"  de  ces  gueux" These  were   his   expressions;   and  though  in  the 

sixty  sixth  year  of  his  age  is  in  the  vigour  of  health  &  animal  spirits. 

A  Pension  or  Salary  of  500  pr  ann.  with  some  Distinction  among  the 
savages  to  La  Corne  St  Luc  would  I  am  persuaded  be  productive  of  the 
best  consequences  to  Govt  at  this  Period  —  Sr  Wm  Johnson  was  not  an 
abler  Partizan  than  St  Luc  for  Indian  services. 

I  am  respectfully 
Your  Lordship's  faithfull  &  obdt  humle  Sert 
WM  Tryon. 

Ld  Geo.  Germain 

received  8  May  1777 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

america  before  the  opening  of  the  campaign. 
March  — Mat,  1777. 

Sir  William  Howe,  while   as  yet  he  had   gained  chap. 
nothing  but  New  York  with  its  environs,  asked  for  J^^. 
a  reenforcement  of  no  more  than  fifteen   thousand  177T' 
men,  with  which  he  was  to  recover  a  country  more 
than   a   thousand   miles   long.      On   the   acquisition 
of  Aquidneck  island,  and  of  New   Jersey  as  far   as 
Trenton,  he   led   Lord    George    Germain   to  believe 
that   the  capture  of  Philadelphia  would  bring  back 
the    people    of    Pennsylvania    to    their    allegiance. 
After   the   defeat   at   Trenton,  he   owned   his   need 
of  twenty  thousand    men,  and   saw  no  speedy  ter- 
mination of  the  war  but   by  a  general  action ;   but 
he  bore  his  mishaps  very  lightly,  and  waited  in  in- 
dolence for  a  reply  to  his  requisition. 

During  the  interval,  attempts  at  a  pacification  were 
renewed.  General  Charles  Lee,  for  whom  congress 
and  Washington  most  tenderly  intervened,  sending- 
him  money,  threatening  retaliation  if  he  were  to  be 


10. 


328  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,    treated  as  a  deserter,  and  offering  six  Hessian  field- 
• — y — '  officers  for  his  exchange,  escaped  from  danger  by  a 

1T77  •  •  . 

way  of  his  own.  Imprisoned  as  a  deserter,  with  a 
halter  in  view,  he  did  what  two  years  before  those 
who  knew  him  best  had  foretold : *  he  deserted 
back  again.  Assuring  his  captors  that  independence 
was  declared  against  his  advice,  he  volunteered  to 
negotiate  the  return  of  the  colonies  to  their  old 
allegiance.  With  the  sanction  of  the  Howes,  on 
Feb.  the  tenth  of  February  he  addressed  to  congress  a 
written  request  that  two  or  three  gentlemen  might 
be  sent  to  him  immediately  to  receive  his  commu- 
nication; and  in  private  letters  he  conjured  his 
friends  Rush,  Robert  Morris,  and  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  "  to  urge  the  compliance  with  his  request,  as 
of  the  last  importance  to  himself  and  to  the  public." 
In  congress  it  was  argued,  that  a  deputation  for 
the  manifest  purpose  of  negotiation  would  spread 
through  the  country  and  Europe  the  idea  that 
they  were  preparing  to  return  to  their  old  connec- 
tion with  England ;  and  therefore,  on  the  twenty- 
first,  they,  with  warm  expressions  of  sympathy,  and 
with  the  greatest  unanimity,  resolved  that  "  it  was 
altogether  improper  to  send  any  of  their  body  to 
communicate  with  him."  There  were  not  wanting 
men  in  the  army  who  "not  only  censured  him 
bitterly,  but  even  insinuated  that  he  was  treacher- 
ous."2 

The  British  commissioners,  having  failed  in  their 
attempt  on  congress,  looked  next  to  Washington. 
The  unhappy  American   captives   had    been   locked 

i  F.  Moore's  Loyalist  Poetry  of         2  Shaw  to  Eliot,  4  March,  1777. 
the  Revolution,  128. 


1777. 


11. 


AMERICA  BEFORE  THE   OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.         329 

up  in  close  and  crowded  hulks  and  prisons,  breath-  chap. 
ing  a  pestilential  air,  wretchedly  clothed,  ill  supplied 
with  fuel  or  left  without  it,  and  receiving  a  scanty 
allowance  of  provisions,  and  those  of  a  bad  quality; 
so  that  when  they  came  out  they  were  weak  and 
feverish,  unfit  for  service,  and  in  many  cases  sinking 
under  fatal  maladies.  Men  in  that  condition  Wash- 
ington was  willing  to  accept  on  parole  ;  but  he 
refused  to  exchange  for  them  able-bodied  soldiers, 
who  had  been  well  fed  and  cared  for  during  their 
captivity.  The  subject  was  referred  on  the  part 
of  Howe  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Walcott,  on  the 
part  of  Washington  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Harrison. 
On  the  eleventh  of  March,  during  a  fruitless  inter-  March 
view  of  nine  hours,  Walcott,  speaking  under  in- 
structions from  Howe,  took  occasion  to  say  to 
Harrison :  "  What  should  hinder  you  and  me,  or 
rather  what  should  prevent  General  Washington, 
who  seems  to  have  the  power  in  his  hands,  from 
making  peace  between  the  two  countries?"  Har- 
rison replied:  "The  commissioners  have  no  other 
powers  than  what  they  derive  under  the  act  of 
parliament  by  which  they  are  appointed."  "Oh," 
said  Walcott,  "  neither  you  nor  I  know  their  powers. 
Suppose  General  Washington  wrote  to  know  them? 
The  minister  has  said  in  the  house  of  commons,  he 
is  willing  to  place  the  Americans  as  they  were  in 
1763 ;  suppose  Washington  should  propose  this,  re- 
nouncing the  absurd  idea  of  independence,  which 
would  be  your  ruin?"  "Why  do  you  refuse  to 
treat  with  congress  ? "  said  Harrison.  "  Because," 
answered  Walcott,  "it  is  unknown  as  a  legal  as- 
sembly to  both   countries.     But  it  would  be  worth 

28* 


330  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  Washington's  while  to  try  to  restore  peace."  With- 
w-y-^  out  a  moment's  hesitation,  Harrison  put  aside  the 
}J77'  overture.1 

March 

19.  Eight  days  after  this  rebuff  Lee  once  more  con- 

jured congress  to  send  two  or  three  gentlemen 
to  converse  with  him  on  subjects  "of  great  impor- 
tance, not  only  to  himself,  but  to  the  community 
he    so    sincerely   loved."      The   letter  was    received 

28.  in  Philadelphia  on  the  twenty-eighth.  Men  asked  : 
"What  has  Lee  been  after  of  late,  suffering  him- 
self to  be  made  a  paw  by  the  Howes  ? "  John 
Adams  was  indignant.  On  the  twenty-ninth,  con- 
gress coldly  resolved,  "that  they  still  judged  it 
improper  to  send  any  of  their  members  to  confer 
with  General  Lee." 

This  vote  of  congress  fell  upon  the  day  on 
which  Lee  signalized  his  perfidy  by  presenting  to 
Lord  and  General  Howe  an  elaborate  plan  for 
reducing  the  Americans.2  These  are  some  of  his 
words :  "  I  think  myself  bound  in  conscience  to 
furnish  all  the  lights  I  can  to  Lord  and  General 
Howe.  I  shall  most  sincerely  and  zealously  con- 
tribute all  in  my  power  to  an  accommodation.  To 
bring  matters  to  a  conclusion,  it  is  necessary  to 
unhinge  or  dissolve  the  whole  system  or  machine 
of  resistance,  or,  in  other  terms,  congress  govern- 
ment. I  assert  with  the  penalty  of  my  life,  if  the 
plan  is  fully  adopted,  in  less  than  two  months  from 
the  date  of  the  proclamation  of  pardon  not  a  spark 

1  Walcott's  report  to  Howe.    MS.  had  many  in  my  hands.     The  merit 

2  I  have  seen  the  paper :  it  is  in  of  discovering  the  plan   belongs  to 
the  handwriting  of  Lee  ;  the  indorse-  George    H.    Moore,   the   author  of 
ment  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Henry  The  Treason  of  Charles  Lee 
Strachey,  of  whose   letters  I  have 


AMERICA  BEFORE   THE   OPENING   OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  331 

of  this   desolating   war   remains   unextinguished   in   chap. 
any  part  of  the   continent."     At  the  same  time  he  * — -r— » 
wrote    to    Washington    in    forms  of    affection,    and  Mai,cll* 
asked    commiseration    as    one   whom    congress   had 
wronged.     The  plan  of  Lee,  who  advised  to  retain 
New  Jersey  and   advance   to   Philadelphia  by  land, 
was  treated  with  neglect   by  the   British    comman- 
ders ;   it  has  no  historical  importance,  except  as  it 
irrefragably  convicts  its  author  of  shameless  hypo- 
crisy and  the  most  treasonable  intention. 

Notwithstanding  an  order  from  the  minister  to 
ship  Lee  to  Great  Britain,  he  remained  in  Amer- 
ica; the  government  was  assured  by  Sir  Joseph 
Yorke,  who  understood  him  well,  that  his  capture 
was  to  be  regretted;  "that  it  was  impossible  but 
he  must  puzzle  everything  he  meddled  in;  that 
he  was  the  worst  present  the  Americans  could 
receive;  that  the  only  stroke  like  officers  which 
they  had  struck,  happened  after  his  being  made 
prisoner."1  As  a  consequence,  after  some  delay, 
Lee  was  deemed  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  leave  was 
given  by  the  king  for  his  exchange.  Meantime,  he 
was  treated  by  Howe  "with  kindness,  generos- 
ity, and  tenderness,"  and  his  treachery  was  encour- 
aged ;  before  he  was  exchanged  he  received  from 
British  officers,  according  to  his  own  account, 
eleven  hundred  guineas,  in  return,  as  he  pre- 
tended, for  his  drafts  on  England. 

Just  at  the  moment  when  the  Howes,  acting  upon      9 
the  policy  of  Lord  North,  were  aiming  at  reconcil- 
iation by  an  amnesty,  they  received  Germain's  letter 
of  the  fourteenth  of  January,  in  which  their  former 

1  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  to  the  Foreign  Office,  7  March,  1777.     MS. 


332  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   offers  of  pardon  were  approved  with  a  coldness  which 
— y-^s  rebuked   their   clemency,    and   the    instruction   was 
IT7?*  given:  "At  the  expiration  of  the  period  limited  in 
9.      your  proclamation,  it  will  be   incumbent  upon  you 
to  use  the  powers  with  which  you  are  intrusted  in 
such   a  manner  that  those  persons  who  shall  have 
shown  themselves   undeserving  of  the  royal  mercy 
may  not  escape  that  punishment  which   is    due   to 
their  crimes,  and  which  it  will  be  expedient  to  inflict 
for    the    sake    of    example    to    futurity."      General 
Howe  was   not   sanguinary,   though,  from   his   neg- 
lect,  merciless    cruelties  were   inflicted   by  his  sub- 
ordinates; Lord  Howe  had  accepted  office  from  real 
good-will  to  America  and  England,  not  as  the  agent 
25.      of  Germain's  vengeful  passions ;  and  on  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  March,    the    brothers    answered :    "  Are   we 
required   to  withhold   his   majesty's  general  pardon, 
even  though  the  withholding  of  such  general  pardon 
should  prevent  a  speedy  termination  of  the  war?" 

Howe  had  requested  a  reenforcement  of  fifteen 
thousand  men,  in  order  to  move  simultaneously 
against  New  England,  up  the  Hudson  river,  and 
against  Pennsylvania,  and  thus  "  finish  the  war  in 
one  year."  To  that  requisition  the  reply,  written  in 
January,  1777,  accompanied  the  letter  to  the  com- 
missioners. For  the  conquest  of  a  continent  the 
demand  was  certainly  moderate ;  but  Germain,  form- 
ing his  judgment  on  the  letters  of  spies  and  tale- 
bearers, or,  as  he  called  them,  "of  persons  well 
informed  on  the  spot,"  professed  to  think  "that 
such  a  requisition  ought  not  to  be  complied  with," 
and  he  wrote  that  half  that  number  could  not  by 
any  chance  be  supplied.      Promising  but  four  thou- 


AMERICA  BEFORE  THE   OPENING  OF   THE   CAMPAIGN.         333 

sand  Germans,  a  larger  number  than  was  actually  c^p- 
obtained,  lie  insisted  that  Howe  "would  have  an  « — r— » 
army  of  very  nearly  thirty-five  thousand  rank  and 
file,  so  that  it  would  still  be  equal  to  his  wishes;" 
in  other  words,  that  Howe  must  none  the  less 
complete  the  conquest  of  America  within  a  twelve- 
month. But  with  so  small  a  reenforcement  the 
general  would  by  no  means  have  that  number  of 
effective  men.  The  disingenuous  statement  fore- 
shadowed a  disposition  to  cast  upon  him  all  blame 
for  any  untoward  events  in  the  next  campaign. 
Nor  could  he  be  ignorant  of  Germain's  desire  for 
his  recall;  nor  was  he  indifferent  to  the  rising  favor 
of  Burgoyne. 

The  general  took  counsel  with  his  brother,  and  on  April 
the  second  of  April  despatched  to  the  secretary  the 
final  revision  of  his  plan:1  "The  offensive  army 
will  be  too  weak  for  rapid  success.  The  campaign 
will  not  commence  so  soon  as  your  lordship  may 
expect.  Restricted  as  I  am  by  the  want  of  forces, 
my  hopes  of  terminating  the  war  this  year  are 
vanished."  Eelinquishing  a  principal  part  of  what 
he  had  formerly  proposed,  he  announced  his  deter- 
mination to  evacuate  the  Jerseys,  and  to  invade 
Pennsylvania  by  sea.  He  further  made  known,  5 
alike  to  Carleton  and  to  the  secretary,  that  the 
army  which  was  to  advance  from  Canada  would 
meet  "with  little  assistance  from  him." 

1  The  plan  of  Howe  was  not  af-  brother,  bears  date  April  2.     Lee's 

fected  by  that  of  Lee.  1.  Lee  scoffed  paper  is  of  March    29;    and  it  is 

at  Howe's  plan,  and  treated  it  with  uncertain  on  what  day  it  reached 

derision  ;  but,  considering  Lee's  want  Howe,  or  was  read  by  him,  or  even 

of  veracity,  this  proves   not  much,  if  it  was  ever  read  by  him.     Official 

2.  Howe  received  his   letters  from  movements  were  slow.    3.  The  plan 

Germain  March  9,  and  his  answer,  of  Howe  is  not  like  that   of  Lee, 

■which  required  consultation  with  his  which  was  far  the  best  of  the  two. 


17T7. 


334  AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE. 

Germain  built  great  expectations  on  the  Indian 
alliances,  both  in  the  south  and  the  northwest, 
and  loved  to  direct  minutely  in  what  manner  the 
savages  should  be  employed.  Howe  was  backward 
in  engaging  them,  left  all  details  to  the  Indian 
agents,  and  scorned  ambiguous  messages,  hints, 
and  whispers  across  the  Atlantic,  to  lay  waste  the 
country  with   indiscriminate  cruelty. 

Early  in  the  year  a  British  brigade  and  several 
companies  of  grenadiers  and  light  infantry  were 
recalled  from  Rhode  Island,  and  sent  to  Amboy. 
While  they  were  on  board  the  transport  ships, 
Howe  came  over  to  the  quarters  of  Cornwallis,  and 
Washington  apprehended  that  they  would,  without 
delay  and  without  much  difficulty,  march  to  Phila- 
delphia. But  Howe  could  never  take  advantage 
of  opportunities.  In  the  middle  of  March,  Wash- 
ington's "whole  number  in  Jersey  fit  for  duty  wras 
under  three  thousand,  and  these,  nine  hundred  and 
eighty-one  excepted,  were  militia,  who  stood  en- 
gaged only  till  the  last  of  the  month."  The  pay- 
master was  without  money,  of  which  the  supply 
was  habitually  tardy  and  inadequate.  Washington 
had  moreover  to  complain  of  "the  unfitness"  of 
some  of  his  general  officers. 

To  gain  an  army  he  saw  no  way  so  good  as 
the  system  of  drafting  adopted  by  Massachusetts,  on 
an  equal  and  exact  apportionment  of  its  quota  to 
each  town  in  the  state ;  in  New  Jersey,  the  theatre 
of  war,  he  advised  that  every  man  able  to  bear 
arms  should  turn  out,  and  that  no  one  should  be 
allowed  to  buy  off  his  service  by  a  payment  of 
money,  for,  said  he,  "  every  injurious  distinction  be- 


AMERICA  BEFORE   THE   OPENING  OF  THE   CAMPAIGN.         335 

tween  the  rich  and  the  poor  ought  to  be  laid  aside  chap. 
now."      Of   the   militia   of  New   England    the   Brit-  — r-~ ' 

•■■  •  17  7  7 

ish  commander-in-chief  has  left  his  testimony,  that, 
"  when  brought  to  action,  they  were  the  most 
persevering  of  any  in  all  North  America ; "  and 
it  was  on  the  militia  of  those  states  that  Wash- 
ington placed  his  chief  reliance.  The  anxiety  about 
a  supply  of  arms  was  relieved  by  the  safe  arrival 
of  ships  freighted  by  Beaumarchais  from  the  arse- 
nals of  France. 

Eeed,  the  former  adjutant-general,  never  resumed 
that  post,  though,  by  assertions  on  his  honor  as 
disingenuous  as  the  original  ground  of  offence,  he 
recovered  for  a  time  the  affection  of  Washington. 
His  aid  as  a  secretary  was  .more  than  made  good 
by  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  joined  the  staff  of 
the  commander-in-chief  in  March,  and  thus  obtained 
the  precious  opportunity  of  becoming  familiar  with 
the  course  of  national  affairs  on  the  largest  scale. 

In  the  appointment  of  general  officers  congress 
gave  little  heed  to  Washington.  In  his  opinion, 
there  was  not  in  the  army  "  a  more  active,  more 
spirited,  and  more  sensible  officer"  than  Arnold, 
the  oldest  brigadier;  but  in  the  promotions  he  was 
passed  over,  on  the  pretext  that  Connecticut  had 
already  two  major-generals.  The  slight  rankled  in 
Arnold's  breast;  to  Washington  he  complained  of 
the  wound  to  his  "  nice  feelings ; "  to  Gates  he  wrote : 
"  By  heavens !  I  am  a  villain  if  I  seek  not 
A   brave  revenge  for  injured  honor." 

On  the  first  of  March  six  new  brigadiers  were 
appointed.  Stark  stood  at  the  head  of  the  listt  of 
New    Hampshire,    and   was    the    best   officer   from 


336  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


XIX, 

17  7  7. 


^h^p.  that  state.  He  had  shown  himself  great  at  Bunker 
Hill,  Trenton,  and  Princeton ;  but  on  the  idea  that 
he  was  self-willed,  he  was  passed  over.  Chafing  at 
the  unworthy  neglect,  he  retired  to  his  freehold 
and  his  plough,  where  his  patriotism,  like  the  fire 
of  the  smithy  when  sprinkled  with  water,  glowed 
more  fiercely  than  ever. 

Congress,  without  consulting  Washington1  on  the 
appointment  of  his  chief  of  staff,  "earnestly  solicited 
Gates  to  reassume  the  office  of  adjutant-general  with 
his  present  rank  and  pay,"  "in  confidence  that  he 
would  retrieve  the  state  of  the  army,  and  place  it 
on  a  respectable  footing."  The  thought  crossed  his 
mind  to  secure  in  the  bargain2  a  provision  for  his 
own  life,  with  an  annuity  on  that  of  his  wife  or 
son ;  and  as  the  price  of  his  consent  he  actually 
demanded  "  something  more  than  words."  Washing- 
ton offered  to  welcome  him  back  as  the  only  means 
of  giving  form  and  regularity  to  the  new  recruits ; 
but  nothing  came  of  the  offer,  for  the  New  Eng- 
land members,  especially  Samuel  Adams,  were  re- 
solved on  raising  him  to  the  command  of  the 
northern    department. 

The  neglect  of  Washington  by  congress  increased 
in  the  camp  the  discontent  which  naturally  rises 
among  officers  in  the  clashing  of  their  desires. 
Beside  the  jealousies  which  grew  out  of  the  wish 
for  promotion,  subordinate  generals  importuned  him 
for  separate  commands,  and  those  who  were  de- 
tached were  apt  to  murmur  at  his  suggestions,  or 

1  "I  never  even  hinted  it."  Wash-  to  the  President  of  Congress,  in  the 
ington  to  Gates,  10  March,  1777,  in  New  York  Historical  Society's  li- 
Washington's  Writings,  iv.  355.  brary.     Gates  to  Congress,  2S  Feb- 

2  MS.  draught  of  a  letter  of  Gates  ruary,  1777.     MS. 


AMERICA  BEFORE  THE^  OPENING  OF  THE   CAMPAIGN.        337 

demand  of  him  a  supply  of  all  their  wants,  never  c^p- 
considering  the  limit  of  his  resources,  and  never  » — y— ' 
contented  with  their  fair  share  of  materials  and 
men.  "Let  me  know  who  were  your  informers," 
wrote  Heath  on  receiving  a  merited  admonition. 
Sullivan  fretted  at  an  imaginary  slight,  and  de- 
manded an  explanation.  "Five  hundred  men  is  all 
that  his  excellency  allows  me,"  wrote  Putnam  to 
congress  from  Princeton.  Mifflin,  whose  ambition 
was  divided  between  a  career  of  arms  and  of  civil 
life,  showed  signs  of  groundless  complaining.  Wash- 
ington was  surrounded  by  officers  willing  to  fill  the 
ears  of  members  of  congress  with  clamor  against 
his  management,  or  opinions  in  counteraction  of 
his  advice. 

The  service  had  suffered  from  the  high  advance- 
ment of  worthless  foreign,  adventurers,  some  of 
whom  had  obtained  engagements  from  Deane  at 
Paris.  An  eager  desire  to  secure  able  veteran 
officers  had  assisted  to  blind  the  judgment  of  con- 
gress ;  henceforward  it  required  of  claimants  a 
good  knowledge  of  the  English  language  and  strong 
credentials.  One  emigrant  from  northern  Europe 
stood  conspicuous  for  modesty  and  sound  judgment, 
the  Pole,  Kosciuszko.  He  left  his  native  country 
from  a  disappointment  in  love;  and  devoting  him- 
self to  freedom  and  humanity,  in  the  autumn  of 
1776,  he  entered  the  American  army  as  an  officer 
of  engineers.  This  year  the  public  service  carried 
him  to  Ticonderoga. 

Before  the  end  of  March,  Greene  was  sent  to 
Philadelphia  to  explain  the  pressing  wants  of  the 
army.     By  his   suggestion,  the   instructions   of  the 

VOL.  IX.  29 


338  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

Cxdl'  commander-in-chief  were  modified  :  henceforward,  he, 
' — y — '  as  well  as  the  chief  officer  in  every  department, 
was  permitted,  not  required,  to  consult  the  general 
officers  under  him ;  and  it  was  made  his  duty, 
regardless  of  the  majority  of  voices,  "finally  to 
direct  every  measure  according  to  his  own  judg- 
ment." The  helplessness  of  congress  appeared  more 
and  more;  with  the  fate  of  the  country  dependent 
on  the  campaign,  their  authority  did  not  reach  be- 
yond a  series  of  recommendations  "to  the  execu- 
tive powers  and  legislatures  of  each  of  the  United 
States;"  and  in  case  voluntary  enlistment  should 
prove  insufficient,  they  "  advised  each  state  to  cause 
indiscriminate  drafts  to  be  made  from  their  respec- 
tive militia."  One  attempt  and  only  one  was  made 
to  exert  a  temporary  control  over  a  state.  The 
legislature  of  Pennsylvania  had  adjourned ;  the  inad- 
equateness  of  the  executive  authority  menaced  dan- 
ger, "not  only  to  the  safety  of  the  said  common- 
wealth, but  to  the  general  welfare  of  the  United 
States : "  congress,  therefore,  directed  its  president 
and  council,  with  its  army  and  navy  boards,  to 
"  exercise  every  authority  to  promote  the  safety  of 
the  state,"  till  the  legislature  could  be  convened; 
and  they  promised  their  own  cooperation. 

To  the  command  of  the  forts  in  the  Highlands 
on  the  Hudson  George  Clinton  was  appointed 
with  the  concurrence  of  New  York,  of  congress, 
and  of  Washington.  In  the  northern  department 
the  utmost  confusion  grew  out  of  the  rivalry  be- 
tween Schuyler  and  Gates.  The  former  loved  his 
country  more  than  his  own  rank  or  fortune ;  the 
thoughts    of   the    latter    centred    in    himself.     The 


AMERICA  BEFORE   THE    OPENING   OF   THE   CAMPAIGN.         339 

emergency  required  a  general  of  high  ability,  and  chap. 
to  such  a  one  Schuyler  would  have  gladly  given  ■< — v — » 
way;  but  he  was  unwilling  to  be  supplanted  by  an  17'7'7' 
intriguing  subordinate.  Gates,  who  was  hovering 
round  congress,  and  boasted  of  his  repulse  of  Carle- 
ton,  refused  to  serve  at  Ticonderoga  as  a  subordi- 
nate. On  the  fifteenth  of  March,  congress  censured 
an  objurgatory  letter  from  Schuyler;  and  ten  days 
later,  without  consulting  the  commander-in-chief, 
they  directed  Gates  "  to  repair  immediately  to  Ti- 
conderoga, and  take  command  of  the  army  there." 
Elated  with  his  advancement  to  an  independent 
command,  which  in  importance  was  second  only  to 
that  of  the  grand  army,  he  quickly  forgot  that  he 
had  a  superior ;  and  he  took  upon  himself,  by  sturdy 
and  confident  importunity  with  congress,  to  make  a 
disposition  of  all  the  troops  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  direct  the  movements  of  the 
forces  under  Washington,  as  well  as  of  his  own.1  Yet 
his  appointment,  though  achieved  through  the  New 
England  delegates,  did  not  bring  out  the  troops 
from  their  states ;  and  congress  found  no  resource 
but  to  resolve,  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  April,  "  that 
General  Washington  be  directed  to  write  to  the 
Eastern  states,  from  whom  the  troops  to  be  em- 
ployed at  Ticonderoga  were  expected,  and  to  re- 
quest them,  in  the  name  of  congress,  to  pursue 
every   means   for    completing   and    forwarding    the 

1  Gates  to  Lovell,  29  April,  1777.  adopting  it,  unless  it  be  to  strength- 

MS.     "  Don't  let  the  voice  of  party  en  the    east   side  of  Hudson  river 

divert  congress  from  posting  their  ar-  more  than  is  there  laid  down,"  &c. 

my,"  &c.  &c.     "  The  plan  I  placed  &c.      Compare  Gates  to  Hancock, 

in  your  hands  for  stationing  the  ar-  29  April,  1777.    MS.    Gates  to  Jay, 

my  upon  the  opening  of  the  cam-  9  May,  1777.     MS. 
paign,  —  do  not  be  diverted   from 


340  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  regiments;  it  being  the  opinion  of  congress  that 
w-y^/  delay  will  be  attended  with  the  loss  of  that  im- 
1T77,  portant  post." 

Washington,  after  proper  inquiry,  had  from  the 
first  compared  Fort  Independence,  opposite  Ticon- 
deroga,  on  the  east  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  to  a 
mill  built  on  a  beautiful  site  to  which  water  could 
not  be  brought ;  a  the  enemy  might  pass  that  post 
and  get  into  Lake  George,  without  receiving  the 
least  annoyance ; "  but  congress,  never  distrustful 
of  itself  and  this ,  time  led  by  the  opinions  of 
Schuyler,  voted  permission  to  Gates  to  evacuate 
"  Ticonderoga,  on  the  west  of  Lake  Champlain,  and 
apply  his  whole  force  to  securing  Fort  Indepen- 
dence and  the  water-defences  of  Lake  George." 
Seizing  the  opportunity  of  gaining  an  advantage 
in  the  opinion  of  congress  over  Schuyler,  he  an- 
swered :  "  I  see  no  reason  for  abandoning  any  part 
of  the  post ; "  "I  am  not  the  least  apprehensive  there 
will  be  occasion  to  surrender  one  acre  we  possess."1 
Schuyler  had  been  very  much  censured  for  re- 
maining at  Albany ;  Gates,  notwithstanding  his  ex- 
plicit orders,  waited  two  months  in  that  city  for 
ordnance  and  stores,  and  announced  to  Washing- 
ton :  "  I  am  resolved  not  to  leave  Albany,  before 
I  see  the  bulk  of  them  before  me."2 

Gates,  who  had  great  confidence  in  his  own 
"prophetic  skill,"  and  wished  to  shape  every  move- 
ment in  aid  of  his  command,  wrote  to  Hancock : 
"  I  foresee  the  worst  of  consequences  from  too  great 
a   proportion  of  the   main   army  being   drawn  into 

1  Gates  to  Congress,   9  May,  to        2  Gates  to  "Washington,  24  May, 
Lovell,  12  May,  1777.     MSS.  1777.     MS. 


AMERICA  BEFORE  THE   OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.         341 

the  Jerseys.     Kequest  congress  in  my  name  to  order   chap. 

two  troops  of  horse    to    Albany."1     And    congress ^ 

directed  Washington  to  "forward,  with  all  conven-  17ir7, 
ient  despatch,  two  troops  of  horse  to  General  Gates." 

Washington  thought  that  the  requisitions  of  Gates 
should  be  made  directly  to  himself,  or  that  at  least 
he  should  receive  a  duplicate  of  them.  But  Gates 
insisted  on  dealing  directly  with  congress,  as  "the 
common  parent  of  all  the  American  armies,"2  on 
the  plea  that  it  would  require  less  writing.  To  a 
member  he  said,  with  a  sneer  at  the  commander- 
in-chief:  "  I  am  not  infected  with  a  cacoethes  scrir 
lendi ;  one  serviceable  action  without  doors  is  worth 
all  the  pages  that  has  been  wrote  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war."3 

To  a  petulant  requisition  for  tents,  Washington 
answered  with  mildness,  explaining  why  there  was 
a  scarcity  of  them,  and  how  he  had  distributed 
military  stores  without  partiality.  At  this  Gates, 
writing  to  Lovell,  a  New  England  member,  his 
complaints  against  "  George  Washington,"  and  "  how 
little  he  had  to  expect  from  him,"  claimed  that 
congress  should  intervene  as  the  umpire,  for  this 
reason :  "  Generals,  like  parsons,  are  all  for  chris- 
tening their  own  child  first;  let  an  impartial  mod- 
erating power  decide  between  us."4 

But  before  this  appeal  could  be  received,  Gates 
lost  his  short  independent  command.  Angry  that 
his  department  had  been  curtailed,  Schuyler  in  the 

1  Gates  to   Hancock,    29  April,        3  Gates  to  Lovell,  26  May,  1777. 
1777.    MS.     Sent  in  duplicate  to    MS. 

Jay,  9  May,  1777.  4  Gates  to  Lovell,  25  May,  1777. 

2  Gates  to  Washington,  1 3  May,    MS. 
1777.     MS. 

29  * 


342  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

ch^p-  second  week  of  April  took  his  seat  in  congress,  to 
' — y-*~  complain  in  person  and   assert  his   right  to  be  re- 

1T77 

placed.  According  to  his  stating,  Ticonderoga  had 
been  put  into  a  strong  and  nearly  impregnable 
condition  while  he  had  the  command  in  chief,  with 
Gates  as  his  junior;  his  measures  for  the  supply 
and  maintenance  of  the  post  were  in  full  opera- 
tion and  left  no  doubt  of  its  future  safety,  for 
which  he  was  willing  to  take  on  himself  the  re- 
sponsibility. His  opponents  were  powerful;  on  the 
third  of  May  he  announced  to  Washington  his 
intention  "to  resign  his  commission;"  and  Washing- 
ton interposed  no  dissuasions.  But,  having  Duane 
as  a  skilful  manager,  instead  of  a  resignation,  he 
apologized  to  congress  for  the  words  that  had  given 
offence;  a  committee  which  had  at  his  request  in- 
quired into  his  use  of  the  public  money  relieved 
him  from  injurious  rumors;  and  on  the  report  of 
the  board  of  war,  after  a  discussion  protracted  into 
the  fourth  day,  an  accidental  majority  assured  him 
the  undivided  command  of  Albany,  Ticonderoga, 
Fort  Stanwix,  and  their  dependencies. 

Schuyler  accepted  this  command,  with  nothing 
before  him  but  the  certainty  of  ill  success.  Nearly 
half  congress  doubted  his  capacity,  resisted  his  ap- 
pointment, and  desired  his  removal ;  he  misjudged 
in  supposing  that  his  means  for  defending  Ticon- 
deroga were  adequate ;  and  he  had  to  encounter 
the  invincible  and  not  wholly  unreasonable  aver- 
sion of  the  New  England  troops.  Besides,  Gates 
was  sure  to  decline  other  employment  and  to  re- 
new his  intrigues,  in  which  he  was  quickened  by 
his    family.      "As    your   son    and    heir,"    so    wrote 


AMERICA  BEFORE   THE   OPENING   OF   THE   CAMPAIGN.         343 

his  only  child,1  "I  entreat  you   not   to  tarnish    the    chap. 
honor  of  your  family."     His  uneasy,  ambitious  wife  < — Y — ' 
let    her   voice    be    heard:    "If   you    give    up    one  17T7, 
iota,  and  condescend  to  be  adjutant-general,  I  may 
forgive  it,  but  never  will  forget  it." 

This  long  dispute  aggravated  the  disorder  in  the 
northern  department ;  but  with  unselfish  and  untir- 
ing zeal  Washington  strove  to  repair  the  errors 
and  defects  of  congress.  From  the  weakness  of  its 
powers  it  would  justly  escape  reprehension,  if  its 
members  had  unanimously  given  him  their  support ; 
but  some  of  them  indulged  in  open  expressions  of 
discontent.  They  refused  to  contemplate  the  diffi- 
culty with  which  he  had  kept  "  the  life  and  soul 
of  his  army  together,"  or  to  own  that  he  had  saved 
their  cause,  for  it  would  have  been  an  indirect 
censure  on  themselves  for  having  rejected  his  soli- 
citations for  the  formation  of  a  permanent  army  at 
the  time  when  such  an  army  could  have  been  raised. 
Assuming  the  style  of  conquerors,  they  did  not  and 
they  would  not  perceive  the  true  situation  of  affairs ; 
they  were  vexed  that  the  commander-in-chief  in- 
sisted on  bringing  it  to  their  attention;  and  as  if 
Washington  had  not  adventured  miracles  of  dar- 
ing, Samuel  Adams  and  others  were  habitually  im- 
patient for  more  enterprise,  that  the  enemy  might 
be  beaten  in  detail,  before  reinforcements  should 
arrive.  Thus  they  discoursed  when  no  men  had  as 
yet  joined  him  from  the  eastward,  and  there  was 
great  danger  that  Howe  would  open  the  campaign 
before  the  American  army  could  be  in  any  condi- 
tion to  oppose  him.     Washington  bore  their  unjust 

1  Robert  Gates  to  his  father,  6  June,  1777.     MS. 


344  AMERICAN    INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  reproaches  with   meekness   and   dignity,  never  for- 
« — y — '  getting    the   obedience   and   respect  that  were  due 

1TTT  •••  • 

to  congress  as  his  civil  superior  and  the  represen- 
tative of  all  the  states.  He  valued  not  rumors 
above  the  public  safety;  this  is  the  man  who  tired 
out  evil  tongues  and  evil  fortune,  and  saved  his 
country  by  boldness,  constancy,  and  the  gain  of 
time.  Desiring  the  good  opinion  of  his  kind  as 
his  sole  reward,  his  cheerful  fortitude  never  failed 
him;  and  he  saw  in  his  mind  that  posterity  was 
his  own. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  BRITISH  EVACUATE   NEW  JERSEY 

March — July,  1777. 

Of  his  greatly  superior  force  the  British  general  c§£p* 
made  little  use.  Stores  for  the  American  army  had  v — y — ' 
been  deposited  at  Peekskill,  where,  in  the  absence  March 
of  Heath,  Macdougall  was  in  command  of  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men.  On  the  twenty-third  of  March 
the  English  landed  in  the  bay  with  twice  his  num- 
ber, compelling  Macdougall  to  burn  the  magazine 
and  draw  back  to  the  hills;  but  with  Willett, 
whom  he  called  from  Fort  Constitution,  he  repulsed 
an  advanced  party.  The  British,  having  completed 
the  work  of  destruction  and  burnt  the  wharf,  re- 
tired to  their  boats  at  evening,  and  under  the  light 
of  the  full  moon  sailed  down  the  river.  The  result 
was  of  little  importance;  there  was  old  wheat  enough 
in  the  state  of  New  York  to  supply  the  army  for 
a  year. 

While   Howe    was   wasting    the    spring   at    New 
York,  Cornwallis  at  Brunswick   grew  weary  of  in- 


346  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  activity,  and  came  out  in  force  early  in  the  morn- 
1 — y — -  ing  of  the  thirteenth  of  April  to  surprise  Lincoln, 
. "  now  a  major-general,  who,  with  five  hundred  men, 
,t&  occupied  Boundbrook.  Through  the  carelessness  of 
the  guard,  he  came  very  near  effecting  his  design; 
Lincoln  by  a  prompt  retreat  gained  the  hill  in  the 
rear  of  the  town,  but  with  the  loss  of  two  cannon, 
two  lieutenants,  and  twenty  men.  After  a  stay  of 
an  hour  and  a  half,  the  assailants  returned  to  Bruns- 
wick, and  Lincoln  with  a  stronger  party  reoccupied 
his  post. 
23.  On  the  twenty-third  of  April  a  detached  corps 
of  eighteen  hundred  men,  drafted  from  different 
regiments,  and  a  small  number  of  dragoons,  sailed 
from  New  York,  under  convoy,  to  destroy  the 
stores  which  the  Americans  had  collected  in  Dan- 
bury,  Connecticut,  at  a  distance,  as  the  roads  then 
ran,  of  more  than  twenty  miles  from  the  sound. 
The  leader  of  the  expedition  was  Tryon,  now  a 
major-general  of  provincials;  but  Sir  William  Howe 
very  prudently  appointed  General  Agnew  and  Sir 
William  Erskine  to  assist  him.  On  Friday,  the 
25.  twenty-fifth,  they  landed  at  Compo,  near  Saugatuck 
river,  and,  marching  seven  miles  that  evening,  they 
reached  Danbury  about  three  hours  after  noon  on 
Saturday.  They  had  excellent  guides,  and  from 
the  suddenness  of  the  enterprise  encountered  little 
opposition  on  the  way,  or  at  Danbury,  where  the 
guard  under  Huntington  was  composed  of  but  fifty 
continentals  and  a  few  militia.  The  English,  under 
a  heavy  rain,  destroyed  the  stores,  among  which 
the  loss  of  nearly  seventeen  hundred  tents  was 
irreparable;  and  all  night  long   they  were  busy  in 


THE  BRITISH  EVACUATE  NEW  JERSEY.  347 

burning  down  the  village.     By  this  time  the  people   chap. 
in  the  neighboring  towns  were  in  motion;  and  the 


invading  party,  though  they  returned  by  a  different 
route,  were  compelled  to  retreat  hastily,  like  the 
expedition   to   Concord  in  1775. 

By  a  quick  march,  Arnold  and  Silliman  con-  27. 
fronted  them  on  Sunday  at  Ridgefield  with  four 
hundred  men,  while  two  hundred  more  hung  on 
their  rear  under  Wooster,  then  in  his  sixty-eighth 
year,  who  encouraged  his  troops  by  his  words 
and  his  example,  and  fell  at  their  head,  mortally 
wounded,  yet  not  till  he  had  taken  twenty  or 
more  prisoners.  Arnold,  having  thrown  up  a  bar- 
rier across  the  road,  sustained  a  sharp  action  till 
the  British,  by  their  superior  numbers,  turned  his 
position.  His  horse  being  killed  under  him  just  as 
the  enemy  were  within  a  few  yards,  a  soldier,  see- 
ing him  alone  and  entangled,  advanced  on  him 
with  fixed  bayonet;  Arnold  drew  a  pistol,  shot  the 
soldier,  and  retired  unhurt. 

At  the  wane  of  the  day  the  British  troops,  worn 
out  with  hard  service,  formed  themselves  into  an 
oblong  square,  and  lay  on  their  arms  till  morning. 
At  daybreak  on  Monday  they  resumed  their  march,  28. 
and  were  assailed  from  stone  walls  and  hiding- 
places.  A  part  of  Lamb's  battalion  of  artillery, 
with  three  companies  of  volunteers  from  New  Ha- 
ven and  sixty  continentals,  were  strongly  posted 
at  the  bridge  over  the  Saugatuck,  while  Arnold 
and  Silliman  held  ground  about  two  miles  above 
the  bridge.  The  British  escaped  this  danger  only 
by  fording  the  river  a  mile  above  them  all,  and 
running  at  full  speed  to  the   high   hill  of  Compo, 


348  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


chap,  within   half   a    mile    of   the    shipping.      For   three 
— Y — '  days    and    nights    they    had    had    little    rest,    and 
A  Hi*  several  0I>  them  dropped  on  the  road  from  fatigue. 
28.     To  protect  the  embarkation,  Erskine  put  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  most  able  of  the  detachment  and 
fresh    men  from  the  ships   to    drive  back   the  pur- 
suers.    Here  Lamb  was  wounded ;  and  here  Arnold 
again    braved    the    enemy's    musketry    and    grape- 
shot,  and  again  his  horse  was  struck,  but   its  rider 
escaped  as  before.     The  Americans  could  not  stand 
the  charge  of  Erskine,  and  before  night  the  English 
set  sail.     The  number  of  their  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners   is  estimated   at  about  two   hundred;    the 
Americans  lost  not  half  so  many.  • 

Congress,  who  at  Washington's  instance1  had 
elected  Arnold  a  major-general,  voted  him  "a 
horse,  caparisoned,  as  a  token  of  their  approbation 
of  his  gallant  conduct ; "  but  they  refused  to  re- 
store him  to  his  former  relative  rank,  so  that  a 
sense  of  wrong  still  rankled  in  his  breast.  Wooster 
lingered  a  few  days,  and  died  with  calmness,  glori- 
ously ending  a  long  and  honorable  life.  Congress 
voted  him  a  monument. 
May  The  Americans  had  better  success  in  a  like  un- 
23#  dertaking.  Eeturn  Meigs  of  Connecticut,  learning 
through  General  Parsons  that  the  British  were 
lading  transports  at  Sag  Harbor,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  great  bay  of  Long  Island,  crossed  the  sound 
from  Sachem's  Head  on  the  twenty-third  of  May 
with  two  hundred  continentals  in  whale-boats.    From 


1  Arnold  was  elected  major-gen-  pursuit  of  Tryon.  Many  days  passed 
eral,  May  2,  before  congress  had  before  that  was  brought  to  their  no- 
heard  of  his  gallant  conduct  in  the    tice. 


THE  BRITISH  EVACUATE  NEW  JERSEY.  349 

the  north  beach  of  the  island,  they  carried  their  chap. 
boats  on  their  backs  over  the  sandy  point,  em- 
barked again  on  the  bay,  and  landed  after  midnight 
within  four  miles  of  Sag  Harbor.  To  that  place 
they  advanced  before  daybreak  in  silence  and  order, 
burned  one  vessel  of  six  or  eight  guns,  and  ten 
loaded  transports,  destroyed  the  stores  that  lay  at 
the  wharf,  killed  five  or  six  of  the  British,  and 
with  little  opposition  captured  all  the  rest  but  four. 
On  their  return  they  reached  Guilford  with  ninety 
prisoners  at  two  in  the  afternoon,  having  traversed 
by  land  and  water  ninety  miles  in  twenty-five 
hours.  Congress  voted  Meigs  a  sword,  and  Wash- 
ington promoted  Sergeant  Ginnings  for  merit  in 
the  expedition. 

During  the  period  of  his  listless  indolence  Howe  May. 
received  letters  from  his  government  dated  the  third 
of  March,  after  the  news  of  the  disasters  in  New 
Jersey  had  reached  England.  Germain,  whom  dis- 
appointment made  more  and  more  vengeful,  ex- 
pressed his  extreme  mortification  that  the  brilliancy 
of  Howe's  successes  had  thus  been  tarnished,  add- 
ing :  "  They  who  insolently  refuse  to  accept  the 
mercy  of  their  sovereign  cannot,  in  the  eye  of 
impartial  reason,  have  the  least  room  to  expect 
clemency  at  the  hand  of  his  subjects  j  I  fear  you 
and  Lord  Howe  must  adopt  such  modes  of  carrying 
on  the  war  that  the  rebels  may  be  effectually  dis- 
tressed, so  that  through  a  lively  experience  of  losses 
and  sufferings  they  may  be  brought  as  soon  as 
possible  to  a  proper  sense  of  their  duty."  The  sec- 
retary longed  to  hear  that  Boston  was  in  flames; 
he  communicated   the  king's  opinion,  that   in   con- 

VOL.   IX  30 


350  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  junction  with  the  fleet  "a  warm  diversion"  should 
be  made  "upon  the  coasts  of  the  Massachusetts 
bay  and  New  Hampshire,"  and  their  ports  be  occu- 
pied or  "destroyed."  The  admiral  had  not  come 
to  America  to  "distress"  and  "destroy;"  he  would 
not  hearken  to  the  hint  to  burn  Boston  and  the 
other  seaside  towns  of  New  England ;  *  and  after  a 
June  delay  of  more  than  three  weeks,  the  general  on  the 
third  of  June  made  answer,  that  "  it  was  not  con- 
sistent with  other  operations." 

Hitherto  the  letters  of  Sir  William  Howe  to  his 
superior  had  been  decorous :  to  the  minute  and  elab- 
orate directions  of  the  secretary,  addressed  through 
him  to  the  Indian  agent,  on  the  employment  of 
the  savages  of  the  south  and  southwest  against  the 
frontiers  of  the  Southern  states,  he  replied  with  un- 
disguised contempt  and  sneers.  In  his  talk  to  the 
headmen  and  warriors  of  the  southwest,  of  which 
a  copy  was  sent  to  Germain,  he  accepted  with 
pleasure  the  white  wing  from  the  Chickasaws  and 
Choctaws  as  the  emblem  of  love,  the  painted 
hatchet  from  the  Creeks  as  the  token  of  fidelity ; 
but  while  he  was  profuse  of  kind  words  and  pres- 
ents, he  never  urged  "the  red  children  of  the 
great  king"  to  deeds  of  blood. 

From  Lord  North's  office  Howe  received  the 
kindest  attention  and  assurances  of  support;  but 
not  the  love  of  his  country,  not  respect  for  his 
sovereign,  not  fear  of  public  opinion,  not  the  cer- 
tainty that  a  war  with  France  would  follow  a 
fruitless  campaign,  could  quicken  the  sluggish  na- 
ture of  the  obstinate  commander.     He   had   squan* 

i  George  the  Third  to  Lord  North,  28  October,  1777. 


THE  BRITISH  EVACUATE  NEW  JERSEY.  351 

dered  away  two  of  the  best  months  for  activity  in  chap. 
the  field;    he  now  deliberately   wasted   the   month  « — Y — ' 
of  June.     There  was  no  force  that  could  seriously    June/ 
oppose  his  march  to  Philadelphia;   yet  he  clung  to 
his  plan  of  reaching  that  city  by  water,  while   he 
continually  postponed  his  embarkation. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  Washington  removed  May 
his  quarters  from  Morristown  to  the  heights  of  Mid- 
dlebrook.  His  army  was  composed  of  no  more  than 
seven  thousand  five  hundred  men  in  forty-three  regi- 
ments, distributed  into  five  divisions  of  two  brigades 
each.  Sullivan,  his  oldest  major-general,  with  about 
fifteen  hundred  men  was  stationed  at  Princeton, 
while  he  retained  about  six  thousand  in  his  well- 
chosen  mountain  camp.  Of  this  the  front  was  pro- 
tected by  the  Raritan,  then  too  deep  to  be  forded  ; 
the  left  was  by  nature  difficult  of  access ;  and  the 
right,  where  the  ground  was  not  good,  was  pro- 
tected by  two  strong  redoubts.  Here,  at  a  distance 
of  about  nine  miles  from  Brunswick,  he  kept  watch 
of  his  enemy,  who  put  on  the  appearance  of  open-  jun0 
ing  the  campaign.  Two  more  regiments  came  up 
from  Ehode  Island;  horses,  tents,  stores,  reinforce- 
ments, arrived  from  England  ;  Lee  was  put  on 
board  the  "Centurion"  man-of-war  for  security; 
and  by  the  twelfth  of  June,  British,  Hessians,  and 
Anspachers,  to  the  number  of  seventeen  thousand, 
with  boats  and  pontoons  for  crossing  the  Delaware, 
were  assembled  at  Brunswick.  For  its  numbers 
that  army  had  not  its  equal  in  the  world ;  the 
veteran  officers,  alike  German  and  English,  agreed 
that  they  had  never  seen  such  a  body  of  men. 
Every  soldier  was  eager  for  a  battle. 


352  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  It  was  Howe's  purpose,  so  far  as  he  had  any  be- 
» — y —  yond  getting  rid  of  time,  to  throw  his  army  be- 
June*  tween  Washington  and  Princeton,  and  by  a  swift 
is.  march  to  cut  off  the  division  under  Sullivan.  Orders 
were  given  for  the  troops  to  move  from  Brunswick 
at  eleven  in  the  night,  leaving  their  tents,  bag- 
gage, and  boats  behind.  A  tardiness  of  five  hours 
enabled  Sullivan  to  retire  to  the  Delaware.  He 
should  have  been  pursued ;  but  Howe,  after  march- 
ing in  two  columns  about  three  miles  on  the  road 
to  Princeton,  turned  suddenly  to  the  right  to 
Somerset  court-house.  His  first  column  under 
Cornwallis  advancing  to  Hillsborough,  the  second 
under  Heister  to  Middlebush,  they  occupied  below 
the  mountains  a  fine  country  for  a  battle-field. 
14.  On  Saturday  the  fourteenth  of  June,  about  the 
hour  when  the  two  armies  first  confronted  each 
other,  congress  "resolved  that  the  flag  of  the  thir- 
teen United  States  be  thirteen  stripes,  alternate  red 
and  white ;  that  the  union  be  thirteen  stars  white 
in  a  blue  field,  representing  a  new  constellation." 
The  immovable  fortitude  of  Washington  in  his 
camp  at  Middlebrook  was  the  salvation  of  that 
beautiful  flag.  The  guard  of  the  line  of  the  Dela- 
ware was  intrusted  to  Arnold,  with  such  force  as 
he  could  rally;  Sullivan  was  recalled  from  his 
flight,  and  stationed  at  Sourland  hills,  within  six 
miles  of  Somerset  court-house,  where  he  was 
strengthened  by  continentals  and  Pennsylvania  mi- 
litia sent  over  the  Delaware,  and  by  the  uprising 
of  the  men  of  New  Jersey.  During  these  days 
Washington  was  almost  constantly  in  the  saddle; 
by    night    his   men    slept    on    their    arms;    in   the 


THE   BRITISH   EVACUATE  NEW  JERSEY.  353 

morning  they  were    arrayed  for  battle ;    but  Howe   chap. 
dared  not  adventure  an   attack,  and  he  could  only 
throw  up    fortifications,   which  he  was  to  leave  be- 
hind.    He  was  of  too  coarse  a  nature  to  feel  keenly 
the  shame  of  his  position ;  but  his  army  murmured. 

At  that  time,  the  cares  of  the  northern  depart- 
ment were  thrown  upon  the  American  commander- 
in-chief;  and  Schuyler  besieged  him  with  entreaties 
to  supply  his  wants  and  remedy  all  that  was  going 
wrong.  It  is  strange  that  men  in  and  round  con- 
gress fretted  at  Washington's  caution ;  yet  at  the 
time  when  his  prudence  was  saving  the  country 
from  ruin,  when  to  have  crossed  the  river  with  his 
small  and  ill-provided  force  was  just  what  Howe 
desired,  one  general  officer  wrote  :  "  We  must  fight  18. 
or  forfeit  our  honor ; "  and  on  the  eighteenth, 
Samuel  Adams  thus  complained :  "  I  confess,  I 
have  always  been  so  very  wrong-headed  as  not 
to  be  over-well  pleased  with  what  is  called  the 
Fabian  war  in  America."  When  Washington  heard 
of  these  reproaches,  he  answered  :  "  We  have 
some  amongst  us,  and  I  dare  say  generals,  who 
wish  to  make  themselves  popular  at  the  expense 
of  others,  or  who  think  the  cause  is  not  to  be  ad- 
vanced otherwise  than  by  fighting ;  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances under  which  it  is  to  be  done,  and  the 
consequences  which  may  follow,  are  objects  too 
trivial  for  their  attention ;  but  as  I  have  one 
great  object  in  view,  I  shall  steadily  pursue  the 
means  which  in  my  judgment  leads  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  it,  not  doubting  but  that  the  candid 
part  of  mankind,  if  they  are  convinced  of  my 
integrity,   will  make   proper   allowance   for   my   in- 

30* 


354  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

CxxP"   exPerience  and  frailties.     I  will  agree  to  be  loaded 

* — Y — '  with  all  the  obloquy  they  can  bestow,  if  I  commit 

June'  a    w^fLll   error."1     With  undisturbed   self-possession, 

is.     he    continued    to    hold    in    check   and    completely 

baffle    an    enemy    of    much    more    than   twice   his 

19.  numbers.  On  the  nineteenth,  Howe  returned  to 
Brunswick.  Washington  watched  to  see  if  he 
wrould  take   the    road   to   the  Delaware ;   and  when, 

20.  on  the  twentieth,  his  army  at  Middlebrook  learned 
that  the  whole  British  force  was  returning  to  Am- 
boy,  the  surrounding  country  even  as  far  as  Bruns- 
wick rung  at  evening  with  their  salvos  and  shouts. 

21.  On  the  twenty-first,  Washington,  who  hoped  to 
cut  off  the  rear-guard  of  the  British,  sent  orders 
to  Maxwell  to  lie  with  a  strong  party  between 
Brunswick  and  Amboy,  and  to  Sullivan  to  join  his 
division  to  Greene,  who  was  advanced  with  three 
brigades;  while  the  main  body  of  the  army  were 
paraded    upon   the    heights   within    supporting    dis- 

22.  tance.  But  Sullivan  came  too  late ;  the  express 
sent  off  to  Maxwell  never  reached  him  ;  and 
Greene's  party  was  left  to  act  alone.  At  four 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty-second,  Heis- 
ter,  who  was  on  the  north  side  of  the  Baritan, 
began  his  march  to  Amboy;  his  rear,  consisting 
of  the  Anspach  and  Hessian  yagers,  was  much  cut 
up  by  a  body  of  about  three  hundred  men;  the 
corps  of  Cornwallis,  which  slept  in  Brunswick, 
could  not  move  so  rapidly,  for  it  had  to  cross  the 
Baritan  by  a  narrow  bridge.  Near  the  end  of 
the  bridge  Howe  stood  on  high  ground  with  his 
staff,  to  see  the  troops  pass  by ;  they  were  gloomy 

1  Washington  to  Reed,  23  June,  1777,  in  Life  of  Esther  Reed,  273,  274 


THE   BRITISH  EVACUATE   NEW   JERSEY.  oOfc 

and  sullen  at  the  thought  of  a  retreat.     A  battery    chap. 
of  three  heavy  cannon  which  Greene  mounted   on  < — ^- 
a  hill  was  too  distant  to  be  effective.     When  more     T.   - " 
than    half   the    column    of    Cornwallis    had    passed      22. 
Piscataway,    his    patrols   on   the   left  were   fiercely 
set   upon  by   Morgan's    riflemen,   and   driven    back 
upon  the    column.     Howe   instantly   put   himself  at 
the  head  of  the  two  nearest  regiments  to  meet  the 
attack.     For  a  half-hour  the  rifle  corps  fought  within 
the  distance  of  forty  yards;  nor  did  they  retire  till 
he    ordered    up    heavy    artillery    and    scoured    the 
woods   with   grape.     There    at   least  thirty,   several 
of  the   officers   thought   more   than   a   hundred,  of 
the     British    fell.      Soon    after    this     encounter,    a 
strong   body   of  the   Americans   was   discovered   in 
the    distance ;   lest   they  should  boast    of   his   rapid 
flight  before    them,   Howe    arrayed    the   rear-guard 
and  a  part   of  the  corps   of  Cornwallis  on  a   small 
oval    plain,    and   offered    battle.      The    rest   of  the 
march  to  Amboy  was  unobstructed. 

Having  taken  the   advice  of  his  general  officers,      24. 
whose  opinion    that  the  British  army  had  gone  off 
panic-struck   he   did   not  share,  Washington    on    the 
twenty-fourth   came    down  with  the    main   body  of 
his  army  as  far  as  Quibbletown,  and  advanced  Lord 
Stirling's   division   with   some    other   troops   to   Ma- 
touchin,  to    act   according  to  circumstances,    but  in 
no  event   to   bring  on  a  general   engagement.     In- 
formed of  this  movement,  Howe  conceived  the  hope      25. 
of  getting  in  Washington's  rear.     Kecalling  the  Ger- 
man battalions  which  had  crossed  to  Staten  Island, 
at   one    in   the    morning    of   the    twenty- sixth    he      2& 
marched  his  whole  army  in   two   columns  by  differ- 


356  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

ent  roads  in  the  direction  of  Scotch  Plains.  About 
eight  o'clock,  Maxwell,  who  commanded  an  ad- 
vanced detachment,  withdrew  without  loss.  A  brief 
hour  later,  Cornwallis  came  upon  Stirling's  division, 
in  which  Conway  and  other  French  officers  served 
as  volunteers.  It  was  posted  on  a  cleared  hill  in 
front  of  a  forest,  with  six  small  field-pieces.  Stir- 
ling, who  was  a  brave  man,  but  no  tactician,  saw 
fit  to  await  an  attack.  His  artillery  began  to  play 
at  the  distance  of  a  thousand  yards,  and  his  musketry 
fired  before  the  British  were  within  range.  Corn- 
wallis planted  two  twelve-pounders  and  some  six- 
pounders  on  his  own  left  to  annoy  Stirling's  right, 
while  Minnigerode,  moving  a  battalion  of  Hessian 
grenadiers  obliquely,  turned  his  position  and  attacked 
his  left  flank.  As  the  Hessian  grenadiers  came  on, 
the  Americans  gave  a  nervous  fire  from  a  distance, 
and  fled.  The  Hessians  captured  two  brass  three- 
pounders,  which  had  lately  arrived  from  France ;  a 
third  was  taken  by  the  first  battalion  of  guards. 
Cornwallis  lost  about  seventy  men,  of  whom  more 
than  half  were  Hessians.  The  Americans  lost,  in- 
cluding prisoners,  full  twice  that  number.  The 
party  of  Stirling  was  chased  as  far  as  Westfield  with 
little  effect ;  there  the  heat  of  the  day  and  the 
fatigue  of  his  men  compelled  Cornwallis  to  give 
up  the  pursuit.  The  column  which  Howe,  accom- 
panied accomplished  nothing ;  Washington  had  re- 
tired to  the  heights  of  Middlebrook. 
27,  28.  In  tne  two  next  days  the  British  troops  returned 
through  Rahway  to  Ambo}^  and  were  rapidly  trans- 
80.  ferred  to  Staten  Island ;  on  the  thirtieth,  Howe 
evacuated  New  Jersey,  never  again  to  step  his  foot 


4. 


THE  BRITISH  EVACUATE  NEW  JERSEY.  357 

on  its  soil.  A  great  victory  on  the  part  of  the  chap. 
Americans  would  not  have  given  a  deadlier  blow 
to  British  supremacy.  As  at  Boston  the  refugees 
sailed  away  with  the  army,  so  now  Jersey  men 
who  had  accepted  the  protection  of  the  British  king 
nocked  to  Staten  Island. 

In  Philadelphia  toryism  had  stalked  abroad  fear-  July 
lessly,  and  in  May  a  clergyman  had  publicly  read 
prayers  for  the  king;  the  nearness  of  danger  now 
effected  a  coalition  of  parties ;  the  unexpectedly 
spirited  manner  in  which  the  militia  of  Pennsyl- 
vania turned  out,  gave  a  shock  to  the  enemy ;  and 
the  American  congress  could  celebrate  the  first  an- 
niversary of  independence  with  a  feeling  of  security 
and  triumph.  The  bells  rung  all  day  and  all  the 
evening;  the  ships  and  row-galleys  and  boats  showed 
the  flag  of  the  nation ;  at  one  o'clock,  the  ships  in 
the  stream  were  manned.  At  three,  there  was  a 
dinner  attended  by  the  members  of  congress  and 
officers  of  the  government  of  Pennsylvania;  "Our 
country  "  was  on  the  lips  of  every  one  ;  "  the  heroes 
who  have  fallen  "  were  commemorated  ;  the  land- 
grave of  Hesse's  band,  captured  at  Trenton,  played 
excellent  music.  Afterwards  there  were  military 
parades,  and  at  night,  bonfires,  fireworks,  and  a 
general  illumination. 

All  the  while,  Howe  was  getting  in  readiness  for 
a  voyage,  and  shipping  his  army,  amidst  the  half- 
suppressed  murmurs  of  his  officers,  whose  chagrin 
was  soon  sharpened  by  the  success  of  a  daring  ad- 
venture. Prescott,  the  commander  of  the  British 
forces  on  Rhode  Island,  had  his  quarters  at  a  lonely 
farm-house  about  four  miles  from  Newport,  on  the 


358  AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  west  side  of  the  island,  a  mile  from  any  troops,  with 
no  patrols  along  the  shore,  and  no  protection  but 
a  sentry  and  the  guard-ship  in  the  bay.  Hearing 
of  this,  William  Barton,  a  native  of  Warren,  then  a 
colonel  in  the  American  army,  embarked  a  party 
at  Providence  in  two  whale-boats,  hid  them  dur- 
ing the  day  at  Warwick,  and  on  the  night  fol- 
lowing the  ninth  of  July,  after  the  young  moon 
had  gone  down,  steered  between  the  islands  of  Pa- 
tience and  Prudence,  and  landed  at  Redwood  creek. 
Coming  up  across  fields,  they  surrounded  Prescott's 
house,  at  once  burst  open  all  the  doors,  took  him 
and  Lieutenant  Barrington  out  of  their  beds,  hur- 
ried them  to  the  water  without  giving  them  time 
to  put  on  their  clothes,  and,  while  men  from  the 
several  camps  were  searching  for  their  tracks  on 
the  shore,  they  passed  under  the  stern  of  the  guard- 
ship,  which  lay  against  Hope  island,  and  carried 
their  captives  to  Providence.  The  rank  of  Prescott 
was  equal  to  that  of  Lee,  and  Washington  promptly 
invited  an  exchange. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

the  advance  of  burgoyne  from  canada. 

May  — July  7,1777. 

"This  campaign  will  end  the  war,"  was  the  opin-  chap. 
ion  given  by  Rieclesel;  and  through  Lord  Suffolk  he  w^-^ 
solicited  the  continued  favor  of  the  British  king,  who  *  7  7  7 ' 
was  in  his  eyes  "the  adoration  of  all  the  universe." 
Flushed  with  expectations  of  victory  and  glory,  Carle- 
ton  employed  the  unusually  mild   Canadian  winter 
in  preparations.     On  the  last  day  of  April  he  gave 
audience    to  the   deputies   of  the    Six  Nations,  and 
accepted  their  services  with  thanks  and  gifts.     Other 
large  bodies  of  Indians  were  engaged,  under  leaders 
of  their  own  approval.     "  Wretched  colonies  !  "  said 
the  Brunswick  major-general,  "  if  these  wild  souls  are 
indulged  in  war." 

To  secure  the  Mohawks  to  the  British  side,  Joseph 
Brant,  their  young  chief,  urged  them  to  abandon 
their  old  abode  for  lands  more  remote  from  American 
settlements.  To  counteract  his  authority,  Gates, 
near  the  end  of  May,  thus  spoke  to  a  council  of 
warriors  of  the  Six  Nations : 


o60  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


XXI 

1777. 


chap.  "  Brothers :  the  United  States  are  now  one  peo- 
pie ;  suffer  not  any  evil  spirit  to  lead  you  into  war. 
Brothers  of  the  Mohawks !  you  will  be  no  more  a 
people  from  the  time  you  quit  your  ancient  habi- 
tations ;  if  there  is  any  wretch  so  bad  as  to  think 
of  prevailing  upon  you  to  leave  the  sweet  stream 
so  beloved  by  your  forefathers,  he  is  unworthy  to 
be  called  a  Mohawk;  he  is  your  bitterest  enemy. 
Before  many  moons  pass  away,  the  pride  of  Eng- 
land will  be  laid  low;  then,  when  your  American 
brothers  have  no  enemy  to  contend  with,  how  happy 
will  it  make  you  to  reflect  that  you  have  preserved 
the  neutrality  so  earnestly  recommended  to  you 
from  the  beginning  of  the  war.  Brothers  of  the 
Six  Nations:  the  Americans  well  know  your  great 
fame  and  power  as  warriors;  the  only  reason  why 
they  did  not  ask  your  help  against  the  cruelty  of 
the  king  was,  that  they  thought  it  ungenerous  to 
desire  you  to  suffer  in  a  quarrel  in  which  you  had 
no  concern.  Brothers :  treasure  all  I  have  now  said 
in  your  hearts ;  for  the  day  will  come  when  you 
will  hold  my  memory  in  veneration  for  the  good 
advice  contained  in  this  speech." 1 

The  settlers  in  the  land  which  this  year  took  the 
name  of  Vermont,  refused  by  a  great  majority  to 
come  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New  York;  on  the 
fifteenth  of  January,  1777,  their  convention  declared 
the  independence  of  their  state.  At  Windsor,  on  the 
second  of  June,  they  appointed  a  committee  to  pre- 
pare a  constitution ;  and  they  hoped  to  be  received 
as  a  new  member  of  the  Union.     But  as  New  York 

1  From  the  MSS.  of  Gates  in  the  collections  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society. 


THE   ADVANCE   OP  BURGOYNE   FROM  CANADA.  361 

insisted  on  its  legal  right,  congress,  by  an  uncertain  chap. 
majority  against  a  large  and  determined  minority,  « — Y — 
disclaimed  the  intention  of  recognising  Vermont. 

Gates,  who  had  the  good  luck  to  be  relieved  just 
before  inevitable  mishaps,  charged  Saint  Clair  to  "call 
lustily  for  aid  of  all  kinds,  for  no  general  ever  lost 
by  surplus  numbers,  or  over-preparation ; "  and  he 
then  repaired  to  Philadelphia,  to  secure  his  reinstate- 
ment. 

On  the  twelfth,  Saint  Clair,  the  best  of  the  briga- 
diers then  in  the  north,  reached  Ticonderoga.  Five 
days  later,  Schuyler  visited  his  army.  Mount  Defi- 
ance, which  overhangs  the  outlet  of  Lake  George  and 
was  the  acknowledged  "  key  of  the  position,"  was  left 
unoccupied.  From  the  old  French  intrenchments  to 
the  southeastern  works  on  the  Vermont  side,  the 
wretchedly  planned  and  unfinished  defences  extended 
more  than  two  miles  and  a  half;  and  from  end  to 
end  of  the  straggling  lines  and  misplaced  block- 
houses there  was  no  spot  which  could  be  held  against 
a  superior  force.  The  British  could  reach  the  place 
by  the  lake  more  swiftly  than  the  Americans  through 
the  forest.  The  only  good  part  was,  to  prepare  for 
evacuating  the  post;  but  from  the  dread  of  clamor, 
shirking  the  responsibility  of  giving  definite  instruc- 
tions, Schuyler  returned  to  Albany,  and  busied  him- 
self with  forwarding  to  Ticonderoga  supplies  for  a 
long  siege. 

On  the  sixth  of  May,  Burgoyne  arrived  at  Quebec. 
Carleton  received  with  amazement  despatches  rebuk- 
ing him  for  his  conduct  of  the  last  campaign,  and 
ordering  him,  for  "the  speedy  quelling  of  the  re- 
bellion," to  make  over  to  his  inferior  officer  the  com- 

VOL.   IX,  31 


3G2  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


XXI 

1777. 


chap,  mand  of  the  Canadian  army,  as  soon  as  it  should  cross 
the  boundary  of  the  province  of  Quebec.  The  aus- 
tere man,  answering  the  not  unjust  reproaches  of 
the  secretary,  and  of  Amherst,  the  secretary's  coun- 
sellor, with  passionate  recrimination,  at  once  yielded 
the  chief  military  authority,  and  as  civil  governor 
paid  a  haughty  but  unquestioning  obedience  to  the 
requisitions  of  his  successor.  Contracts  were  made 
for  fifteen  hundred  horses  and  five  hundred  carts;  a 
thousand  Canadians,  reluctant  and  prone  to  deser- 
tion, were  called  out  as  road-makers  and  wagoners; 
and  six  weeks'  supplies  for  the  army  were  crowded 
forward  upon  the  one  line  of  communication  by  the 
Sorel.  Burgoyne  had  very  nearly  all  the  force  which 
he  had  represented  as  sufficient.  His  officers  were 
exceedingly  well  chosen,  especially  Phillips  and  Rie- 
desel  as  major-generals  and  the  Highlander  Fraser 
as  an  acting  brigadier.  Sir  William  Howe  was 
promptly  notified  that  Burgoyne  "had  precise  orders 
to  force  a  junction  with  the  army  in  New  York. 

A  diversion,  from  which  great  consequences  were 
expected,  was  to  proceed  by  way  of  Lake  Ontario 
to  the  Mohawk  river,  while,  on  the  fifteenth  of  June, 
Burgoyne  advanced  from  Saint  Johns,  as  he  thought, 
to  easy  victories  and  high  promotion.  Many  offi- 
cers' wives  attended  their  husbands,  promising  them- 
selves an  agreeable  trip  to  New  York. 

On  the  twentieth,  some  of  the  Indians,  shedding 
the  first  blood,  brought  in  ten  scalps  and  as  many 
prisoners.  The  next  day,  at  the  camp  near  the  river 
Bouquet,  a  little  north  of  Crown  Point,  Burgoyne 
met  in  congress  about  four  hundred  Iroquois,  Algon- 
quin, and  Ottawa  savages.     Pleased  with  the  oppor- 


THE   ADVANCE   OF  BTJRGOYNE   FROM   CANADA.  363 


XXI. 
1T"7T. 


tunity  for  display,  he  appealed  a  to  their  wild  honor  "    chap 
in  phrases  elaborately  prepared  : 

"  Chiefs  and  Warriors :  the  great  king,  our  com- 
mon father,  has  considered  with  satisfaction  the  gen- 
eral conduct  of  the  Indian  tribes  from  the  beginning 
of  the  troubles  in  America.  The  refuse  of  a  small 
tribe  at  first  were  led  astray,  demonstrating  to  the 
world  how  few  and  how  contemptible  are  the  apos- 
tates. These  pitiful  examples  excepted,  the  collec- 
tive voices  and  hands  of  the  Indian  tribes  over  this 
vast  continent  are  on  the  side  of  justice,  of  law, 
and  of  the  king.  The  restraint  you  have  put  upon 
your  resentment  in  waiting  the  king  your  father's 
call  to  arms  is  the  hardest  proof  to  which  your 
affection  could  have  been  put.  The  further  patience 
of  your  father  would,  in  his  eyes,  become  culpable ; 
it  therefore  remains  for  me,  the  general  of  one  of 
his  majesty's  armies,  and  in  this  council  his  repre- 
sentative, to  release  you  from  those  bonds  which 
your  obedience  imposed.  Warriors !  you  are  free  ; 
go  forth  in  might  of  your  valor  and  your  cause ; 
strike  at  the  common  enemies  of  Great  Britain  and 
America,  disturbers  of  public  order,  peace,  and  happi- 
ness, destroyers  of  commerce,  parricides  of  the  state. 
The  circle  round  you,  the  chiefs  of  his  majesty's 
European  forces,  and  of  the  princes,  his  allies,  esteem 
you  as  brothers  in  the  war ;  emulous  in  glory  and 
in  friendship,  we  will  reciprocally  give  and  receive 
examples.  Be  it  our  task  to  regulate  your  passions 
when  they  overbear.  I  positively  forbid  bloodshed, 
when  you  are  not  opposed  in  arms.  Aged  men, 
women,  children,  and  prisoners,  must  be  held  sacred 
from  the   knife   and   the   hatchet,  even  in  the  time 


364  AMERICAN    INDEPENDENCE. 


XXI 

1777. 


chap,  of  actual  conflict.  You  shall  receive  compensation 
for  the  prisoners  you  take,  but  you  shall  be  called 
to  account  for  scalps.  Your  customs  have  affixed 
an  idea  of  honor  to  such  badges  of  victory:  you 
shall  be  allowed  to  take  the  scalps  of  the  dead, 
when  killed  by  your  fire  and  in  fair  opposition ;  but 
on  no  account,  or  pretence,  or  subtlety,  or  prevari- 
cation, are  they  to  be  taken  from  the  wounded,  or 
even  dying ;  and  still  less  pardonable  will  it  be  held, 
to  kill  men  in  that  condition  upon  a  supposition 
that  this  protection  to  the  wounded  would  be  there- 
by evaded.  Base,  lurking  assassins,  incendiaries, 
ravagers,  and  plunderers  of  the  country,  to  what- 
ever army  they  may  belong,  shall  be  treated  with 
less  reserve ;  but  the  latitude  must  be  given  you  by 
order;  and  I  must  be  the  judge  of  the  occasion. 
Should  the  enemy,  on  their  part,  dare  to  counte- 
nance acts  of  barbarity  towards  those  who  may  fall 
into  their  hands,  it  shall  be  yours  to  retaliate." 

An  old  Iroquois  chief  thus  replied :  "  We  receive 
you  as  our  father;  because,  when  you  speak,  we 
hear  the  voice  of  our  great  father  beyond  the  great 
lake.  We  have  been  tried  and  tempted  by  the 
Bostonians;  but  we  loved  your  father,  and  our 
hatchets  have  been  sharpened  upon  our  affections. 
In  proof  of  sincerity,  our  whole  villages,  able  to  go 
to  war,  are  come  forth.  The  old  and  infirm,  our 
infants  and  wives,  alone  remain  at  home.  With 
one  common  assent  we  promise  a  constant  obedi- 
ence to  all  you  have  ordered,  and  all  you  shall 
order ;  and  may  the  Father  of  days  give  you  many 
and  success." 

Having   feasted    the    Indians    according    to    their 


THE  ADVANCE   OF  BURGOYNE  FROM  CANADA  365 

custom,  Burgoyne  ostentatiously  published  his  speech,  chap. 
which  reflected  his  instructions,  but  not  English  — ^-U/ 
opinion.  Edmund  Burke,  who  had  learned  that  the  1777, 
natural  ferocity  of  those  tribes  far  exceeded  the 
ferocity  of  all  barbarians  mentioned  in  history,  pro- 
nounced that  they  were  not  fit  allies  for  the  king  in 
a  war  with  his  people  ;  that  Englishmen  should  never 
confirm  their  evil  habits  by  fleshing  them  in  the 
slaughter  of  British  colonists.  In  the  house  of  com- 
mons Fox  censured  the  kino;  for  suffering;  them  in  his 
camp,  when  it  was  well  known  that  "  brutality,  mur- 
der, and  destruction  were  ever  inseparable  from  In- 
dian warriors."  When  Suffolk,  before  the  lords,  con- 
tended that  it  was  perfectly  justifiable  to  use  all 
the  means  which  God  and  nature  had  put  into  their 
hands,  Chatham  called  down  "  the  most  decisive  in- 
dignation at  these  abominable  principles  and  this 
more  abominable  avowal  of  them."  At  a  later  day, 
Burgoyne  offered  the  false  excuse,  that  "  he  spoke 
daggers,  but  used  none." 

In  a  proclamation  issued  at  Crown  Point,  Bur- 
goyne, claiming  to  speak  "  in  consciousness  of  Chris- 
tianity and  the  honor  of  soldiership,"  enforced  his 
persuasions  to  the  Americans  by  menaces  like  these : 
"Let  not  people  consider  their  distance  from  my 
camp;  I  have  but  to  give  stretch  to  the  Indian 
forces  under  my  direction,  and  they  amount  to  thou- 
sands, to  overtake  the  hardened  enemies  of  Great 
Britain.  If  the  frenzy  of  hostility  should  remain, 
I  trust  I  shall  stand  acquitted  in  the  eyes  of  God 
and  man  in  executing  the  vengeance  of  the  state 
against  the  wilful  outcasts." 

On  the  last  clay  of  June,  he  published  in  general 

31* 


1777. 


366  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

orders  :  "  This  army  must  not  retreat ; "  while  Saint 
Clair  wrote  to  Schuyler :  "  Should  the  enemy  attack 
us,  they  will  go  back  faster  than  they  came."  On 
the  first  of  July  the  invading  army  moved  up  the 
lake.  As  they  encamped  at  evening  before  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Mount  Independence,  the  rank  and  file, 
exclusive  of  Indians,  numbered  three  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  twenty-four  British,  three  thousand  and 
sixteen  Germans,  two  hundred  and  fifty  provincials, 
besides  four  hundred  and  seventy-three  of  the  choic- 
est artillerists,  with  the  most  complete  supply  of  ar- 
tillery ever  furnished  to  such  an  army.  On  the 
third,  one  of  Saint  Clair's  aids  promised  Washington 
"  the  total  defeat  of  the  enemy ; "  but  on  that  day 
Kiedesel  was  studying  how  to  invest  Mount  Inde- 
pendence. On  the  fourth,  Phillips  seized  the  mills 
near  the  outlet  of  Lake  George,  and  hemmed  in 
Ticonderoga  on  that  side.  In  the  following  night,  a 
party  of  infantry,  following  the  intimation  of  Lieu- 
tenant Twiss  of  the  engineers,  took  possession  of 
Mount  Defiance.  In  one  day  more,  batteries  from 
that  hill  would  play  on  both  forts,  and  Riedesel  com- 
plete the  investment  of  Mount  Independence.  "  We 
must  away,"  said  Saint  Clair,  as  he  awoke  to  the  des- 
perateness  of  his  situation ;  his  council  of  war  were 
all  of  the  same  mind,  and  the  retreat  must  be  made 
the  very  next  night.  The  garrison,  according  to  his 
low  estimate,  consisted  of  thirty-three  hundred  men, 
of  whom  two  thirds  were  effective,  but  with  scarcely 
more  than  one  bayonet  to  every  tenth  soldier.  One 
regiment,  the  invalids,  and  such  stores  as  there  was 
time  to  lade,  were  sent  in  boats  up  the  lake  to 
Whitehall,    while    the    great    body   of    the    troops, 


1777. 


THE  ADVANCE  OF  BURGOYNE  FROM  CANADA.  367 

under    Saint    Clair,    with   no    more    confusion    than  chap. 

xxi 
necessarily  attended   a   sudden   movement   in   dark- 
ness under   inexperienced   brigadiers,  took  the   new 
road  through  the  wilderness  to  Hubbardton. 

At  daybreak  on  the  sixth,  Fraser  moved  swiftly 
upon  Ticonderoga,  and  Riedesel  occupied  Fort  Inde- 
pendence. They  found  ample  stores  of  ammunition, 
flour,  salt  meat,  and  herds  of  oxen,  more  than  seventy 
cannon,  and  what  to  the  Americans  was  a  most 
severe  loss,  a  large  number  of  tents.  Burgoyne,  who 
came  up  in  the  fleet,  sent  Fraser  with  twenty  com- 
panies of  English  grenadiers,  followed  by  Riedesel's 
infantry  and  reserve  corps,  in  pursuit  of  the  army 
of  Saint  Clair ;  and  as  soon  as  a  passage  could  be 
cleared  through  the  bridge  that  barred  the  channel 
between  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence,  the 
fleet,  bearing  Burgoyne  and  the  rest  of  his  forces, 
chased  after  the  detachment  which  had  escaped  by 
water.  The  Americans,  burning  three  of  their  ves- 
sels, abandoned  two  others  and  the  fort  at  Whitehall. 
Everything  which  they  brought  from  Ticonderoga 
was  destroyed,  or  fell  a  prey  to  their  pursuers. 

On  the  same  day,  Burgoyne  reported  to  his  gov- 
ernment that  the  army  of  Ticonderoga  was  "  dis- 
banded and  totally  ruined."  Lord  George  Germain 
cited  to  General  Howe  this  example  of  "  rapid  prog- 
ress," and  predicted  an  early  junction  of  the  two 
armies.  Men  disputed  in  England  whether  most  to 
admire  the  sword  or  the  pen  of  Burgoyne.  They 
gave  him  Csesar's  motto.  They  taunted  the  Ameri- 
cans as  cowards  who  dared  not  stand  before  com- 
pacted Britons,  and  were  sure  of  the  entire  conquest 
of  the  confederated  provinces  before  Christmas. 


1777. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

progress  of  the  campaign  in  the  north. 

July  —  August  21,  1777. 

On  the  second  of  July,  the  convention  of  Vermont 
reassembled  at  Windsor.  The  organic  law  which 
they  adopted,  blending  the  gains  of  the  eighteenth 
century  with  .the  traditions  of  Protestantism,  assumed 
that  all  men  are  born  free,  and  with  inalienable 
rights ;  that  they  may  emigrate  from  one  state  to 
another,  or  form  a  new  state  in  vacant  countries ; 
that  "every  sect  should  observe  the  Lord's  day,  and 
keep  up  some  sort  of  religious  worship;"  that  every 
man  may  choose  that  form  of  religious  worship 
"which  shall  seem  to  him  most  agreeable  to  the 
revealed  will  of  God."  They  provided  for  a  school 
in  each  town,  a  grammar-school  in  each  county, 
and  a  university  in  the  state.  All  officers,  alike  exec- 
utive and  legislative,  were  to  be  chosen  annually,  and 
by  ballot ;  the  freemen  of  every  town  and  all  one- 
year's  residents  were  electors.  Every  member  of  the 
house  of  representatives  must  declare  "his  belief  in 
one  God,  the  rewarder  of  the  good  and  the  punisher 


PROGRESS   OF  THE   CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.  369 

of  the  wicked  :  in  the  divine  inspiration  of  the  Scrip-   chap. 

•  •  XXII 

tures ;  and  in  the  Protestant  religion."  The  legisla-  w^L, 
tive  power  was  vested  in  one  general  assembly,  sub-  1777' 
ject  to  no  veto,  though  an  advisory  power  was  given 
to  a  board  consisting  of  the  governor,  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor, and  twelve  councillors.  Slavery  was  forbidden 
expressly  and  forever ;  and  there  could  be  no  impris- 
onment for  debt.  Once  in  seven  years  an  elective 
council  of  censors  was  to  take  care  that  freedom  and 
the  constitution  were  preserved  in  purity. 

After  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga,  the  establishment 
of  the  new  government  was  postponed,  lest  the  proc- 
ess of  change  should  interfere  with  the  public  de- 
fence ;  and  the  Vermont  council  of  safety  despatched 
supplicatory  letters  for  aid  to  the  New  Hampshire 
committee  at  Exeter  and  to  Massachusetts. 

On  the  night  of  the  sixth,  Fraser  and  his  party 
made  their  bivouac  seventeen  miles  from  the  lake, 
with  that  of  Riedesel  three  miles  in  their  rear.  At 
three  in  the  morning  of  the  seventh  both  detachments 
were  in  motion.  The  savages  having  discovered  the 
rear-guard  of  Saint  Clair's  army,  which  Warner,  con- 
trary to  his  instructions,  had  encamped  for  the  night 
at  Hubbardton,  six  miles  short  of  Castleton,  Fraser,  at 
five,  ordered  his  troops  to  advance.  To  their  great 
surprise,  Warner,  who  was  nobly  assisted  by  Colonel 
Eben  Francis  and  his  New  Hampshire  regiment, 
turned  and  began  the  attack.  The  English  were  like 
to  be  worsted,  when  Riedesel  with  his  vanguard  and 
company  of  yagers  came  up,  their  music  playing, 
the  men  singing  a  battle  -hymn.  Francis  for  a  third 
time  charged  at  the  head  of  his  regiment,  and  held 
the  enemy  at  bay  till  he  fell.     On  the  approach  of 


370  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

the  three  German  battalions,  his  men  retreated  to- 
wards the  south.  Fraser,  taking  Riedesel  by  the 
1777 '  hand,  thanked  him  for  the  timely  rescue.  Of  the 
Americans  few  were  killed,  and  most  of  those  en- 
gaged in  the  fight  made  good  their  retreat;  but  dur- 
ing the  day  the  British  took  more  than  two  hundred 
stragglers,  wounded  men,  and  invalids.  Of  the  Bruns- 
wickers  twenty-two  were  killed  or  wounded,  of  the 
British  one  hundred  and  fifty-five.  The  heavy  loss 
stopped  the  pursuit,  and  Saint  Clair,  with  two  thou- 
sand excellent  continental  troops,  marched  unmo- 
lested to  Fort  Edward. 

The  British  regiment  which  chased  the  fugitives 
from  Whitehall  took  ground  within  a  mile  of  Fort 
Ann.  On  the  morning  of  the  eighth,  its  garrison 
drove  them  nearly  three  miles,  took  a  captain  and 
three  privates,  and  inflicted  a  loss  of  at  least  fifty 1 
in  killed  and  wounded.  Reenforced  by  a  brigade,  the 
English  returned  only  to  find  the  fort  burned  down, 
and  the  garrison  beyond  reach. 

Burgoyne  chose  to  celebrate  these  events  by  a 
day  of  thanksgiving;  but  the  spirit  of  the  Americans 
was  alarming,  while  the  loss  of  men  in  the  two  en- 
gagements, and  by  bad  food,  and  camping  out  in  all 
weathers,  could  ill  be  borne.  Another  disappoint- 
ment awaited  him.  He  asked  Carleton  to  hold  Ticon- 
cleroga  with  a  part  of  the  three  thousand  troops  left 
in  Canada;  Carleton,  pleading  his  instructions,  which 
confined  him  to  his  own  province,  unexpectedly  re- 
fused, and  left  Burgoyne  "to  drain  the  life-blood  of 
his  army"  for  the  garrison.  Again,  supplies  of  pro- 
visions came  tardily.     Of  the  Canadian  horses  con- 

1  Riedesel's  journal.   MS. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.      371 

tracted  for  not  more  than  one  third  were  brought  in    chap 


XXII. 


good  condition  over  the  wild  mountain  roads.  The 
wagons  were  made  of  green  wood,  and,  moreover, 
were  deficient  in  number.  Further,  Burgoyne  should 
have  turned  back  from  Whitehall,  and  moved  to  the 
Hudson  river  by  way  of  Lake  George  and  the  old 
road;  but  the  word  was,  "Britons  never  recede;"  and 
after  the  halt  of  a  fortnight  he  took  the  short  cut  to 
Fort  Edward,  through  a  wilderness  bristling  with 
woods,  broken  by  numerous  creeks,  and  treacherous 
with  morasses.  In  his  letters  he  dwells  with  com- 
placency on  the  construction  of  more  than  forty 
bridges,  a  "  log-work "  over  a  morass  two  miles  in 
extent,  and  the  removal  of  layers  of  fallen  timber- 
trees.  But  this  persistent  toil  in  the  heat  of  midsum- 
mer, among  myriads  of  insects,  dispirited  his  troops. 

Early  in  July,  Burgoyne  confessed  to  Germain, 
that,  "were  the  Indians  left  to  themselves,  enor- 
mities too  horrid  to  think  of  would  ensue ;  guilty 
and  innocent,  women  and  infants,  would  be  a  com- 
mon prey."  The  general,  nevertheless,  resolved  to 
use  them  as  instruments  of  "terror,"  and  promised, 
after  arriving  at  Albany,  to  send  them  "  towards 
Connecticut  and  Boston,"  knowing  full  well  that  they 
were  actually  left  to  themselves  by  La  Corne  Saint 
Luc,  their  leader,  who  was  impatient  of  control  in 
the  use  of  the  scalping-knife.1  Every  day  the  sav- 
ages brought  in  scalps  as  well  as  prisoners.  On  the 
twenty-seventh,  Jane  MacCrea,  a  young  woman  of 
twenty,  betrothed  to  a  loyalist  in  the  British  service 
and  esteeming  herself  under  the  protection  of  British 
arms,  was  riding  from  Fort  Edward  to  the  British 

1  Burgoyne  in  Almon's  Parliamentary  Debates,  ix.  220. 


372  AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE. 


XXII 
1777. 


chap,  camp  at  Sandy  Hill,  escorted  by  two  Indians.  The 
Indians  quarrelled  about  the  reward  promised  on  her 
safe  arrival,  and  at  a  half-mile  from  Fort  Edward  one 
of  them  sunk  his  tomahawk  in  her  skull.  The  inci- 
dent was  not  of  unusual  barbarity ;  but  this  massacre 
of  a  betrothed  girl  on  her  way  to  her  lover  touched 
the  hearts  of  all  who  heard  the  story.  Burgoyne 
hunted  out  the  assassin,  and  threatened  him  with 
death,  but  pardoned  him  on  hearing  that  "  the  total 
defection  of  the  Indians  would  have  ensued  from 
putting  that  threat  into  execution." 

Meantime,  the  British  were  never  harried  by  the 
troops  with  Schuyler,  against  whom  public  opinion 
was  rising.  Men  reasoned  rightly,  that,  if  Ticon- 
deroga  was  untenable,  he  should  have  known  it, 
and  given  timely  orders  for  its  evacuation ;  instead 
of  which  he  had  been  heaping  up  stores  there  to  the 
last.  To  screen  his  popularity,  he  insisted  that  the 
retreat  was  made  without  the  least  hint  from  him- 
self, and  was  "ill-judged  and  not  warranted  by 
necessity."  With  manly  frankness  Saint  Clair  as- 
sumed the  sole  responsibility  of  the  praiseworthy 
act  which  had  saved  to  the  country  many  of  its 
bravest  defenders. 

Schuyler  owed  his  place  to  his  social  position,  not 
to  military  talents.  Anxious,  and  suspected  of  a 
want  of  personal  courage,  he  found  everything  go 
ill  under  his  command.  To  the  continental  troops 
of  Saint  Clair,  who  were  suffering  from  the  loss  of 
their  clothes  and  tents,  he  was  unable  to  restore 
confidence;  nor  could  he  rouse  the  people.  The 
choice  for  governor  of  New  York  fell  on  George  Clin- 
ton; "his  character,"  said  Washington  to  the  coun- 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE    NORTH.  373 

cil  of  safety,  "will   make  him  peculiarly  useful  at    chap. 

the  head  of  your  state."     Schuyler  wrote  :  "  his  fam- ^_^ 

ily  and  connections  do  not  entitle  him  to  so  distin-  * 7  7  7  • 
guished  a  preeminence."  The  aid  of  Vermont  was 
needed ;  Schuyler  would  never  address  its  secretary 
except  in  his  "private  capacity."  There  could  be 
no  hope  of  a  successful  campaign,  but  with  the 
hearty  cooperation  of  New  England;  yet  Schuyler 
gave  leave  for  one  half  of  its  militia  to  go  home  at 
once,  and  the  rest  to  follow  in  three  weeks,  and  then 
called  upon  Washington  to  supply  their  places  by 
troops  from  the  south  of  Hudson  river,  saying  to 
his  friends  that  one  southern  soldier  was  worth  two 
from  New  England. 

On  the  twenty-second,  long  before  Burgoyne  was 
ready  to  advance,  Schuyler  retreated  to  a  position 
four  miles  below  Fort  Edward.  Here  again  he  com- 
plained of  his  "exposure  to  immediate  ruin."  His 
friends  urged  him  to  silence  the  growing  suspicion 
of  his  cowardice;  he  answered:  "If  there  is  a  battle, 
I  shall  certainly  expose  myself  more  than  is  pru- 
dent." To  the  -New  York  council  of  safety  he  wrote 
on  the  twenty-fourth:  "I  mean  to  dispute  every  inch 
of  ground  with  Burgoyne,  and  retard  his  descent  as 
long  as  possible;"  and  in  less  than  a  week,  without 
disputing  anything,  he  retreated  to  Saratoga,  hav- 
ing his  heart  set  on  a  position  at  the  junction  of 
the  Mohawk  and  Hudson.  The  courage  of  the  com- 
mander being  gone,  his  officers  and  his  army  became 
spiritless;  and,  as  his  only  resource,  he  solicited  aid 
from  Washington  with  unreasoning  importunity. 

The  loss  of  Ticonderoga  alarmed  the  patriots  of 
New  York,  gladdened  the  royalists,  and  fixed   the 

VOL.   IX.  32 


1777. 


374  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

wavering  Indians  as  enemies.  Five  counties  were  in 
the  possession  of  the  enemy;  three  others  suffered 
from  disunion  and  anarchy;  Try  on  county  implored 
immediate  aid;  the  militia  of  Westchester  were  ab- 
sorbed in  their  own  defence;  in  the  other  counties, 
scarcely  men  enough  remained  at  home  to  secure  the 
plentiful  harvest.  Menaced  on  its  border  from  the 
Susquehanna  to  Lake  Champlain,  and  on  every  part 
of  the  Hudson,  New  York  became  the  battle-field 
for  the  life  of  the  young  republic ;  it  had  crying  need 
of  help;  its  council  accepted  Schuyler's  excuses,  and 
seconded  his  prayers  for  reinforcements. 

As  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  armies  of  America, 
Washington  watched  with  peculiar  care  over  the 
northern  department;  in  the  plan  of  the  campaign 
he  had  assigned  it  more  than  its  share  of  troops 
and  resources;  and  he  added  one  brigade  which  was 
beyond  the  agreement,  and  of  which  he  stood  in 
pressing  need,  for  the  army  of  Howe  was  twice  or 
thrice  as  numerous  as  that  from  Canada.  In  this 
time  of  perplexity,  when  the  country  from  the  Hud- 
son to  Maryland  required  to  be  guarded,  the  entrea- 
ties from  Schuyler,  from  the  council  of  New  York, 
and  from  Jay  and  Gouverneur  Morris  as  deputies  of 
that  council,  poured  in  upon  Washington.  Alarmed 
by  Schuyler's  want  of  fortitude,  he  ordered  to  the 
north  Arnold,  who  was  fearless,  and  Lincoln,  who 
was  acceptable  to  the  militia  of  the  Eastern  states. 
Beside  those  generals  he  sent,  even  though  it  weak- 
ened his  own  army  irretrievably,  still  one  more  excel- 
lent brigade  of  continental  troops  under  Glover.  To 
hasten  the  rising  of  New  England,  he  wrote  directly 
to  the  brigadier-generals  of  Massachusetts  and  Con- 


PROGRESS   OF   THE   CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.  375 


XXII. 

177T. 


necticut,  urging  them  to  march  for  Saratoga  with  at  chap 
least  one  third  part  of  the  militia  under  their  com- 
mand. At  the  same  time  he  bade  Schuyler  "never 
despair,"  explaining  that  the  forces  which  might  ad- 
vance under  Burgoyne  could  not  much  exceed  five 
thousand  men;  that  they  must  garrison  every  forti- 
fied post  left  behind  them ;  that  their  progress  must 
be  delayed  by  their  baggage  and  artillery,  and  by 
the  necessity  of  cutting  out  new  roads  and  clearing 
old  ones;  that  a  party  should  be  stationed  in  Vermont 
to  keep  them  in  continual  anxiety  for  their  rear;  that 
Arnold  should  go  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix;  that, 
if  the  invaders  continued  to  act  in  detachments,  one 
vigorous  fall  upon  some  one  of  those  detachments 
might  prove  fatal  to  the  whole  expedition. 

In  a  like  spirit  he  expressed  to  the  council  of  New 
York  "the  most  sensible  pleasure  at  the  exertions  of 
the  state,  dismembered  as  it  was,  and  under  every 
discouragement  and  disadvantage;"  the  success  of 
Burgoyne,  he  predicted,  would  be  temporary;  the 
Southern  states  could  not  be  asked  to  detail  their 
force,  since  it  was  all  needed  to  keep  Howe  at  bay; 
the  attachment  of  the  Eastern  states  to  the  cause 
insured  their  activity  when  invoked  for  the  safety 
of  a  sister  state,  of  themselves,  of  the  continent;  the 
worst  effect  of  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga  was  the  panic 
which  it  produced;  calmly  considered,  the  expedi- 
tion was  not  formidable;  if  New  York  should  be 
seasonably  seconded  by  its  eastern  neighbors,  Bur- 
goyne would  find  it  equally  difficult  to  advance  or 
to  retreat. 

All  this  while  Schuyler  continued  to  despond.  On 
the  thirteenth  of  August  he  could  write  from  Stillwa- 


1777. 


376  AMERICAN"  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  ter  to  Washington :  "We  are  obliged  to  give  way  and 
retreat  before  a  vastly  superior  force,  daily  increasing 
in  numbers,  and  which  will  be  doubled  if  General 
Burgoyne  reaches  Albany,  which  I  apprehend  will 
be  very  soon;"1  and  the  next  day,  flying  from  a 
shadow  cast  before  him,  he  moved  his  army  to  the 
first  island  in  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk  river.  He 
pitied  the  man  who  should  succeed  him,  and  accepted 
the  applause  of  his  admirers  at  Albany  for  "  the  wis- 
dom of  his  safe  retreat."  For  all  this  half-hearted- 
ness,  the  failure  of  Burgoyne  was  certain ;  but  the 
glory  of  his  defeat  was  reserved  for  soldiers  of  Vir- 
ginia, New  York,  and  New  England.  The  first  blow 
was  struck  by  the  husbandmen  of  Tryon  county. 

Burgoyne,  on  his  return  to  London  in  1776, 
played  the  sycophant  to  Germain 2  by  censuring 
Carleton  for  not  having  used  the  Oswego  and 
Mohawk  rivers  for  an  auxiliary  expedition,3  which 
he  had  offered  to  lead.  Overflowing  afresh  with  bit- 
terness for  this  neglect,  Germain  adopted  the  plan, 
and  settled  the  details  for  its  execution  chiefly  by 
savages.  To  Carleton,  whom  he  accused  of  being 
"resolved  to  avoid  employing  Indians,"4  he  an- 
nounced the  king's  "resolution  that  every  means 
should  be  employed  that  Providence  had  put  in  his 
majesty's  hand  for  crushing  the  rebellion." 5  The 
savages  were,  moreover,  to  be  committed  to  more 
indulgent  officers  than  Carleton  had  approved.6 

1  Schuyler    to    Washington,     13  [Burgoyne]  a  suitable  command  on 
August,  1777.    MS.  the  Mohawk  river." 

2  Conversation  with  General  Bur-  4  Precis   of  operations  on    Cana- 
goyne  after  his  arrival  in  England,  dian  frontier. 

cited  in  Precis  of  operations  on  the  5  Germain  to  Carleton,  26  March, 

Canadian  frontier.    MS.  1777.    MS. 

3  Compare  Carleton  to  Germain,  G  Germain  to  Carleton,  19  March, 
13   October,  1777:    "to  give  him  1777.    MS. 


1777. 


PROGRESS   OF  THE   CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.  377 

And  now  Burgoyne  was  himself  to  forward  the  ^rj*- 
movement  of  which  he  was  confident  that  the  ^— < — - 
dread  would  scatter  the  American  army  and  open 
an  unobstructed  way  to  Albany.1  The  force  under 
Saint  Leger,  varying  from  the  schedule  of  Germain 
in  its  constituent  parts  more  than  in  its  numbers, 
exceeded  seven  hundred  and  fifty  white  men.  For 
the  Indians  neutrality  had  charms,  and  "  the  Six 
Nations  inclined  to  the  rebels "  from  fear  of  being 
finally  abandoned  by  the  king.  The  Mohawks  could 
not  rise,  unless  they  were  willing  to  leave  their  old 
hunting-grounds ;  the  Oneidas  were  friendly  to  the 
Americans ;  even  the  Senecas  were  hard  to  be  roused. 
Butler  at  Irondequat  assured  them  that  there  was  no 
hindrance  in  the  war-path,  that  they  would  have  only 
to  look  on  and  see  Fort  Stanwix  fall ;  and  for  seven 
days  he  lavished  largesses  on  the  fighting  men  and 
on  their  wives  and  children,  till  "  they  accepted  the 
hatchet"  which  he  gave  them.2  "Not  much  short 
of  one  thousand  Indian  warriors,"3  certainly  "more 
than  eight  hundred,"4  joined  the  white  brigade  of 
Saint  Leger.  In  addition  to  these,  Hamilton,  the 
lieutenant-governor  of  Detroit,  in  obedience  to  orders 
from  the  secretary  of  state,5  sent  out  fifteen  several 
parties,  consisting  in  the  aggregate  of  two  hundred 
and  eighty-nine  red  braves  with  thirty  white  of- 
ficers and  rangers,6  to  prowl  on  the  frontiers  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Virginia. 

Collecting  his  forces   as  he  advanced   from  Mon- 

1  Compare  Riedesel's  diary.  Knox,    in    Brodhead's  Documents, 

2  Colonel  John  Butler  to  Carle-  viii.  721. 
ton,  28  July,  1777.  5  Germain  to  Carleton,  26  March, 

3  Colonel  Butler  to  Carleton,  28  1777.    MS. 
July,  1777.  6  Lieut.-Gov.   Hamilton   to   Ger- 

4  Col.  Daniel  Claus  to  Secretary  main,  Detroit,  27  July,  1777.    MS. 

32* 


378  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  treal  by  way  of  Oswego,  Saint  Leger  on  the  third 
• — y — '  of  August  came  near  the  carrying  -  place,  where 
for  untold  ages  the  natives  had  borne  their  bark 
canoes  over  the  narrow  plain  that  divides  the 
waters  of  the  Saint  Lawrence  from  those  of  the 
Hudson.  He  found  a  well-constructed  fortress,  safe 
by  earthworks  against  his  artillery,  and  garrisoned 
by  six  or  seven  hundred  men  under  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Gansevoort.  A  messenger  from  Brant's  sis- 
ter brought  word  that  Herkimer  and  the  militia  of 
Tryon  county  were  marching  to  its  relief.  A  plan 
was  made  to  lay  an  ambush  of  savages  for  this 
party,  which  encamped  on  the  fifth  at  a  distance 
of  twelve  miles.  During  the  evening  the  savages 
filled  the  woods  with  yells.  The  next  morning, 
having  carefully  laid  aside  their  blankets  and  robes 
of  fur,  the  whole  corps  of  Indians  went  out, 
naked,  or  clad  only  in  hunting-shirts,  armed  with 
spear,  tomahawk,  and  musket,  and  supported  by 
Sir  John  Johnson  and  some  part  of  his  royal 
Yorkers,  by  Colonel  Butler  and  his  rangers,  by 
Claus  and  his  Canadians,  and  by  Lieutenant  Bird 
and  a  party  of  regulars. 

The  patriot  freeholders  of  the  Mohawk  valley, 
most  of  them  sons  of  Germans  from  the  Palatinate, 
seven  or  eight  hundred  in  number,  misinformed  as 
to  the  strength  of  the  besieging  party,  marched 
through  the  wood  with  security  and  carelessness. 
About  an  hour  before  noon,  when  they  were  within 
six  miles  of  the  fort,  their  van  entered  the  ambus- 
cade. They  were  surprised  in  front  by  Johnson  and 
his  Yorkers,  while  the  Indians  attacked  their  flanks 
with  fury,  and  after  using  their  muskets  rushed  in 
with  their  tomahawks.     The  patriots  fell  back  with- 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.      379 

out   confusion   to   better   ground,  and   renewed  the   gx}*- 
fight    against    superior    numbers.      There    was    no  s — r — ' 

.  1777. 

chance  for  tactics  in  this  battle  of  the  wilderness. 
Small  parties  fought  from  behind  trees  or  fallen 
logs ;  or  the  white  man,  born  on  the  banks  of  the 
Mohawk,  wrestled  single-handed  with  the  Seneca 
warrior,  like  himself  the  child  of  the  soil,  mutually 
striking  mortal  wounds  with  the  bayonet  or  the 
hatchet,  and  falling  in  the  forest,  "  their  left  hands 
clenched  in  each  other's  hair,  their  right  grasping 
in  a  gripe  of  death  the  knife  plunged  in  each 
other's  bosom." 1  Herkimer  was  badly  wounded 
below  the  knee,  but  he  remained  on  the  ground 
giving  orders  to  the  end.  Thomas  Spencer  died 
the  death  of  a  hero.  The  battle  raged  for  at  least 
an  hour  and  a  half,  when  the  Americans  repulsed 
their  assailants,  but  with  the  loss  of  about  one 
hundred  and  sixty  killed,  wounded,  and  taken,  the 
best  and  bravest  people  of  western  New  York. 
The  savages  fought  with  wild  valor ;  three-and- 
thirty  or  more  of  their  warriors,  among  them  the 
chief  warriors  of  the  Senecas,  lay  dead  beneath  ^he 
trees ;  about  as  many  more  were  badly  wounded. 
Of  the  Yorkers  one  captain,  of  the  rangers  two  . 
were  killed ;  another  was  left  for  dead  on  the  field. 
What  number  of  privates  fell  is  not  told.  The 
British  loss,  including  savages  and  white  men,  was 
probably  about  one  hundred. 

Three  men  having  crossed  the  morass  into  Fort 
Stanwix  to  announce  the  approach  of  Herkimer,  by 
Gansevoort's  order  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  half 
of  New  York,   half   of  Massachusetts,  under   Lieu- 

1  Gouvemeur  Morris  in  2ST.  Y.  Hist.  Coll.  ii.  133. 


1777. 


380  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

tenant-Colonel  Marinus  Willett,  made  a  sally  in 
the  direction  of  Oriska.  They  passed  through  the 
quarters  of  the  Yorkers,  the  rangers,  and  the  sav- 
ages, driving  before  them  whites  and  Indians,  chiefly 
squaws  and  children,  capturing  Sir  John  Johnson's 
papers,  five  British  flags,  the  gala  fur-robes  and  the 
new  blankets  and  kettles  of  the  Indians,  and  four 
prisoners.  Learning  from  them  the  check  to  Her- 
kimer, the  party  of  Willett  returned  quickly  to  Fort 
Stanwix,  bearing  their  spoils  on  their  shoulders.  The 
five  captured  colors  were  displayed  under  the  con- 
tinental flag.  It  was  the  first  time  that  a  captured 
banner  had  floated  under  the  stars  and  stripes  of 
the  republic.  The  Indians  were  frantic  with  grief 
at  the  death  of  their  chiefs  and  warriors;  they  suf- 
fered in  the  chill  nights  from  the  loss  of  their  clothes; 
and  not  even  the  permission  in  which  they  were 
indulged  of  torturing  and  killing  their  captives,  "  con- 
formable to  the  Indian  custom,"1  could  prevent  their 
beginning  to  return  home. 

Meantime,  Willett,  with  Lieutenant  Stockwell  as 
his^  companion,  "both  good  woodsmen,"  made  their 
way  past  the  Indian  quarter  at  the  hazard  of 
death  by  torture,  in  quest  of  a  force  to  confront 
the  savages ;  and  Arnold  was  charged  with  the 
command  of  such  an  expedition.  Long  before  its 
approach,  an  Indian  ran  into  camp  reporting  that  a 

1  This  is  undisputed.  The  Brit-  one  of  the  prisoners  out  of  the  guard 
ish  official  account  is :  "  Many  of  with  the  most  lamentable  cries,  tor- 
the  taken  were,  conformable  to  the  tared  him  for  a  long  time,  and  this  de- 
Indian  custom,  afterwards  killed."  ponent  was  informed  by  both  tories 
Col.  Butler  to  Carleton,  Camp  be-  and  Indians  that  they  ate  him."  Affi- 
foreFort  Stanwix,  15  August,  1777.  davit  of  Moses  Younglove,  surgeon 
The  American  account  is  confirma-  of  General  Herkimer's  brigade,  in 
tory:  "  The  savages  murdered  Isaac  Stone's  Brant,  Appendix  iv. 
Paris    barbarously.    They  dragged 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.  381 

thousand  men  were  coming  against  them ;  another  chap. 

XXII. 

followed,  doubling  the  number;  a  third  brought  a  * — Y — - 
rumor  that  three  thousand  men  were  close  at  hand ; 
and,  deaf  to  Saint  Leger  and  to  their  superintendents, 
the  wild  warriors  robbed  the  British  officers  of  their 
clothes,  plundered  the  boats,  and  made  off  with  the 
booty.  Saint  Leger  in  a  panic,  though  Arnold  was 
not  within  forty  miles,  hurried  after  them  before 
nightfall,  leaving  his  tents  standing,  and  abandoning 
most  of  his  artillery  and  stores. 

It  was  "Herkimer1  who,"  in  the  opinion  of 
Washington,  "first  reversed  the  gloomy  scene"  of 
the  northern  campaign.  The  hero  of  the  Mohawk 
valley  "served  from  love  of  country,  not  for  re- 
ward. He  did  not  want  a  continental  command 
or  money."  Before  congress  had  decided  how  to 
manifest  the  gratitude  of  his  country,  he  died  of 
his  wound ;  and  they  decreed  him  a  monument. 
Gansevoort  was  rewarded  by  a  vote  of  thanks  and 
a  command ;  Willett  by  public  praise  and  "  an 
elegant  sword." 

The  employment  of  Indian  allies  had  failed.  The 
king,  the  ministry,  and,  in  due  time,  the  British 
parliament,  were  informed  officially  that  the  wild 
red  men  "  treacherously  committed  ravages  upon 
their  friends;"2  that  "they  could  not  be  controlled;"3 
that  "they  killed  their  captives  after  the  fashion 
of  their  tribes ; " 4  that  "  there  was  infinite  difficulty 

1  "It  is  his  [Herkimer's]  misfor-  searched  for  Herkimer's  letter,  but 

tune  to  want  the  powers  of  descrip-  it  could  not  be  found, 

tion,    and   we   have    a   most    lame  2  Barry  Saint  Leger  to  Burgoyne, 

and  imperfect  account  of  the  great  27  August,  1777. 

event."        MS.    letter    of   Duane,  3  Baum  to  Burgoyne,  14  August, 

August,  1777,  in   the  papers  of  R.  1777. 

R.  Livingston.      The  secretary    of  4  Col.  Butler  in  Almon's  Parlia- 

state  caused  his  department  to  be  mentary  Debates,  viii.  227. 


1777. 


382  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  to  manage  them ; " 1  that  "  they  grew  more  and 
more  unreasonable  and  importunate."2  Could  the 
government  of  a  civilized  state  insist  on  courting 
their  alliance  ?  When  the  Seneca  warriors,  return- 
ing to  their  lodges,  told  the  story  of  the  slaughter 
of  their  chiefs,  their  villages  rung  with  the  howls 
of  mourners,3  the  yells  of  rage.  We  shall  see  in- 
terested British  emissaries,  acting  under  the  orders 
of  Germain  and  the  king,  make  the  life  of  these 
savages  a  succession  of  revenges,  and  lead  them  on 
to  the  wreaking  of  all  their  wrath  in  blood. 

Burgoyne,  who  on  the  thirtieth  of  July  had  his 
head-quarters  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  was 
proud  of  his  management  of  the  Indians,  of  whom 
he  had  detachments  from  seventeen  nations.  A 
Brunswick  officer  describes  them  as  "  tall,  warlike, 
and  enterprising,  but  fiendishly  wicked,  man-eaters, 
or  certainly,  in  their  fury,  capable  of  unfleshing  an 
enemy  with  their  teeth." 4  On  the  third  of  August 
they  brought  in  twenty  scalps  and  as  many  captives ; 
and  Burgoyne  noticed  with  approval5  their  incessant 
activity.  To  prevent  desertions,  it  was  announced  in 
orders  to  each  regiment,  that  the  savages  were  en- 
joined to  scalp  every  runaway.  The  Ottawas  longed 
to  go  home ;  but  on  the  fifth  of  August,  nine  days 

1  Burgoyne  to  Howe,  6  August,  cooperation  with  the  Indians  wa3 
177  7,  transmitted  to  Germain,  21  only  to  be  effected  by  an  indulgence 
October,  1777.  in   blood  and  rapine,"    130;    "the 

2  Burgoyne  to  Germain,  1 1  July,  Indian  principle  of  war  is  at  once 
1777.  Burgoyne's  Expedition,  Ap-  odious  and  unavailing."  132.  I 
pendix  xxxviii.,  and  compare  Bur-  quote  in  the  text  from  official  letters 
goyne's    review    of    the   evidence  :  only. 

"  The   more   warlike     tribes    ...  3  Life  of  Mary  Jemison,  4th  ed. 

their    only    preeminence    consisted  117. 

in  ferocity,"  page  129;  "the  Indians  4  Schlozer's  Briefwechsel,  iii.  280. 

pined  after  a  renewal  of  their  accus-  5  Burgoyne   to  Howe,  5  August, 

torued  horrors,"   130;     "A  cordial  1777. 


PROGRESS   OF   THE   CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.  383 

after   the  murder  of  Jane  MacCrea,  Burgoyne  took   chap. 
from  all  his  red  warriors  a  pledge  to  stay  through  ■^-Y^s 
the  campaign.1     On  the  sixth,  he  reported  himself    1777, 
to  General  Howe  as  "well  forward,"   "impatient  to 
gain    the    mouth   of  the    Mohawk,"   but   not   likely 
to  "be  in  possession  of  Albany"  before  "the  twenty- 
second  or  the  twenty-third"  of  the  month. 

To  aid  Saint  Leger  by  a  diversion,  and  fill  his 
camp  with  draught  cattle,  horses,  and  provisions  from 
the  fabled  magazines  at  Bennington,  Burgoyne, 
on  the  eleventh  of  August,  sent  out  an  expedition 
on  the  left,  commanded  by  Baum,  a  Brunswick 
lieutenant  -  colonel  of  dragoons,  and  composed  of 
more  than  four  hundred  Brunswickers,  Hanau  ar- 
tillerists with  two  cannon,  the  select  corps  of  British 
marksmen,  a  party  of  French  Canadians,  a  more 
numerous  party  of  provincial  royalists,  and  a  horde 
of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty2  Indians.  The  gen- 
eral in  his  eagerness  rode  after  Baum,  and  gave 
him  verbal  orders  to  march  directly  upon  Benning- 
ton.3 After  disposing  of  the  stores  at  that  place, 
he  might  cross  the  Green  Mountains,  descend  the 
Connecticut  river  to  Brattleboro',  and  enter  Albany 
with  Saint  Leger  and  Burgoyne.  The  night  of  the 
thirteenth,  he  encamped  about  four  miles  from  Ben- 
nington, on  a  hill  that  rises  from  the  Walloomscoick, 
just  within  the  state  of  New  York.  When,  early 
on  the  morning  of  the  fourteenth,  a  reconnoitring 
party  of  Americans  was  seen,  he  wrote  in  high  spirits 
for  more    troops,  and    constructed   strong   intrench- 

1  Brunswick  journal.    MS.  have  his  own  draught,  as  well  as  a 

2  La   Come   Saint   Luc  to    Bur-  copy  from  the  military  archives  at 
goyne,  Quebec,  23  October,  1778.  Berlin  of  that  which  was  sent  to 

3  Riedesel's  journal,    of  which  I  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Brunswick. 


1777. 


384  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

ments.  Burgoyne  sent  him  orders  to  maintain  his 
post ; *  and  at  eight  o'clock  on  the  fifteenth,  Brey- 
mann,  a  Brunswick  lieutenant-colonel,  marched  with 
two  Brunswick  battalions  and  two  cannon,  in  a  con- 
stant rain,  through  thick  woods,  to  his  support. 

The  supplicatory  letter  from  Vermont  to  the  New 
Hampshire  committee  of  safety  reached  Exeter 
just  after  the  session  of  the  legislature;  but  its 
members  came  together  again  on  the  seventeenth 
of  July,  promptly  resolved  to  cooperate  "with  the 
troops  of  the  new  state,"  and  ordered  Stark,  with 
a  brigade  of  militia,  "to  stop  the  progress  of  the 
enemy  on  their  western  frontier." 

Uprising  at  the  call,  the  men  of  New  Hampshire 
flew  to  his  standard,  which  he  set  up  at  Charles- 
town  on  the  Connecticut  river.  Taking  no  heed 
of  Schuyler's  orders  to  join  the  retreating  army, 
for  which  disobedience  Schuyler  brought  upon  him 
the  censure  of  congress,  and  having  consulted  with 
Seth  Warner  of  Vermont,  Stark  made  his  bivouac  on 
the  fourteenth  of  August  at  the  distance  of  a  mile 
from  the  post  of  Baum,  to  whom  he  vainly  offered 
battle.  The  regiment  of  Warner  came  down  from 
Manchester  during  the  rain  of  the  fifteenth;  and 
troops  arrived  from  the  westernmost  county  of 
Massachusetts. 

When  the  sun  rose  on  the  sixteenth,  Stark  con- 
certed with  his  officers  the  plan  for  the  day. 
Seeing  small  bands  of  men,  in  shirt-sleeves  and 
carrying  fowling-pieces  without  bayonets,  steal  be- 
hind his  camp,  Baum  mistook  them  for  friendly 
country  people   placing  themselves  where  he  could 

1  Burgoyne  to  Baum,  14  August,  seven  at  night. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE   CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.  385 

protect   them :    and    so    five    hundred    men    under   chap. 

XXII. 

Nichols  and  Herrick  united  in  his  rear.  While  his  w-r-0 
attention  was  arrested  by  a  feint,  two  hundred  1777, 
more  posted  themselves  on  his  right;  and  Stark, 
with  two  or  three  hundred,  took  the  front.  At 
three  o'clock  Baum  was  attacked  on  every  side. 
The  Indians  dashed  between  two  detachments,  and 
fled,  leaving  their  grand  chief  and  others  on  the 
field.  New  England  sharp-shooters  ran  up  within 
eight  yards1  of  the  loaded  cannon,  to  pick  off  the 
cannoneers.  When,  after  about  two  hours,  the  fir- 
ing of  the  Brunswickers  slackened  from  scarcity  of 
powder,  the  Americans  scaled  the  breastwork  and 
fought  them  hand  to  hand.  Baum  ordered  his  infan- 
try with  the  bayonet,  his  dragoons  with  their  sabres, 
to  force  a  way;  but  he  fell  mortally  wounded,  and 
his  veteran  troops  surrendered. 

Just  then  the  battalions  of  Breymann,  having 
taken  thirty  hours  to  march  twenty-four  miles, 
came  in  sight.  Warner  now  first  brought  up  his 
regiment,  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  into  action, 
and  with  their  aid  Stark  began  a  new  attack,  using 
the  cannon  just  taken.  The  fight  raged  till  sunset, 
when  Breymann,  abandoning  his  artillery  and  most 
of  his  wounded  men,  ordered  a  retreat.  The  pur- 
suit continued  till  night;  those  who  escaped  owed 
their  safety  to  the  darkness.  During  the  day  less 
than  thirty  of  the  Americans  were  killed,  and 
about  forty  were  wounded ;  the  loss  of  their  enemy 
was  estimated  at  full  twice  as  many,  besides  at 
least  six  hundred  and  ninety-two  prisoners,  of  whom 
more  than  four  hundred  were  Germans. 

1  Schlbzer's  Briefweclisel,  iii.  39. 
VOL.  ix.  33 


386  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

c^p-  This  victory,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  event- 
1 — y — '  ful  of  the  war,  was  achieved  spontaneously  by  the 
husbandmen  of  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  and  west- 
ern Massachusetts.  Stark  only  confirms  the  reports 
of  German  officers  when  he  writes :  "  Had  our 
people  been  Alexanders  or  Charleses  of  Sweden, 
they  could  not  have  behaved  better." 

At  the  news  of  Breymann's  retreat,  the  general 
ordered  his  army  under  arms ;  and  at  the  head  of 
the  forty-seventh  regiment  he  forded  the  Battenkill, 
to  meet  the  worn-out  fugitives.  The  loss  of  troops 
was  irreparable.  Many  of  the  Canadians  deserted ; 
the  Indians  of  the  remote  nations  began  to  leave 
in  disgust.  For  supplies  Burgoyne  was  thrown 
back  upon  shipments  from  England,  painfully  trans- 
ported from  Quebec  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain 
and  Lake  George  to  the  Hudson  river.  Before  he 
can  move  forward,  he  must,  with  small  means 
of  transportation,  bring  together  stores  for  thirty 
days,  and  drag  nearly  two  hundred  boats  over 
two  long  carrying-places. 

Burgoyne's  campaign  had  proceeded  as  foreshad- 
owed by  Washington ;  yet  the  anxious  care  of 
congress  concentred  itself  there.  On  the  first  of 
August,  it  relieved  Schuyler  from  command  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote,  and  on  the  fourth  eleven 
states  elected  Gates  his  successor.  Before  he  as- 
sumed the  command,  Fort  Stanwix  was  safe  and  the 
victory  of  Bennington  achieved;  yet  it  hastened  to 
vote  him  all  the  powers  and  all  the  aid  which 
Schuyler  in  his  moods  of  despondency  had  entreated. 
Touched  by  the  ringing  appeals  of  Washington, 
thousands  of  the  men  of  Massachusetts,  even   from 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH.      387 

the  counties  of  Middlesex  and  Essex,  were  in  motion   chap. 

•  •  •         XXIL 

towards   Saratoga.      Congress,    overriding   Washing-  * — Y — ' 

ton's  advice,  gave  Schuyler's  successor  plenary  power 
to  make  requisitions  for  additional  numbers  of  mili- 
tia on  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania. 
Washington  had  culled  from  his  troops  five  hundred 
riflemen,  and  formed  them  under  Morgan  into  the 
best  corps  of  skirmishers  that  had  ever  been  at- 
tached to  an  army ;  congress  directed  them  to  be 
sent  immediately  to  assist  Gates  against  the  In- 
dians ;  and  Washington  obeyed  so  promptly,  that 
the  order  may  seem  to  have  been  his  own. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE  TAKES  PHILADELPHIA. 

August  —  September  26,  1777. 

xxAit'  ^he  favor  Wished  on  the  new  chief  of  the  north- 
*— ~r — '  ern  department  raised  a  doubt  whether  Washington 
August.  was  more  than  the  first  among  peers,  till  congress 
declared  that  "they  never  intended  to  supersede 
or  circumscribe  his  power;"  but,  partly  from  an 
unwillingness  to  own  their  mistakes,  partly  from 
the  pride  of  authority,  not  unmixed  with  jealousy 
of  his  manifest  superior  popularity,  they  did  not 
scruple  to  slight  his  advice  and  to  neglect  his 
wants.  Though  forewarned  by  him  of  the  hopeless 
confusion  that  would  ensue,  they  remodelled  the 
commissary  department  in  the  midst  of  the  cam- 
paign on  a  system  which  had  neither  unity  nor 
subordination,  and  which  no  competent  men  would 
undertake  to  execute.  Washing-ton  had  endeavored 
to  form  the  heart  of  his  army  of  national  troops, 
raised  and  officered  directly  by  the  United  States : 
congress,  after  giving  their  formal  consent,  thwarted 
the   scheme  by   their   frowns.      The  general  "used 


SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE  TAKES  PHILADELPHIA.  389 

every  means  in  his  power  to   destroy  all  kinds  of   chap. 

XXIII. 

state  distinction  in  the  army,  and  to  have  every  ^J^L, 
part  and  parcel  of  it  considered  as  continental:"  1777, 
congress,  fast  yielding  to  a  system  of  politics 
founded  on  the  paramount  sovereignty  of  the  sev- 
eral states,  more  and  more  reserved  to  their  sepa- 
rate constituencies  the  business  of  recruiting  and 
the  appointment  of  all  but  general  officers;  and  as 
these  followed  different  modes  in  their  levies  and 
their  appointments,  there  was  no  urity  in  the  camp. 
Political  considerations  had  controlled  the  nomina- 
tion of  officers,  of  whom  nearly  all  were  inexpe- 
rienced, many  unteachable,  and  some  of  untried 
courage ;  but  congress  had  not  vigor  enough  to 
drop  the  incapable,  and  in  their  frugality  expected 
that  every  one  of  them  would  be  employed.  The 
confusion  was  made  worse  by  the  numerous  com- 
missions to  foreign  adventurers,  who  thronged  to 
the  commander-in-chief  with  extravagant  preten- 
sions, and  made  the  army  "a  just  representation 
of  a  great  chaos."  "The  wearisome  wrangles  be- 
tween military  officers  scrambling  for  rank"  drew 
members  of  congress  into  cabals.  A  reacting  "spirit 
of  reformation "  was  at  first  equally  undisceming ; 
Kalb  and  Lafayette,  arriving  at  Philadelphia  near 
the  end  of  July,  met  a  rude  repulse.  When  it  was 
told  that  Lafayette  desired  no  more  than  leave  to 
risk  his  life  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  without  pension 
or  allowance,  congress  gave  him  the  rank  of  major- 
general  ;  but  at  first  the  services  of  Kalb,  the  ablest 
European  officer  who  had  come  over,  master  of  Eng- 
lish, and  familiar  with  the  country,  were  rejected. 
At  this  critical  moment,  the  army  of  Washington 

33* 


390  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

Sin.  was  grievously  weakened  by  Sullivan.     That  officer, 
v — y — '  who  was  stationed  with  his  division  at  Hanover  in 

1777. 

New  Jersey,  that  he  might  move  rapidly  to  the 
Hudson  or  to  Philadelphia,  planned  the  surprise  of 
some  Jersey  loyalists  encamped  on  Staten  Island. 
Ogden,  with  a  company  under  Frelinghuysen  and 
two  regiments,  landed  from  three  boats  to  the 
south  of  Freshkills,  and  though  a  man-of-war  in 
New  York  bay  fired  alarm  -  cannon,  he  captured 
more  than  eighty  men,  drove  the  fugitives  to  in- 
trenchments  near  Prince's  bay,  and  returned  sea- 
sonably with  his  prisoners.  Sullivan,  who  at  two 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  twenty-first  of  August  left 
Hanover  with  one  thousand  picked  men,  during  the 
following  night  crossed  from  Elizabethport  to  Staten 
Island.  Before  day  he  divided  his  force,  sending 
one  part  of  it  in  the  direction  of  what  is  now  New 
Brighton,  and  leading  the  other  towards  Freshkills. 
On  his  march  he  dragged  off  eight-and-twenty  tory 
civilians,  picked  up  as  many  more  stragglers,  and 
searched  the  houses  of  Quakers,  where  he  found 
papers,  which,  when  transmitted  to  congress,  caused 
the  exile  of  a  few  Pennsylvanians  to  'Virginia ;  but 
he  "missed  the  opportunity  of  reaping  decided  ad- 
vantages." Precious  time  was  lost  in  reuniting  his 
corps ;  and  when  British  and  German  regiments 
came  near,  his  rear -guard  was  left  behind  to  be 
captured.  By  this  ill-timed  and  ill-conducted  expe- 
dition, Sullivan  lost  about  two  hundred  of  his  very 
best  troops,  and  so  fatigued  those  who  escaped, 
that  he  could  not  obey  the  orders  which  met  him 
on  his  return,  to  join  Washington  with  all  speed. 
.    Leaving   more   than    seven    regiments    in    Khode 


SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE   TAKES  PHILADELPHIA.  391 

Island,    and    about    six    thousand    men    under    Sir   chap. 

XXIII. 

Henry  Clinton  at  New  York,  Howe  began  on  the  * — y— ' 
fifth  of  July  to  embark  the  main  body  of  his 
army  for  a  joint  expedition  with  the  naval  force 
against  Philadelphia.  The  troops,  alike  foot  and 
cavalry,  waited  on  shipboard  in  the  stifling  heat 
till  the  twenty  -  third,  for  their  indolent  general. 
The  fleet  of  nearly  three  hundred  sail  spent  seven 
days  in  beating  from  Sandy  Hook  to  the  capes 
of  Delaware.  On  the  report  that  the  river  was 
obstructed,  it  went  for  the  Chesapeake,  laveering 
against  the  stiff  southerly  winds  of  the  season. 
August  was  half  gone  when  it  turned  Cape  Charles; 
then,  ascending  the  bay,  and  passing  Annapolis,  of 
which  the  little  guard  hung  out  its  banner,  on  the 
twenty-fifth,  after  a  voyage  of  thirty-three  days,  it 
anchored  in  Elk  river,  six  miles  below  Elktown 
and  fifty-four  miles  from  Philadelphia. 

Expressing  the  strange  judgments  and  opinions 
of  many  of  his  colleagues,  John  Adams  could  write : 
"We  shall  rake  and  scrape  enough  to  do  Howe's 
business ;  the  continental  army  under  Washington  is 
more  numerous  by  several  thousands  than  Howe's 
whole  force ;  the  enemy  give  out  that  they  are 
eighteen  thousand  strong,  but  we  know  better,  and 
that  they  have  not  ten  thousand.  Washington  is 
very  prudent ;  I  should  put  more  to  risk,  were 
I  in  his  shoes ;  but  perhaps  he  is  right.  Ganse- 
voort  has  proved  that  it  is  possible  to  hold  a  post, 
and  Stark  that  it  is  practicable  even  to  attack 
lines  and  posts,  with  militia.  I  wish  the  conti- 
nental army  would  prove  that  anything  can  be 
done.     I  am  weary  with  so  much  insipidity;   I  am 


1777. 


392  AMERICAN"  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  gick  of  Fabian  systems.  My  toast  is,  a  short  and 
violent  war."  Now  at  that  time  the  army  of  Howe, 
in  excellent  health,  counted  at  the  lowest  state- 
ments seventeen  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
seven  *  men,  beside  the  corps  of  engineers ;  or, 
according  to  returns  in  the  British  department  of 
state,  nineteen  thousand  five  hundred  effective  men,2 
and  the  officers  amounted  to  at  least  one  fifth  as 
many  more.  Officers  and  men  were  soldiers  by 
profession,  selected  from  the  best  of  the  British 
empire  and  the  best  of  the  warlike  race  of  Hesse, 
and  perfectly  equipped. 

Congress  gave  itself  the  air  of  efficiency  by  call- 
ing out  the  militia  of  Maryland,  Delaware,  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  New  Jersey;  but  New  Jersey  had  to  watch 
the  force  on  the  Hudson ;  the  slaveholders  on  the 
Maryland  eastern  shore  and  in  the  southern  county 
of  Delaware  were  disaffected ;  the  new  government 
in  Pennsylvania,  which  possessed  no  store  of  arms 
and  had  relaxed  its  preparations  in  the  confidence 
that  the  danger  was  past,  was  hateful  to  a  great 
majority  of  the  inhabitants,  and  continued  to  be 
split  by  selfish  factions  even  in  the  presence  of  the 
enemy.  The  number  of  Pennsylvania  militia  with 
Washington  did  not  exceed  twelve  hundred,  and 
did  not  increase  beyond  twenty-five  hundred;  Mifflin, 
the  quartermaster-general,  though  a  Pennsylvanian, 
rendered  no  service  whatever.  There  was  no  hope 
of  a  rising  of  the  people  around ;    and  the   really 

1  Miinchhausen's  statement,  with  ried  with  him  from  New  York 
the  addition  of  six  hundred  and  six-  19,500."  Sir  William  Howe's  Army 
ty-nine  artillerists  whom  he  omit-  Campaign,  1777,  in  state-paper  of- 
ted.     JMS.  fice,    America    and    West    Indies, 

2  "  He  [Sir  William  Howe]  car-  cclxix. 


SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE  TAKES  PHILADELPHIA.  393 

effective  men  under  Washington,  including  militia,    chap. 

XXIII. 

volunteers,  and  the  division   of  Sullivan,  were    but  — ^-^ 
about  eleven  thousand  five  hundred. 

Congress  never  exacted  more  from  "Washington, 
and  never  gave  him  less  support;  but  he  indulged 
in  no  complaint,  and  his  cheerful  courage  had  root 
in  his  own  fortitude.  His  army  reflected  his  patriot- 
ism, and  the  presence  of  enthusiasts  from  Europe 
proved  to  him  the  good -will  of  other  nations. 
There  the  young  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  received 
into  his  family  as  a  volunteer  without  command, 
risked  life  for  the  rights  of  man.  The  Marquis 
de  la  Eouerie,  at  home  the  victim  of  a  misplaced  love, 
called  in  America  Colonel  Armand,  commanded  an 
independent  corps  of  such  recruits  as  could  not 
speak  English.  The  recklessly  daring  Pulaski,  whose 
eager  zeal  had  wrought  no  good  for  his  own  coun- 
try, an  exile  from  Poland,  now  gave  himself  to  the 
New  World. 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  August,  Washington  led 
his  troops,  decorated  with  sprays  of  green,  through 
the  crowded  streets  of  Philadelphia  to  overawe  the 
disaffected;  the  next  day  he  reached  Wilmington 
just  as  the  British  anchored  in  the  Elk  with  the 
purpose  of  marching  upon  Philadelphia  by  an  easy 
inland  route  through  an  open  country  which  had 
no  difficult  passes,  no  rivers  but  fordable  ones,  and 
was  inhabited  chiefly  by  royalists  and  Quakers. 
Until  Sullivan,  after  more  than  a  week,  brought  up 
his  division,  the  American  army,  which  advanced  to 
the  highlands  beyond  Wilmington,  was  not  more 
than  half  as  numerous  as  the  British;  but  Howe 
from  the  waste  of  horses  by  his  long  voyage  was 


394  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   compelled   to  inactivity  till  others  could  be  seized 

• — y — -  or  purchased. 

On  the  third  of  September,  the  two  divisions  un- 
der Cornwallis  and  Knyphausen  began  the  march 
towards  Philadelphia ;  by  Washington's  order  Max- 
well and  the  light  troops,  formed  by  drafts  of  one 
hundred  men  from  each  brigade,  occupied  Iron  hill, 
and  after  a  sharp  skirmish  in  the  woods  with  a 
body  of  German  yagers  who  were  supported  by 
light  infantry,  withdrew  slowly  and  in  perfect  order. 
For  two  days  longer  Howe  waited  that  he  might 
transfer  his  wounded  men  to  the  hospital-ship  of 
the  fleet,  and  purchase  still  more  means  of  trans- 
portation. Four  miles  from  him  Washington  took 
post  behind  Red  Clay  creek,  and  invited  an  attack, 
encouraging  his  troops  by  speeches,  by  his  own 
bearing,  and  by  spirited  general  orders.  On  the 
eighth,  Howe  sent  a  strong  column  in  front  of  the 
Americans  to  feign  an  attack,  while  his  main  army 
halted  at  Milltown.  The  British  and  Germans  were 
rejoicing  over  the  march  so  wisely  planned,  and  as 
it  was  believed  so  secretly  executed,  and  went  to 
rest  in  full  confidence  of  turning  Washington's  right 
on  the  morrow,  and  so  cutting  him  off  from  the 
road  to  Lancaster.  But  at  dawn  on  the  ninth  the 
American  army  was  not  to  be  seen.  Washington 
divined  his  enemy's  purpose,  and  by  a  masterly 
and  really  secret  movement  took  post  on  the  high 
grounds  above  Chad's  ford  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Brandywine,  directly  in  Howe's  path. 

Inferior  in  numbers  and  in  arms,  yet  bent  on 
earnest  work,  Washington  disembarrassed  his  troops 
of  their  baggage   and   sent  it  forward   to    Chester. 


SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE   TAKES  PHILADELPHIA.  395 

A  battery  of  cannon  with,  a  good  parapet  guarded    chap. 
the   ford.      The  American   left,  resting  on  a  thick,  ^^^ 
continuous  forest  along  the  Brandy  wine,  which  be-  1777* 
low   Chad's    ford    becomes    a   rapid  encumbered  by 
rocks  and  shut  in  by  abrupt,  high  banks,  was  suffi- 
ciently  defended    by  Armstrong   and   the    Pennsyl- 
vania militia.      On   the  right  the  river  was  hidden 
by  thick  woods   and   the    unevenness  of  the   coun- 
try; to  Sullivan,  the  first  in  rank  after  the  general, 
was  assigned  the  duty  of  taking  "every  necessary 
precaution  for  the  security  of  that  flank,"1  and  the 
six  brigades  of  his  command,  consisting  of  the  di- 
visions of  Stirling,  and    of   Stephen,  and   his   own, 
were  stationed  in  echelons  along   the  river. 

On  the  tenth  the  two  divisions  of  the  British,  ar- 
my, led  respectively  by  Knyphausen  and  Cornwallis, 
formed  a  junction  at  Kennet  Square.  At  five  the 
next  morning  more  than  half  of  Howe's  army,  leav- 
ing all  their  baggage  even  to  their  knapsacks  be- 
hind them,  and  led  by  trusty  guides,  marched 
under  the  general  and  Cornwallis  up  the  Great 
Valley  road  to  cross  the  Brandywine  at  its  forks. 
About  ten  o'clock,  Knyphausen  with  his  column, 
coming  upon  the  river  at  Chad's  ford,  seven  miles 
lower  down,  halted  and  began  a  long  cannonade, 
manifesting  no  purpose  of  forcing  the  passage. 
Washington  had  "certain"  information  of  the  move- 
ment of  Howe ;  less  than  half  of  the  British  army, 
encumbered  with  the  baggage  of  the  whole,  was  in 
his  front,  and  its  communication  with  the  fleet  had 
been  given  up.  He,  therefore,  resolved  to  strike  at 
once  at  the  division  with  Knyphausen ;    if  nothing 

1  Sparks's  Washington,  v.  109,  correcting  Sullivan's  misstatement 


596  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  more  were  done,  a  serious  damage  to  its  means  of 
v^  transportation  would  change  the  aspect  of  the  cam- 

1'r'T'r•  paign.  As  Washington  rode  up  and  down  his  lines 
the  loud  shouts  of  his  men  witnessed  their  love 
and  confidence,  and  as  he  spoke  to  them  in  earnest 
and  cheering  words  they  clamored  for  battle.  Send- 
ing word  to  Sullivan  to  cross  the  Brandywine  at  a 
higher  ford,  and  thus  prevent  the  hasty  return  of 
the  body  with  Howe  and  Cornwallis  while  at  the 
same  time  he  would  threaten  the  left  flank  of 
Knyphausen,  Washington  put  his  troops  in  motion. 
Greene  with  the  advance  was  at  the  river's  edge 
and  about  to  begin  the  attack,  when  a  message 
came  from  Sullivan,  announcing  that  he  had  dis- 
obeyed his  orders,  that  the  "information  on  which 
these  orders  were  founded  must  be  wrong." 

The  information  on  which  Washington  acted,  was 
precisely  correct;  he  had  made  the  best  possible 
arrangement  for  an  attack;  his  activity  and  courage 
equalled  the  wisdom  of  his  judgment;1  but  the 
failure  of  Sullivan  overthrew  the  design,  which  for 
success  required  swiftness  of  execution.  After  the 
loss  of  two  hours,  word  was  brought  that  the  di- 
vision of  Cornwallis  had  passed  the  forks  and  was 
coming  down  with  the  intent  to  turn  the  American 
right.  On  the  instant  Sullivan  was  ordered  to 
confront  the  advance.  Lord  Stirling  and  Stephen 
posted  their  troops  in  two  lines  on  a  rounded  emi- 
nence southwest  of  Birmingham  meeting  -  house  ; 
while  Sullivan,  who  should  have  gone  to  their  right, 
marched  his  division  far  beyond  their  extreme  left, 
leaving  a  gap  of  a  half-mile  between  them,  so  that 

1  Chastellux,  i.  205. 


SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE   TAKES  PHILADELPHIA.  397 

he  could  render  no  service,  and  was  exposed  to  be   chap. 

XXIII. 

cut  off.  The  other  general  officers,  whom  he  "rode  ^^^ 
on  to  consult,"  explained  to  him  the  faultiness  1'r'r'r• 
of  his  position,  by  which  the  right  of  his  wing 
was  unprotected.  Upon  this,  Sullivan  undertook 
to  march  his  division  from  a  half-mile  beyond  the 
left1  to  his  proper  place  on  the  right.  The  British 
troops,  which  beheld  this  movement  as  they  lay 
at  rest  for  a  full  hour  after  their  long  march  in  the 
hot  day,  were  led  to  the  attack  before  he  could 
form  his  line.  His  division,  badly  conducted,  fled 
without  their  artillery,  and  could  not  be  rallied. 
Their  flight  exposed  the  flank  of  Stirling  and  Ste- 
phen. These  two  divisions,  only  half  as  numerous 
as  their  assailants,  in  spite  of  the  "unofficerlike  be- 
havior"2 of  Stephen,  fought  in  good  earnest,  using 
their  artillery  from  a  distance,  their  muskets  only 
when  their  enemy  was  within  forty  paces ;  but  un- 
der the  vigorous  charge  of  the  Hessians  and  British 
grenadiers,  who  vied  with  each  other  in  fury  as 
they  ran  forward  with  the  bayonet,  the  Amer- 
ican line  continued  to  break  from  the  right.  Con- 
way's brigade  resisted  well;  Sullivan,  so  worthless 
as  a  general,  showed  personal  courage ;  Lafayette, 
present  as  a  volunteer,  braved  danger,  and  though 
wounded  in  the  leg  while  rallying  the  fugitives, 
bound  up  the  wound  as  he  could,  and  kept  the 
field  till  the  close  of  the  battle.  The  third  Vir- 
ginia regiment,  commanded  by  Marshall  and  sta- 
tioned apart  in  a  wood,  held  out  till  both  its  flanks 

1  Sullivan  to  Congress,  27  Sept.  tial  to  a  correct  understanding  of  the 

1777,  in  Farmer  and  Moore's  Col-  battle. 

lections,  ii.  210.     This  letter  of  Sul-  2  Washington's     charge     against 

livan's  is  not  in  Sparks,  but  is  essen-  Stephen  before  the  court-martial. 
VOL.   IX.                                 34 


398  AMERICAN    INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  were   turned  and  half  its  officers  and  one  third  its 

XXIII. 

— y — '  men  were  killed  or  wounded. 

Howe  seemed  likely  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the 
continental  army  and  complete  its  overthrow.  But 
at  the  sound  of  the  cannon  on  the  right,  taking 
with  him  Greene  and  the  two  brigades  of  Muhlen- 
berg and  Weedon,  which  lay  nearest  the  scene  of 
action,  Washington  marched  swiftly1  to  the  support 
of  the  wing  that  had  been  confided  to  Sullivan, 
and  in  about  forty  minutes  met  them  in  full  re- 
treat. His  approach  checked  the  pursuit.  Cau- 
tiously making  a  new  disposition  of  his  forces, 
Howe  again  pushed  forward,  driving  the  party 
with  Greene  till  they  came  upon  a  strong  posi- 
tion, chosen  by  Washington,  which  completely  com- 
manded the  road,  and  which  a  regiment  of  Virgin- 
ians under  Stevens  and  another  of  Pennsylvanians 
under  Stewart  were  able  to  hold  till  nightfall. 

In  the  heat  of  the  engagement  the  division  with 
Knyphausen  crossed  the  Brandywine  in  one  body  at 
Chad's  ford.  The  left  wing  of  the  Americans,  under 
the  command  of  Wayne,  defended  their  intrench- 
ments  against  an  attack  in  front;   but  when,  near 

1  "  Four  miles  in  forty  minutes."  Henry  D.  Gilpin  was  my  guide  from 

Muhlenberg's  Muhlenberg,  94.    "  In  Wilmington  up  the  river.     Perhaps 

forty-two  minutes  near  four  miles."  this  rapid  march  was  less  than  three 

Gordon,  ii.   511.     "Between  three  miles.      The  difficulty  of  fixing  the 

and  four  miles  in  forty-five  minutes."  distance  exactly  grows  out  of  the  un- 

Greene  to  Henry  Marchant,  25  July,  certainty  of  the  spot  whence  Wash- 

1778.     "  At  least  four  miles  in  forty-  ington  took  the  brigades,  which  at 

nine  minutes."   Johnson's  Greene,  i.  any  rate  were  nearest  to  his  right 

76.     "  Five  miles  in  less  than  fifty  wing,  of  the  spot  where  he  met  the 

minutes."    Irving's  Washington,  iii.  fugitives,  and  of  his  line  of  march, 

207.  whether  round  about  by  the  road  or 

In  company  with  my  classmate  Ar-  across  the  woods  and  fields.    I  think 

thur   Langdon   Elwyn   of  Philadel-  the  former  surveyor  of  wild  lands  did 

phia,  I  passed  a  day  on  the  ground  not  go  so  much  round   about  as  a 

of  the  Brandywine  battle ;  my  friend  poorer  woodsman  might  have  done. 


SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE  TAKES  PHILADELPHIA.  399 

the  close  of  the   day,  a  strong  detachment  threat-    chap. 

XXIII. 

ened  their  rear,  they  made  a  well-ordered   retreat,  ^-^JJ 
and  were  not  pursued.  it 7 7 

The  battle  seemed  to  be  over.  Night  was  fall- 
ing, when  two  battalions  of  British  grenadiers  un- 
der Meadow  and  Monckton  received  orders  to  oc- 
cupy a  cluster  of  houses  on  a  hill  beyond  Dilworth. 
They  marched  carelessly,  the  officers  with  sheathed 
swords.  At  fifty  paces  from  the  first  house  they 
were  surprised  by  a  deadly  fire  from  Maxwell's 
corps,  which  lay  in  ambush  to  cover  the  American 
retreat.  The  British  officers  sent  for  help,  but  were 
nearly  routed  before  General  Agnew  could  bring 
up  a  sufficient  force  to  their  relief.1  The  Amer- 
icans then  withdrew,  and  darkness  ended  the  con- 
test. 

At  midnight  "Washington  from  Chester  seized  the 
first  moment  of  respite  to  report  to  congress  his 
defeat,  making  no  excuses,  casting  blame  on  no  one, 
not  even  alluding  to  the  disparity  of  forces,  but 
closing  with  cheering  words.  His  losses,  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners,2  were  about  one  thou- 
sand, less  rather  than  more.  Except  the  severely 
wounded,  few  prisoners  were  taken.  A  howitzer 
and  ten  cannon,  among  them  two  Hessian  field- 
pieces  captured  at  Trenton,  were  left  on  the  field. 
Several  of  the  French  officers  behaved  with  great 
gallantry :  Mauduit  Duplessis  ;  Lewis  de  Fleury, 
whose  horse  was  shot  under  him  and  whose  merit 
congress   recognised   by  vote;   Lafayette,  of  whom 

1  Ewald's  Beyspiele  Grosser  Hel-  2  Miinchhausen    reports :    "  We 

den,  ii.   337-340.     Ewald   was  an    took  few  prisoners  in  the  battle." 
eye-witness. 


400  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


XXIII 

1777. 


chap.  Washington  said  to  the  surgeon :  "  Take  care  of 
him  as  though  he  were  my  son."  Pulaski  the 
Pole,  who  on  that  day  showed  the  daring  of  ad- 
venture rather  than  the  qualities  of  a  commander, 
was  created  a  brigadier  of  cavalry. 

The  loss  of  the  British  army  in  killed  and 
wounded  was  at  least  five  hundred  and  seventy- 
nine,  of  whom  fifty-eight  were  officers.  Of  the 
Hessian  officers,  Ewald  and  Wreden  received  from 
the  elector  a  military  order.  Howe  showed  his 
usual  courage,  pressing  fearlessly  through  fire  of 
musketry  and  cannon.  His  plan  was  with  his  right 
to  employ  Washington's  left  wing,  while  he  should 
in  person  turn  the  American  right  wing,  hurl  it 
down  upon  the  Brandy  wine,  and  crush  the  whole 
army  between  his  own  two  divisions.  In  this  he 
i failed.  He  won  the  field  of  battle ;  but  nightfall, 
the  want  of  cavalry,  and  the  extreme  fatigue  of 
his  army  forbade  pursuit.1 

When  congress  heard  of  the  defeat  at  the  Bran- 
dywine,  it  directed  Putnam  to  send  forward  fifteen 
hundred  continental  troops  with  all  possible  expe- 
dition, and  summoned  continental  troops  and  mi- 
litia from  Maryland  and  Virginia.  It  desired  the 
militia  of  New  Jersey  to  lend  their  aid,  but  they 
were  kept  at  home  by  a  triple  raid  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  for  cattle.      The   assembly  of  Pennsylvania 

1  Lafayette  describes  the  failure  to  have  turned  and  attacked  them, 

to  pursue  that  night  as  the  greatest  Lafayette's  statement  of  the  confu- 

fault  of  the  war.     But  Howe  could  sion  of  the  retreat  is  but  a  reininis- 

not  have  pursued  except  at  a  great  cence  ;  the  troops  of  Wayne,  Greene, 

risk.     The  larger  part  of  his  army  Armstrong,  Maxcy,  retreated  with- 

was  worn  out  with  fatigue  ;  and  had  out  disorder,  and    Ewald's  account 

Knyphausen  been  sent  in  the  night  proves  that    the    retreat    was   well 

■with  the  Hessians,  Washington  could  guarded.     But  compare  Du  Portail 

have  mustered  trusty  troops  enough  in  Mahon's  England  vii.  App.  xxvii. 


SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE  TAKES  PHILADELPHIA.  401 

did  little,  for  it  was  rent  by  faction ;   and  it  chose   chap. 

-i  n      •  XXIII. 

this  moment  to  supersede  nearly  all  its  delegates  » — ^-^ 
in  congress  by  new  appointments.  The  people  1777, 
along;  Howe's  route  adhered  to  the  kino;  or  were 
passive.  Negro  slaves  uttered  prayers  for  his  suc- 
cess, for  the  opinion  among  them  was  "general 
that  if  the  British  power  should  be  victorious  all 
the  negro  slaves  would  become  free." 

Washington,  who  had  marched  from  Chester  to 
Germantown,  after  having  supplied  his  men  with 
provisions  and  forty  rounds  of  cartridge,  recrossed 
the  Schuylkill  to  confront  once  more  the  army  of 
Howe,  who  had  been  detained  near  the  Brandy- 
wine  till  he  could  send  his  wounded  to  Wilming- 
ton. The  two  chiefs,  equally  eager  for  battle, 
marched  toward  Goshen.  On  the  sixteenth,  Donop 
and  his  yagers,  who  pressed  forward  too  rapidly, 
was  encountered  by  Wayne,  and  narrowly  escaped 
being  cut  off;  but  before  the  battle  became  gen- 
eral a  furious  rain  set  in,  which  continued  all  the 
next  night;  and  the  American  army,  from  the 
poor  quality  of  their  accoutrements,  had  their  car- 
tridges drenched,  so  that  Washington  was  obliged 
to  retire  to  replenish  his  ammunition. 

It  was  next  the  purpose  of  the  British  to  turn 
Washington's  right,  so  as  to  cut  oif  his  connec- 
tions and  shut  him  up  between  the  rivers;  but 
he  took  care  to  hold  the  roads  to  the  south  as 
well  as  to  the  north  and  west.  Late  on  the 
eighteenth,  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  was  sent  to 
Philadelphia  to  secure  military  stores  in  public  and 
in  private  warehouses,  gave  congress  a  false  alarm; 
and    its   members,  now  few   in   number,  rose   from 

34* 


402  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE." 

chap,   their  beds  and  fled  in  the  nierht  to  meet  at  Lancas- 

XXIII. 

v_^ — /  ter.     But  Howe  moved  always  compactly  and  with 
177 7'  caution,  never   sending    a    detached    party    beyond 
supporting  distance. 

When,  on  the  nineteenth,  "Washington's  army 
passed  through  the  Schuylkill  at  Parker's  ford, 
Wayne,  who  was  left  with  a  large  body  of  troops 
to  fall  upon  any  detached  party  of  Howe's  army, 
or  to  destroy  its  baggage,  wrote  chidingly  to  Wash- 
ington: "There  never  was,  there  never  will  be,  a 
finer  opportunity  of  giving  the  enemy  a  fatal  blow; 
Howe  knows  nothing  of  my  situation ;  I  have  taken 
every  precaution  to  prevent  any  intelligence  getting 
to  him,  at  the  same  time  keeping  a  watchful  eye 
on  his  front,  flanks,  and  rear."  On  the  night  follow- 
ing the  twentieth,  Wayne  had  called  up  his  men 
to  make  a  junction  with  Maxwell,  when  Major- 
General  Grey  of  the  British  army,  with  three  regi- 
ments, broke  in  upon  them  by  surprise,  and,  using 
the  bayonet  only,  killed,  wounded,  or  took  at  least 
three  hundred.  Darkness  and  Wayne's  presence 
of  mind  saved  his  cannon  and  the  rest  of  his 
troops. 

The  loss  was  heavy  to  bear,  and  opened  the 
way  to  Philadelphia.  John  Adams  blamed  Wash- 
ington without  stint  for  having  crossed  to  the  east- 
ern side  of  the  Schuylkill:  "It  is  a  very  injudi- 
cious manoeuvre.  If  he  had  sent  one  brigade  '  of 
his  regular  troops  to  have  headed  the  militia,  he 
might  have  cut  to  pieces  Howe's  army  in  attempts 
ing  to  cross  any  of  the  fords.  Howe  will  not 
attempt  it.  He  will  wait  for  his  fleet  in  Delaware 
river.      0  Heaven,   grant  us  one  great  soul !     One 


SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE   TAKES   PHILADELPHIA.  403 

leading:  mind  would   extricate  the  best  cause  from   chap 

,  •  !    •    !  •        •      „  XXIII. 

that  rum  which  seems  to  await  it.  ,— ^— <» 

While  John  Adams  was  writing,  Howe  moved  1777- 
down  the  valley,  and  encamped  along  the  Schuyl- 
kill from  Valley  Forge  to  French  creek.  There 
were  many  fords  on  the  rapid  river,  which  in  those 
days  flowed  at  its  will.  On  the  twenty-second  a 
small  party  of  Howe's  army  forced  the  passage  at 
Gordon's  ford.  The  following  night  and  morning 
the  main  body  of  the  British  army  crossed  at  Fat- 
land  ford  near  Valley  Forge,  and  encamped  with 
its  left  to  the  Schuylkill.  Congress  disguised  its 
impotence  by  voting  Washington  power  to  change 
officers  under  brigadiers,  and  by  inviting  him  to 
support  his  army  upon  the  country  around  him. 
He  was  too  weak  to  risk  a  battle ;  nor  could  he 
by  swift  marches  hang  on  his  enemy's  rear,  foi 
more  than  a  thousand  of  his  men  were  barefoot. 
Rejoined  by  Wayne,  and  strengthened  by  a  thou- 
sand Marylanders  under  Smallwood,  he  sent  a  per- 
emptory order  to  Putnam,  who  was  wildly  plan- 
ning attacks  on  Staten  Island,  Paulus-hook,  New 
York,  and  Long  Island,  to  forward  a  detachment  of 
twenty-five  hundred  men  "  with  the  least  possible 
delay,"  and  to  draw  his  remaining  forces  together, 
so  that  with  aid  from  the  militia  of  New  York  and 
Connecticut  "the  passes  in  the  Highlands  might  be 
perfectly  secure."  Knowing  the  very  great  rela- 
tive superiority  of  the  northern  army  in  numbers, 
he  requested  Gates  to  return  the  corps  of  Morgan, 
being  resolved,  if  he  could  but  be  properly  sec- 
onded, to  force  the  army  of  Howe  to  retreat  or 
capitulate  before  winter. 


1777. 


404  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

On  the  twenty-fifth,  that  army  encamped  at  Ger- 
mantown ;  and  the  next  morning,  Cornwallis,  with 
the  grenadiers,  took  possession  of  Philadelphia. 

The  course  of  the  campaign  decided  the  result 
at  the  north.  Howe  was  to  have  taken  Philadel- 
phia in  time  to  aid  Burgoyne ;  to  oppose  Bur- 
goyne,  Washington  bared  himself  of  his  best  troops, 
and  with  an  inferior  force  detained  Howe  thirty 
days,  on  a  march  of  fifty-four  miles,  till  it  was  too 
late  for  him  to  fulfil  his  instructions. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

the  capitulation  of  burgoyne. 
August  19  —  October  20,  1777. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  August  Gates  assumed  the  chap. 
command  of  the  northern  army,  which  lay  nine 
miles  above  Albany,  near  the  mouths  of  the  Mo- 
hawk. Repelling  groundless  complaints  of  ill  treat- 
ment of  those  captured  at  Bennington,  he  taunted 
Burgoyne  in  rhetorical  and  exaggerated  phrases 
with  the  murders  and  scalpings  by  the  Indians  in 
his  employ.  On  the  return  of  the  battalions  with 
Arnold  and  the  arrival  of  the  corps  of  Morgan,  his 
continental  troops,  apart  from  continual  accessions 
of  militia,  outnumbered  the  British  and  German 
regulars  whom  he  was  to  meet.  Artillery  and  small 
arms  were  received  from  France  by  an  arrival  at 
Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire;  and  New  York  freely 
brought  out  its  resources. 

The  war  of  America  was  a  war  of  ideas  more    Sept. 
than  of  material  power.      On  the  ninth  of  Septem- 
ber, Jay,  the   first   chief  justice    of   the    new  com- 
monwealth of  New  York,  opened  its  supreme  court 


406  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  in  Kingston,  and   charged   the  grand  jury  in  these 
— r — '  words  :   "  Free,  mild,  and   equal   government  begins 

1TTT  •  ••  • 

Sept  "  ^°  rise*  Divine  Providence  has  made  the  tyranny 
of  princes  instrumental  in  breaking  the  chains  of 
their  subjects.  Whoever  compares  our  present  with 
our  former  constitution  will  admit  that  all  the 
calamities  incident  to  this  war  will  be  amply  com- 
pensated by  the  many  blessings  flowing  from  this 
glorious  revolution,  which  in  its  rise  and  progress 
is  distinguished  by  so  many  marks  of  the  divine 
favor  and  interposition  that  no  doubt  can  remain 
of  its  being  finally  accomplished.  Thirteen  colonies 
immediately  become  one  people,  and  unanimously 
determine  to  be  free.  The  people  of  this  state 
have  chosen  their  constitution  under  the  guidance 
of  reason  and  experience.  The  highest  respect  has 
been  paid  to  those  great  and  equal  rights  of  hu- 
man nature  which  should  forever  remain  inviolate 
in  every  society.  You  will  know  no  power  but 
such  as  you  create,  no  laws  but  such  as  acquire 
all  their  obligation  from  your  consent.  The  rights 
of  conscience  and  private  judgment  are  by  nature 
subject  to  no  control  but  that  of  the  Deity,  and 
in  that  free  situation  they  are  now  left.  Happy 
would  it  be  for  all  mankind,  if  the  opinion  pre- 
vailed that  the  gospel  of  Christ  would  not  fall, 
though  unsupported  by  the  arm  of  flesh." 

While  Jay  affirmed  these  principles  of  public  jus- 
tice and  wisdom,  Gates,  after  twenty  days  of  inac- 
tivity, moved  his  army  up  the  Hudson  to  Stillwater. 
On  the  twelfth  they  advanced  and  encamped  on  a 
spur  of  hills  jutting  out  nearly  to  the  Hudson, 
known  as    Behmus's    heights.      They   counted   nine 


THE   CAPITULATION  OF  BURGOYNE.  407 

thousand  effectives,  most  of  them  husbandmen  and   chap. 

XXIV. 

freeholders,  or  the  sons  of  freeholders,  well  armed, 
except  that  but  three  soldiers  in  ten  had  bayonets, 
conscious  of  superior  strength,  eager  for  action. 
They  kindled  with  anger  and  scorn  at  the  horrid 
barbarities  threatened  by  Burgoyne;  above  all,  they 
were  enthusiasts  for  the  freedom  of  mankind  and 
the  independence  of  their  country,  now  to  be  se- 
cured by  their  deeds.  As  they  looked  one  into 
the  countenance  of  another,  they  saw  the  common 
determination  to  win  the  victory.  Gates  had  no 
fitness  for  command,  and  wanted  personal  courage ; 
the  removal  of  Schuyler  was  passionately  resented 
by  a  few  New  Yorkers;  and  Arnold,  who  assumed 
the  part  of  Schuyler's  friend,  was  quarrelsome  and 
insubordinate :  but  the  patriotism  of  the  army  was 
so  deep  and  universal,  that  it  gave  no  heed  to 
doubts  or  altercations. 

After  the  toils  of  five  weeks,  a  hundred  and 
eighty  boats  were  hauled  by  relays  of  horses  over 
the  two  portages  between  Lake  George  and  the 
river  at  Saratoga,  and  laden  with  one  month's  pro- 
visions for  the  army  of  Burgoyne.  And  now  he 
was  confronted  by  the  question,  what  he  should 
do.  He  had  been  greatly  weakened,  and  Howe 
refused  him  aid ;  but  he  remembered  that  Germain 
had  censured  Carleton  because  he  would  "hazard 
nothing  with  the  troops ; "  so,  consulting  no  one 
of  his  officers,  reading  over  his  instructions  a  hun- 
dred times,  and  reserving  the  excuse  for  failure 
that  his  orders  were  peremptory,  he  called  in  all  his 
men,  gave  up  his  connections,  and  with  less  than 
six    thousand   rank    and    file    thought    to  force   his 


403  AMERICAN"  INDEPENDENCE. 

xxiv    way  ^°  ^many-      ^n  tne   thirteenth  of  September 
- — y — '  his  army  with  its  splendid  train  of  artillery  crossed 

J  7  7  7  .  . 

Sept'  tne  Hudson  at  Schuylerville  by  a  bridge  of  boats. 

At  once  Lincoln,  from  Manchester,  carrying  out 
a  plan  concerted  with  Gates,  sent  five  hundred 
light  troops  without  artillery,  under  Colonel  John 
Brown  of  Pittsfield,  Massachusetts,  to  distress  the 
British  in  their  rear.  In  the  morning  twilight 
of  the  eighteenth  Brown  surprised  the  outposts  of 
Ticonderoga,  including  Mount  Defiance ;  and  with 
the  loss  of  not  more  than  nine  killed  and  wounded, 
he  set  free  one  hundred  American  prisoners,  cap- 
tured four  companies  of  regulars  and  others  who 
guarded  the  newly  made  portage  between  Lake 
Champlain  and  Lake  George,  in  all  two  hundred 
and  ninety- three  men  with  arms  equal  to  their 
number  and  five  cannon,  and  destroyed  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  boats  below  the  falls  of  Lake  George 
and  fifty  above  them,  including  gunboats  and  an 
armed  sloop.  Not  being  strong  enough  to  carry 
Fort  Independence,  or  Ticonderoga,  or  Diamond  isl- 
and in  Lake  George,  the  party  with  their  trophies 
rejoined  Lincoln. 

Meantime,  the  army  of  Burgoyne,  stopping  to 
rebuild  bridges  and  repair  roads,  advanced  scarcely 
four  miles  in  as  many  days.  By  this  time  the 
well-chosen  camp  of  the  Americans  had  been  made 
very  strong;  their  right  touched  the  Hudson  and 
could  not  be  assailed;  their  left  was  a  high  ridge 
of  hills ;  their  lines  were  protected  by  a  breast- 
work. Burgoyne  must  dislodge  them  if  he  would 
get  forward.  His  army  moved  on  the  nineteenth, 
as   on  former  days,  in  three  columns:   the  artillery, 


THE   CAPITULATION  OF  BURGOYNE.  409 

protected  by  Riedesel  and  Brunswick  troops,  took  chap. 
the  road  through  the  meadows  near  the  river ;  the 
general  in  person  led  the  centre  across  a  deep  ra- 
vine to  a  field  on  Freeman's  farm;  while  Fraser, 
with  the  right,  made  a  circuit  upon  the  ridge  to 
occupy  heights  from  which  the  left  of  the  Ameri- 
cans could  be  assailed.  Indians,  Canadians,  and  to- 
nes hovered  on  the  front  and  flanks  of  the  several 
columns. 

In  concurrence  with  the  advice  of  Arnold,  Gates 
ordered  out  Morgan's  riflemen  and  the  light  infan- 
try. They  put  a  picket  to  flight  at  a  quarter  past 
one,  but  retired  before  the  division  of  Burgoyne. 
Leading  his  force  unobserved  through  the  woods, 
and  securing  his  own  right  by  thickets  and  ravines, 
Morgan  next  fell  unexpectedly  upon  the  left  of  the 
British  central  division.  To  support  him,  Gates,  at 
two  o'clock,  sent  out  three  New  Hampshire  battal- 
ions, of  which  that  of  Scammel  met  the  enemy  in 
front,  that  of  Cilley  took  them  in  flank.  In  a  warm 
engagement,  Morgan  had  his  horse  shot  under  him, 
and  with  his  riflemen  captured  a  cannon,  but  could 
not  carry  it  off!  From  half-past  two  there  was  a 
lull  of  a  half-hour,  during  which  Phillips  brought 
more  artillery  against  the  Americans,  and  Gates 
ordered  out  two  regiments  of  Connecticut  militia 
under  Cook.  At  three  the  battle  became  general, 
and  it  raged  till  after  sundown.  Fraser  sent  to  the 
aid  of  Burgoyne  such  detachments  as  he  could 
spare  without  endangering  his  own  position,  which 
was  the  object  of  the  day.  At  four  Gates  ordered 
out  the  New  York  regiment  of  Cortlandt,  followed 
in  a  half-hour  by  that  of  Henry  Livingston.      The 

VOL.   IX  35 


410  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   battle  was  marked  by  the  obstinate  courage  of  tne 
xxiv.  ,  J  ° 

> — v — '  Americans,  but  by  no  manoeuvre;  man  fought  against 

1T77  •  •  • 

s  L '  man,  regiment  against  regiment.  A  party  would 
drive  the  British  from  the  cannon  which  had  been 
taken,  and  they  would  rally  and  recover  it  by 
their  superiority  with  the  bayonet;  but  when  they 
advanced  it  was  only  to  fall  back  before  the 
deadly  fire  from  the  wood.  The  Americans  used 
no  artillery ;  the  British  employed  several  field- 
pieces  and  with  effect ;  but  Jones,  who  commanded 
the  principal  battery,  was  killed,  and  some  of  his 
officers,  and  thirty-six  out  of  forty-eight  matrosses 
were  killed  or  wounded.  At  five,  all  too  late  in 
the  day,  Brigadier  Learned  was  ordered  with  all 
his  brigade  and  a  Massachusetts  regiment  to  the 
enemy's  rear.  Before  the  sun  went  down  Burgoyne 
was  in  danger  of  a  rout ;  the  troops  about  him 
wavered,  when  Biedesel,  with  more  than  a  single 
regiment  and  two  cannon,  struggling  through  the 
thickets,  across  a  ravine,  climbed  the  hill,  and 
charged  the  Americans  on  their  right  flank.  Even- 
ing was  at  hand ;  those  of  the  Americans  who 
had  been  engaged  for  more  than  three  hours  had 
nearly  exhausted  their  ammunition,  and  they  quietly 
withdrew  within  their  lines,  taking  with  them  their 
wounded  and  a  hundred  captives.  On  the  British 
side  three  major-generals  came  on  the  field ;  on 
the  American  side  not  one,1  nor  a  brigadier  till 
near  its  close.      The  glory  of  the   day  was  due  to 

1  Arnold  was  not  on  the  field.    So  pretation.      "  General    Arnold   not 

witnesses  Wilkinson,  whom  Marshall  being  present  in   the  battle  of  the 

knew  personally  and  believed.     So  19th  of   September."      R.   R.  Liv- 

said  the  informers  of  Gordon  :    His-  ingston  to  Washington,  Id  January, 

tory,  ii.    551.      Letters   of  Arnold  1778. 
and  Gates  admit  of  no  other  inter- 


THE   CAPITULATION  OF   BURGOYNE.  411 

the  several  regiments,  which  fousrht  in  unison,  and  chap. 

°  °  XXIV. 

needed  only  an  able  general  to  have  utterly  routed 
Burgoyne's  division.  Of  the  Americans,  praise  justly 
fell  upon  Morgan  of  Virginia  and  Scammel  of  New 
Hampshire ;  none  offered  their  lives  more  freely 
than  the  continental  regiment  of  Cilley  and  the 
Connecticut  militia  of  Cook.  The  American  loss, 
including  the  wounded  and  missing,  proved  less 
than  three  hundred  and  twenty;  among  the  dead 
was  the  brave  and  meritorious  Lieutenant- Colonel 
Andrew  Colburn  of  New  Hampshire.  This  acci- 
dental battle  crippled  the  British  force  irretrievably. 
Their  loss  exceeded  six  hundred.  Of  the  sixty- 
second  regiment,  which  left  Canada  five  hundred 
strong,  there  remained  less  than  sixty  men  and 
four  or  five  officers.  "  Tell  my  uncle  I  died  like 
a  soldier,"  were  the  last  words  of  Hervey,  one  of 
its  lieutenants,  a  boy  of  sixteen,  who  was  mortally 
wounded.  A  shot  from  a  rifle,  meant  for  Bur- 
goyne,  struck    an   officer  at  his  side. 

The  separated  divisions  of  the  British  army  passed 
the  night  in  bivouac  under  arms ;  that  of  Burgoyne 
on  the  field  of  battle.  Morning  revealed  to  them 
their  desperate  condition ;  to  all  former  difficulties 
was  added  the  encumbrance  of  their  wounded.  Their 
dead  were  buried  promiscuously,  except  that  offi- 
cers were  thrown  into  holes  by  themselves,  in  one 
pit  three  of  the  twentieth  regiment,  of  whom  the 
oldest  was  not  more  than  seventeen. 

An  attack  upon  the  remains  of  Burgoyne's  di- 
vision while  it  was  still  disconnected  and  without 
intrenchments  was  urged  by  Arnold  with  all  the 
chances  of  a  victory;  but  such  a  movement  did  not 


412  AMEEICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   suit   the    timid    nature    of    Gates,   who    waited    for 

XXIV 

ammunition  and  more  troops,  till  his  effective  men 


outnumbered  his  enemies  by  three  or  even  four  to 
one.  A  quarrel  ensued ;  and  Arnold  demanded  and 
received  a  passport  for  Philadelphia.  Repenting 
of  his  rashness,  the  restless  and  insubordinate  man 
lingered  in  the  camp,  but  could  no  longer  obtain 
access  to  Gates,  nor  a  command. 

During  the  twentieth  the  British  general  en- 
camped his  army  on  the  heights  near  Freeman's 
house,  so  near  the  American  lines  that  he  could 
not  retreat  or  make  a  movement  unobserved.  With 
no  possibility  of  escape  but  by  a  speedy  retreat, 
on  the  twenty- first  he  received  from  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  a  promise  of  a  diversion  on  Hudson  river; 
and  catching  at  the  phantom  of  hope,  he  answered 
that  he  could  maintain  his  position  until  the  twelfth 
of  October; 

Putnam,  who  commanded  on  the  Hudson,  was 
unfit  to  be  a  general  officer.  Spies  of  the  British 
watched  his  condition,  and  he  had  not  sagacity  to 
discover  theirs.  Connecticut  had  been  less  drawn 
upon  for  the  northern  army,  that  its  militia  might 
assist  to  defend  the  Highlands ;  he  had  neglected 
proper  measures  for  securing  their  aid,  and  they 
were  sent  in  great  numbers  to  Spencer  at  Provi- 
dence with  the  vain  design  of  attacking  the  British 
troops  at  Newport.  Meantime,  Putnam,  in  his  easy 
manner,  suffered  a  large  part  of  the  New  York 
Oct-  militia  to  go  home ;  so  that  he  now  had  but  about 
two  thousand  men.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  wifh  four 
thousand  troops,  feigned  an  attack  upon  Fishkill  by 
landing  troops  at  Verplanck's  point.      Putnam  was 


THE   CAPITULATION   OF  BURGOYNE.  413 

completely  duped ;  and  doing  just  as  the  British  chap. 
wished,  he  retired  out  of  the  way  to  the  hills  in 
the  rear  of  Peekskill.  The  sagacity  of  George 
Clinton,  the  governor  of  New  York,  knew  the  point 
of  danger.  With  such  force  as  he  could  collect  he 
hastened  to  Fort  Clinton,  while  his  brother  James 
took  command  of  Fort  Montgomery.  Putnam  should 
have  reenforced  their  garrisons ;  instead  of  it,  he 
ordered  troops  away  from  them,  and  left  the  passes 
unguarded.  At  daybreak  on  the  sixth  of  October, 
the  British  and  Hessians  disembarked  at  Stony  Point; 
Vaughan  with  more  than  one  thousand  men  ad- 
vanced towards  Fort  Clinton,  while  a  corps  of  about 
a  thousand  occupied  the  pass  of  Dunderberg,  and 
by  a  difficult  circuitous  march  of  seven  miles,  at 
five  o'clock  came  in  the  rear  of  Fort  Montgomery. 
Vaughan's  troops  were  then  ordered  to  storm  Fort 
Clinton  with  the  bayonet.  A  most  gallant  resist- 
ance was  made  by  the  governor,  but  at  the  close 
of  twilight  the  British,  by  the  superiority  of  num- 
bers, forced  the  works.  In  like  manner  Fort  Mont- 
gomery was  carried ;  but  the  two  commanders  and 
almost  all  of  both  garrisons  escaped  into  the  forest. 
A  heavy  iron  chain  with  a  boom  had  been  stretched 
across  the  river  from  Fort  Montgomery  to  Antho- 
ny's nose.  This  now  fell  to  the  British.  Over- 
ruling the  direction  of  Governor  Clinton,  Putnam  had 
ordered  down  two  continental  frigates  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  chain ;  but  as  they  were  badly  manned, 
one  of  them  could  not  be  got  off  in  time ;  the 
other  grounded  opposite  West  Point ;  and  both 
were  set  on  fire  in  the  night.  Fort  Constitution, 
on  the  island  opposite  West  Point,  was  abandoned, 

35* 


414  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  s0  that  the  river  was  open  to  Albany.  "When  Put- 
— v — '  Dam   received   lara;e   reinforcements  from  Connecti- 

Oct,  cut,  he  did  nothing  with  them.  On  the  seventh 
he  wrote  to  Gates :  "  I  cannot  prevent  the  enemy's 
advancing ;  prepare  for  the  worst ; "  and  on  the 
eighth :  "  The  enemy  can  take  a  fair  wind,  and  go 
to  Albany  or  Half  Moon  with  great  expedition  and 
without  any  opposition."  But  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
who  ought  a  month  sooner  to  have  gone  to  Al- 
bany instead  of  hunting  cattle  in  New  Jersey,  gar- 
risoned Fort  Montgomery,  and  returned  to  New 
York,  leaving  Vaughan  with  a  large  marauding  ex- 
pedition to  ascend  the  Hudson.  Vaughan  did  no 
more  than  plunder  and  burn  the  town  of  Kingston 
on  the  fifteenth,  and  pillage  and  set  fire  to  the 
mansions  of  patriots  along  the  river. 

S«pt.  After  the  battle  of  the  nineteenth  of  September 
the  condition  of  Burgoyne  rapidly  grew  more  per- 
plexing. The  Americans  broke  down  the  bridges 
which  he  had  built  in  his  rear,  and  so  swarmed  in 
the  woods  that  he  could  gain  no  just  idea  of  their 
situation.  His  foraging  parties  and  advanced  posts 
were  harassed ;  horses  grew  thin  and  weak ;  the 
hospital  was  cumbered  with  at  least  eight  hundred 
sick  and  wounded  men.  One  third  part  of  the  sol- 
dier's ration  was  retrenched.  While  the  British 
army  declined  in  number,  Gates  was  constantly  re- 
enforced.  On  the  twenty-second  Lincoln  arrived, 
and  took  command  of  the  right  wing ;  he  was  fol- 
lowed by  two  thousand  militia.  The  Indians  melted 
away  from  Burgoyne,  and  by  the  zeal  of  Schuyler, 
contrary  to  the  policy  of  Gates,  a  small  band, 
chiefly  of  Oneidas,  joined  the  American  camp.     In 


THE   CAPITULATION  OF  BURGOYNE.  415 

the    evening;   of  the   fourth    of   October    Burgoyne  chap. 

XXIV 

called  Phillips,  Riedesel,  and  Fraser  to  council,  and 
proposed  to  them  by  a  roundabout  march  to  turn 
the  left  of  the  Americans.  To  do  this,  it  was  an- 
swered, the  British  must  leave  their  boats  and  pro- 
visions for  three  days  at  the  mercy  of  the  Amer- 
icans. Riedesel  advised  a  swift  retreat  to  Fort 
Edward;  but  Burgoyne  still  continued  to  wait  for 
a  cooperating  army  from  below.  On  the  seventh 
he  agreed  to  make  a  grand  reconnoissance,  and  if 
the  Americans  could  not  be  attacked,  he  would  think 
of  a  retreat.  At  eleven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
that  day,  seven  hundred  men  of  Fraser's  command, 
three  hundred  of  Breymann's,  and  five  hundred  of 
Riedesel's  were  picked  out  for  the  service.  The 
late  hour  was  chosen,  that  in  case  of  disaster  night 
might  intervene  for  their  relief.  They  were  led 
by  Burgoyne,  who  took  with  him  Phillips,  Riedesel, 
and  Fraser.  The  fate  of  the  army  hung  on  the 
event,  and  not  many  more  than  fifteen  hundred 
men  could  be  spared  without  exposing  the  camp ; 
but  never  was  a  body  of  that  number  so  com- 
manded, or  composed  of  more  thoroughly  trained 
soldiers.  They  entered  a  field  about  half  a  mile 
from  the  Americans,  where  they  formed  a  line, 
and  sat  down  in  double  ranks,  offering  battle. 
Their  artillery,  consisting  of  eight  brass  pieces  and 
two  howitzers,  was  well  posted ;  their  front  was 
open ;  the  grenadiers  under  Ackland,  stationed  in 
the  forest,  protected  the  left ;  Fraser,  with  the 
light  infantry  and  an  English  regiment,  formed  the 
right,  which  was  skirted  by  a  wooded  hill;  the 
Brunswickers  held   the   centre.      While  Fraser  sent 


416  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,   foragers   into   a   wheat -field,   Canadians,   provincials, 
xxiv.  °  i       *         • 

v — y — '  and  Indians  were  to  get  upon  the  American  rear. 

0ct  '  From  his  camp,  which  contained  ten  or  eleven 
thousand  well-armed  soldiers  eager  for  battle,  Gates 
resolved  to  send  out  a  force  sufficient  to  over- 
whelm his  adversaries.  By  the  advice  of  Morgan, 
a  simultaneous  attack  was  ordered  to  be  made  on 
both  flanks.  Just  before  three  o'clock  the  column 
of  the  American  right,  composed  of  Poor's  brigade, 
followed  by  the  New  York  militia  under  Ten  Broeck, 
unmoved  by  the  well-directed  and  well-served  grape- 
shot  from  two  twelve  -  pounders  and  four  sixes, 
marched  on  to  engage  Ackland's  grenadiers ;  while 
the  men  of  Morgan  were  seen  making  a  circuit,  to 
reach  the  flank  and  rear  of  the  British  right,  upon 
which  the  American  light  infantry  under  Dearborn 
descended  impetuously  from  superior  ground.  In 
danger  of  being  surrounded,  Burgoyne  ordered  Fra- 
ser  with  the  light  infantry  and  part  of  the  twenty- 
fourth  regiment  to  form  a  second  line  in  the  rear, 
so  as  to  secure  the  retreat  of  the  army.  While 
executing  this  order,  Fraser  received  a  ball  from  a 
sharp-shooter,  and,  fatally  wounded,  was  led  back  to 
the  camp.  Just  then,  within  twenty  minutes  from 
the  beginning  of  the  action,  the  British  grenadiers, 
suffering  from  the  sharp  fire  of  musketry  in  front 
and  flank,  wavered  and  fled,  leaving  Major  Ackland, 
their  commander,  severely  wounded.  These  move- 
ments exposed  the  Brunswickers  on  both  flanks, 
and  one  regiment  broke,  turned,  and  fled.  It  ral- 
lied, but  only  to  retreat  in  less  disorder,  driven  by 
the  Americans.  Sir  Francis  Clarke,  Burgoyne's  first 
aid,  sent  to  the  rescue  of  the  artillery,  was  mortally 


THE   CAPITULATION  OF  BURGOYNE.  417 

wounded  before  he  could  deliver  his  message :    and  chap. 

°     7  XXIV. 

the  Americans  took  all  the  eight  pieces.  In  the  » — > — ' 
face  of  the  hot  pursuit,  no  second  line  could  be  0ct " 
formed.  Burgoyne  exposed  himself  fearlessly;  a 
shot  passed  through  his  hat,  and  another  tore  his 
■waistcoat;  but  he  was  compelled  to  give  the  word 
of  command  for  all  to  retreat  to  the  camp  of 
Fraser,  which  lay  to  the  right  of  head -quarters. 
Burgoyne  as  he  entered  showed  alarm  by  crying 
out:  "You  must  defend  the  post  till  the  very  last 
man ! "  The  Americans  pursued  with  fury,  and, 
unwisely  directed  by  Arnold,  who  had  ridden  upon 
the  field  as  an  unattended  volunteer,  without  orders, 
without  any  command,  without  a  stafi^  and  beside 
himself,  yet  carrying  some  authority  as  the  highest 
officer  present  in  the  action,  they  made  an  onset  on 
the  strongest  part  of  the  British  line,  and  despite 
an  abatis  and  other  obstructions,  despite  musketry- 
fire  and  grape-shot,  continued  it  for  more  than  an 
hour,  though  in  vain.  Meantime  the  brigade  of 
Learned  made  a  circuit  and  assaulted  the  quarters 
of  the  regiment  of  Breymann,  which  flanked  the 
extreme  right  of  the  British  camp,  and  was  con- 
nected with  Fraser's  quarters  by  two  stockade  re- 
doubts, defended  by  Canadian  companies.  These 
intermediate  redoubts  were  stormed  by  a  Massachu- 
setts regiment  headed  by  John  Brooks,  afterwards 
governor  of  that  state,  and  were  carried  with  little 
loss.  Arnold,  who  had  joined  a  group  in  this 
last  assault,  lost  his  horse  and  was  himself  badly 
wounded  within  the  works.  The  regiment  of  Brey- 
mann was  now  exposed  in  front  and  rear.  Its 
colonel,  fighting   gallantly,  was   mortally  wounded ; 


418  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  some  of  his  troops  fled;  and  the  rest,  about  two 
— y — '  hundred  in  number,  surrendered.  Colonel  Speth, 
Oct  *  wno  -^  UP  a  small  body  of  Germans  to  his  sup- 
port, was  taken  prisoner.  The  position  of  Brey- 
mann  was  the  key  to  Burgoyne's  camp ;  but  the 
directions  for  its  recovery  could  not  be  executed. 
Night  set  in,  and  darkness  ended  the  battle. 

During  all  the  fight,  neither  Gates  nor  Lincoln 
appeared  on  the  field.  In  his  report  of  the  action, 
Gates  named  Arnold  with  Morgan  and  Dearborn ; 
and  congress  paid  a  tribute  to  Arnold's  courage  by 
giving  him  the  rank  which  he  had  claimed.  The 
action  was  the  battle  of  the  husbandmen ;  and  on 
this  decisive  day,  men  of  the  valley  of  Virginia,  of 
New  York,  and  of  New  England,  fought  together 
with  one  spirit  for  a  common  cause.  At  ten  o'clock 
in  the  night,  Burgoyne  gave  orders  to  retreat;  but 
as  he  took  with  him  his  wounded,  artillery,  and 
baggage,  at  daybreak  he  had  only  transferred  his 
camp  to  the  heights  above  the  hospital.  Light 
dawned,  to  show  to  his  army  the  hopelessness  of 
their  position.  They  were  greatly  outnumbered, 
their  cattle  starving,  their  hospitals  cumbered  with 
sick,  wounded,  and  dying ;  and  their  general,  whose 
courage  in  battle  could  not  be  exceeded,  wanted 
strength  of  judgment. 

All  persons  sorrowed  over  Fraser,  so  much  love 
had  he  inspired.  He  questioned  the  surgeon  eagerly 
as  to  his  wound,  and  when  he  found  that  he  must 
go  from  wife  and  children,  that  fame  and  promotion 
and  life  were  gliding  from  before  his  eyes,  he  cried 
out  in  his  agony  :  "  Damned  ambition  !  "  At  sunset 
of  the  eighth,  as  his  body,  attended  by  the  officers 


THE   CAPITULATION  OF  BURGOYNE.  419 

of  his  family,  was  borne  by  soldiers  of  his  corps  to  chap. 
the  great  redoubt  above  the  Hudson,  where  he  had 
asked  to  be  buried,  the  three  major-generals,  Bur- 
goyne,  Phillips,  and  Riedesel,  and  none  beside,  joined 
the  train;  and  amidst  the  ceaseless  booming  of  the 
American  artillery,  the  order  for  the  burial  of  the 
dead  was  strictly  observed  in  the  twilight  over  his 
grave.  Never  more  shall  he  chase  the  red  deer 
through  the  heather  of  Strath  Errick,  or  guide  the 
skiff  across  the  fathomless  lake  of  central  Scotland, 
or  muse  over  the  ruin  of  the  Stuarts  on  the  moor 
of  Drum-mossie,  or  dream  of  glory  beside  the  crys- 
tal waters  of  the  Ness.  Death  in  itself  is  not  ter- 
rible ;  but  he  came  to  America  for  selfish  advance- 
ment, and  though  bravely  true  as  a  soldier,  he  died 
unconsoled. 

In  the  following  night,  Burgoyne,  abandoning  the 
wounded  and  sick  in  his  hospital,  continued  his  re- 
treat; but  as  he  was  still  clogged  with  his  artillery 
and  baggage,  the  night  being  dark,  the  narrow  road 
worsened  by  rain,  they  made  halt  two  miles  short 
of  Saratoga.  In  the  night  before  the  tenth,  the 
British  army,  finding  the  passage  of  the  Hudson 
too  strongly  guarded  by  the  Americans,  forded  the 
Fishkill,  and  in  a  very  bad  position  at  Saratoga 
made  their  last  encampment.  On  the  tenth,  Bur- 
goyne sent  out  a  party  to  reconnoitre  the  road  on 
the  west  of  the  Hudson  ;  but  Stark,  who  after  the 
battle  of  Bennington  had  been  received  at  home 
as  a  conqueror,  had  returned  with  more  than  two 
thousand  men  of  New  Hampshire,  and  held  the 
river  at  Fort  Edward. 

At  daybreak  of  the  eleventh,  an  American  brig- 


420  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  ade,  favored  by  a   thick  fog,  broke   up  the  British 
^-yO  posts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Fishkill,  and  captured  all 

lVf7'  their  boats  and  all  their  provisions,  except  a  short 
allowance  for  five  days.  On  the  twelfth  the  British 
army  was  completely  invested,  nor  was  there  a 
spot  in  their  camp  which  was  not  exposed  to  can- 
non or  rifle  shot.  On  the  thirteenth,  Burgoyne, 
for  the  first  time,  called  the  commanders  of  corps 
to  council ;  and  they  were  unanimous  for  treating  on 
honorable  terms.  Had  Gates  been  firm,  they  would 
have  surrendered  as  prisoners  of  war.  Burgoyne's 
counter  proposals  stipulated  for  a  passage  for  the 
army  from  the  port  of  Boston  to  Great  Britain,  upon 
condition  of-  not  serving  again  in  North  America 
during  the  war.  Frightened  by  the  expedition  of 
Vaughan,  Gates  consented  to  the  modification,  and 
on  the  seventeenth  the  convention  was  signed.  A 
body  of  Americans  marched  to  the  tune  of  Yankee 
Doodle  into  the  lines  of  the  British,  while  they 
marched  out  and  laid  down  their  arms  with  none 
of  the  American  soldiery  to  witness  the  spectacle. 
Bread  was  then  served  to  them,  for  they  had  none 
left,  nor  flour. 

Their  number,  including  officers,  was  five  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  ninety-one ;  there  were  be- 
sides eighteen  hundred  and  fifty- six  prisoners  of 
war,  including  the  sick  and  wounded,  abandoned  to 
the  Americans.  Of  deserters  there  were  three  hun- 
dred ;  so  that,  including  the  killed,  prisoners,  and 
disabled  at  Hubbardton,  Fort  Ann,  Bennington, 
Orisca,  the  outposts  of  Ticonderoga,  and  round 
Saratoga,  the  total  loss  of  the  British  in  this  north- 
ern campaign  was  not  far  from  ten  thousand,  count- 


THE    CAPITULATION   OF  BURGOYNE.  421 

insr  officers  as  well  as  rank   and  file.      The  Ameri-  chap. 

&  .  XXIV. 

cans  acquired  forty- two  pieces  of  the  best  brass 
ordnance  then  known,  beside  large  munitions  of 
war,  and  more  than  fortj-six  hundred  muskets. 

The  cause  of  the  great  result  was  the  courage 
and  the  determined  love  of  freedom  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  So  many  of  the  rank  and.  file  were 
freeholders  or  freeholders'  sons,  that  they  gave  a 
character  to  the  whole  army.  The  negroes,  of 
whom  there  were  many  in  every  regiment,  served 
in  the  same  companies  with  them,  shared  their  mess, 
and  partook  of  their  spirit.  In  the  want  of  a  com- 
mander of  superior  ability,  next  to  the  generous 
care  of  Washington  in  detaching  for  the  support 
of  that  quarter  troops  destined  against  Howe,  vic- 
tory was  due  to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  soldiers. 
When  the  generals  who  should  have  directed  them 
remained  in  camp,  their  common  zeal  created  a 
harmonious  correspondence  of  movement,  and  baffled 
the  high  officers  and  veterans  opposed  to  them. 

The  public  interests  imperatively  demanded  that 
Gates  should  send  the  best  part  of  his  continental 
troops  as  swiftly  as  possible  to  support  the  contest 
against  Howe.  That  he  understood  this  to  be  his 
duty  appears  from  the  letter  to  Washington  in 
which  he  had  excused  his  refusal  to  return  the 
corps  of  Morgan  by  holding  out  the  fairest  prospect 
of  being  able  to  send  larger  reinforcements.  His 
conduct  now  will  test  his  character  as  a  general 
and  a  patriot. 

VOL.  IX.  36 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

the  contest  for  the  delaware  river 

September  —  November,  1777. 

Some  of  the  Pennsylvanians  would  have  had 
Washington  shut  himself  up  in  Philadelphia.  Ex- 
IJT7,  cept  that  it  was  the  city  in  which  congress  had 
declared  American  independence,  its  possession  was 
of  no  importance,  for  above  it  the  rivers  were  not 
navigable,  and  it  did  not  intercept  the  communica- 
tion between  the  north  and  the  south.  The  ap- 
proach to  it  by  water  was  still  obstructed  by  a 
double  set  of  machines  called  chevaux-de-frise,  ex- 
tending across  the  channel  of  the  Delaware :  one, 
seven  miles  from  Philadelphia,  just  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Schuylkill,  and  protected  by  Fort  Mercer  at 
Red -bank  on  the  New  Jersey  shore  and  Fort 
Mifflin  on  Mud  island ;  the  other,  five  miles  still 
nearer  the  bay,  and  overlooked  by  works  at  Bil- 
lingsport. 

At  Philadelphia  the  river  was  commanded  by  an 
American  flotilla  composed  of  one  frigate,  smaller 
vessels,  galleys,  floating  batteries,  and  other  craft.    On 


THE   CONTEST  FOR  THE  DELAWARE   RIVER.  423 

the  twenty- seventh  of  September  they  approached  chap. 
the  city  to  annoy  the  working  parties;  on  the  ebb 
of  the  tide  the  frigate  grounded,  and  its  comman- 
der, fearing  a  fire  from  land,  hastily  surrendered. 
This  disaster  enabled  the  British  to  open  commu- 
nication with  the  Jersey  shore.  On  the  second  of  Oct. 
October  a  detachment  was  put  across  the  Delaware 
from  Chester  by  the  boats  of  one  of  their  frigates; 
the  garrison  at  Billingsport,  spiking  their  guns, 
fled,  leaving  the  lower  line  of  obstructions  to  be 
removed  without  molestation.  Faint  -  heartedness 
spread  along  the  river ;  the  militia  who  were  to 
have  defended  Red-bank  disappeared,  those  of  New 
Jersey  held  back ;  from  the  water-craft  and  even 
from  the  forts  there  were  frequent  desertions  both 
of  officers  and  privates.  Washington  must  act, 
or  despondency  will  prevail. 

The  village  of  Germantown  formed  for  two  miles 
one  continuous  street.  At  its  centre  it  was  crossed 
at  right  angles  by  Howe's  encampment,  which  ex- 
tended on  the  right  to  a  wood,  and  was  guarded 
on  its  extreme  left  by  Hessian  yagers  at  the 
Schuylkill.  The  first  battalion  of  light  infantry 
and  the  Queen's  American  rangers  were  advanced 
in  front  of  the  right  wing ;  the  second  battalion 
supported  the  furthest  pickets  of  the  left  at  Mount 
Airy,  about  two  miles  from  the  camp ;  and  at  the 
head  of  the  village,  in  an  open  field  near  a  large 
stone  house  known  as  that  of  Chew,  the  fortieth 
regiment  under  the  veteran  Musgrave  pitched  its 
tents.  Information  of  the  intended  attack  reached 
Howe,  but  he  received  it  with  incredulity. 

About  noon  on   the   third,  Washington,  at  Matu- 


424  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

<g^P-  chen    Hills,    announced    to    his    army    his    purpose 
v~-~y — '  to  move   upon   Germantown.      He    spoke    to    them 

1 77  7» 

Oct.  *  of  the  successes  of  the  northern  army,  and  ex- 
plained "that  Howe,  who  lay  at  a  distance  of 
several  miles  from  Cornwallis,  had  further  weak- 
ened himself  by  sending  two  battalions  to  Billings- 
port.  If  they  would  be  brave  and  patient,  he 
might  on  the  next  day  lead  them  to  victory." 
Thus  he  inspired  them  with  his  own  hopeful  cour 
age.  A  defeat  of  the  insulated  British  army  must 
have  been  its  ruin.  His  plan  was  to  direct  the  chief 
attack  upon  its  right,  to  which  the  approach  was 
easy;  and  for  that  purpose,  to  Greene,  in  whom 
of  all  his  generals  he  most  confided,  he  gave  the 
command  of  his  left  wing,  composed  of  the  divis- 
ions of  Greene  and  of  Stephen  and  flanked  by 
Macdougall's  brigade.  These  formed  about  two 
thirds  of  all  his  effective  force;1  The  divisions  of 
Sullivan  and  Wayne,  flanked  by  Conway's  brigade 
and  followed  by  Washington,  with  the  brigades  of 
Nash  and  Maxwell,  under  Lord  Stirling,  as  the  re- 
serve, assumed  the  more  difficult  task  of  engaging 
the  British  left.  To  distract  attention,  the  Mary- 
land and  New  Jersey  militia  were  to  make  a  cir- 
cuit and  come  upon  the  rear  of  the  British  right, 
while  on  the  opposite  side  Armstrong,  with  the 
Pennsylvania  militia,  was  to  deal  heavy  blows  on 
the  Hessian  yagers. 

The  different  columns  received  orders  to  con- 
duct their  march  of  about  fourteen  miles  so  as 
to   arrive  near   the    enemy  in  time  to  rest,  and  to 

1  "  Two  thirds  of  the  army  at  least."   Sullivan  to  Weare.    "  Two  thirds." 
Wayne  to  his  wife. 


THE   CONTEST  FOR  THE  DELAWARE   RIVER.  425 

begin  the  attack  on  all  quarters  at  daybreak.  Ac-  chap. 
cordingly,  the  right  wing,  after  marching  all  night, 
halted  two  miles  in  front  of  the  British  outpost, 
and  took  refreshment.  Then,  screened  by  a  fog 
and  marching  in  silence,  the  advance  party  sur- 
prised the  British  picket.  The  battalion  of  light 
infantry  offered  a  gallant  resistance ;  but  when 
Wayne's  men,  whom  Sullivan's  division  closely  fol- 
lowed, rushed  on  with  the  terrible  cry :  "  Have 
at  the  blood  -  hounds  !  Revenge  !  revenge  !  "  the 
bugle  sounded  a  retreat.  The  cannon  woke  Corn- 
wallis  in  Philadelphia,  who  instantly  ordered  his 
British  grenadiers  and  Hessians  to  the  scene  of 
action ;  Howe,  in  like  manner  startled  from  his 
bed,  rode  up  just  in  time  to  see  the  battalion  run- 
ning away.  "  For  shame,  light  infantry ! "  he  cried 
in  anger ;  "  I  never  saw  you  retreat  before.  Form ! 
form !  it  is  only  a  scouting  party."  But  the  cut- 
ting grape-shot  from  three  of  the  American  cannon 
rattling  about  him  showed  the  seriousness  of  the 
attack,  and  he  rode  off  at  full  speed  to  prepare 
his  camp  for  battle ;  while  Musgrave,  detaching  a 
part  of  his  regiment  to  support  the  fugitives,  threw 
himself  with  six  companies  into  Chew's  house,  and 
barricaded  its  lower  windows  and  doors. 

Greene  should  by  this  time  have  engaged  the 
British  right;  but  nothing  was  heard  from  any  part 
of  his  wing.  •  In  consequence,  as  the  divisions  of 
Sullivan  and  Wayne  approached  Chew's  house  to- 
gether, Sullivan  directed  Wayne  to  pass  to  the  left 
of  it,  while  he  advanced  on  its  right.  In  this 
manner  they  were  separated.  The  advance  was 
slow,  for  it  was  made,  not  in  column,  but  in  line, 

36* 


426  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  while  the  troops  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  at  every 
< — r — '  house  and  hedge  where  the  pursuit  was  checked. 
Oct."  Washington,  with  Maxwell's  part  of  the  reserve, 
summoned  Musgrave  to  surrender;  but  the  offi- 
cer who  carried  the  white  flag  was  fired  upon 
and  killed;  the  brave  Chevalier  Duplessis  Mauduit, 
who,  with  John  Laurens  of  South  Carolina,  forced 
and  mounted  the  window  on  the  ground-floor  to  set 
the  house  on  fire,  was  not  supported  by  men  with 
combustibles,  and,  incredible  as  it  may  seem,  the 
two  gallant  and  adventurous  youths  retired  slowly 
and  safely  under  a  fire  from  both  stories  of  the 
house.  The  cannon  was  too  light  to  breach  the 
walls.  Driven  forward  by  his  own  anxiety1  and 
the  zeal  of  the  young  officers  of  his  staff,2  Wash- 
ington left  a  single  regiment  to  watch  the  house,3 
and  with  the  rest  of  the  reserve  advanced  to  the 
front  of  the  battle  and  remained  there  to  the 
last.4 

And  where  was  Greene  ?  From  some  cause 6 
which  he  never  explained,  he  reached  the  British 
outpost  three  quarters  of  an  hour  later  than  the 
troops  with  Washington ;  then,  at  a  very  great 
distance  from  the  force  which  he  was  to  have 
attacked,  he  formed  his  whole  wing,  and  thus  in 
line  of  battle  attempted  to  advance  two  miles  or 
more    through    marshes,    thickets,   and    strong    and 

1  Sullivan  to  Weare.  12  October,  1777.     "Mistook  their 

2  Lee's  Memoirs.  'way."     General  Lacy.     "  Owing  to 

3  Marshall,  i.  68.  the  great   distance."      Macdougall, 

4  Sullivan  to  Weare.  5  October,  1777.     "Delayed  much 

5  "  From  some  mismanagement."  by  General  Greene's  being  obliged 
Heth  to  Lamb,  12  October,  1777.  to  countermarch  one  of  his  divis- 
"  On  account  of  the  darkness  of  ions."  Sullivan  to  Meshecb  Weare, 
the  night  and  the  badness  of  some  25  October,  1777.  Greene's  letter 
roads."     Walter  Stewart  to  Gates,  to  Marchant  gives  no  explanation. 


THE   CONTEST  FOR  THE  DELAWARE   RIVER.  427 

numerous    post -and -rail    fences.      Irretrievable    clis-   chap. 

XXV. 

order  was  the  consequence ;  the  divisions  became 
mixed,  and  the  line  was  broken.  Macdougall1 
never  got  into  the  fight ;  and  Greene  was  left 
with  only  the  brigades  of  Scott  and  Muhlenberg. 
These  entered  the  village  and  attacked  the  British 
right,  which  had  had  ample  time  for  preparation. 
They  were  outflanked,  and  after  about  fifteen  min- 
utes 2  of  heavy  firing  were  driven  back ;  and  the 
regiment  which  had  penetrated  furthest  was  cap- 
tured. Stephen  with  one  of  his  brigades  came  up 
with  the  left  of  Wayne's  division;  Woodford,  who 
commanded  the  other  and  was  on  the  extreme 
right  of  the  wing  under  Greene,  strayed  to  Chew's 
house,  which  he  found  watched  by  a  single  regi- 
ment, halted  there  with  his  whole  brigade,  and 
took  no  part  in  the  battle3  except  to  order  his 
light  field-pieces  to  play  upon  its  walls.  This  new 
and  unexpected  cannonade  was  exactly  in  the  rear 
of  Wayne's  division ;  they  imagined  it  to  be  the 
fire  of  the  British  right ;  and  throwing  off  all  con- 
trol, they  retreated  in  disorder.  Armstrong  with 
his  militia  on  the  extreme  right  considered  it  his 
duty  "  rather  to  divert  the  foreigners 4  than  to 
come  in  contact  with  them ; " 6  so  he  did  no  more 
than  "cannonade  them  from  the  heights  on  the 
Wissahiccon." 6  Sullivan's  men,  with  the  eagerness 
of  young  troops  and  against  the  order  of  Washing- 
ton, had  expended  their  ammunition7  often  without 

1  Walter    Stewart  to  Gates,   12  4  Armstrong  to  Gates,  9  October, 
October,  1777.  1777. 

2  Sullivan  to  Weare.  5  General  Lacy's  account. 

3  Marshall,  an  eye-witness.     Life  6  Armstrong  to  Wharton,  5  Octo- 
of  Washington,  i.  167.  ber,  177  7. 

'  Idem. 


428  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  an  object.  The  battalions  from  Philadelphia,  ad- 
— v — -  vancing  on  a  run,  were  close  at  hand.  In  the 
Oct.  '  ^°St  parties  of  Americans  had  repeatedly  mistaken 
each  other  for  British.  At  about  half- past  eight, 
Washington,  who,  "  in  his  anxiety  exposed  himself 
to  the  hottest  fire,"  seeing  that  the  day  was  lost, 
gave  the  word  to  retreat,  and  sent  it  to  every  di- 
vision. Care  was  taken  for  the  removal  of  every 
piece  of  artillery.  "  British  officers  of  the  first 
rank  said  that  no  retreat  was  ever  conducted  in 
better  order,"2  and  they  and  the  German  officers 
alike  judged  the  attack  to  have  been  well  planned. 
Greene  on  that  day  "fell  under  the  frown"  of 
the  commander-in-chief.  Had  the  forces  intrusted 
to  him  and  the  militia  with  Armstrong  acted  as 
efficiently  as  the  troops  with  Washington,  the  day 
might  have  been  fatal  to  Howe's  army.  The  re- 
newal of  an  attack  so  soon  after  the  defeat  at  the 
Brandywine,  and  its  partial  success,  inspirited  con- 
gress and  the  army.  In  Europe,  it  convinced  the 
cabinet  of  the  king  of  France  that  the  indepen- 
dence of  America  was  assured. 

To  stop  the  sale  of  provisions  to  the  British 
army,  congress  subjected  every  person,  within  thirty 
miles  of  a  British  post,  who  should  give  them  in- 
formation or  furnish  them  supplies,  to  the  penalty 
of  death  on  conviction  by  court-martial ;  and  a  party 
of  militia  under  Potter  watched  the  west  of  the 
Schuylkill  so  carefully  that  the  enemy  suffered 
from  a  scarcity  of  food  and  forage.  Could  Wash- 
ington obtain  a  force  sufficient  to  blockade  Phila- 
delphia   by   land    and   maintain    the    posts    on    the 

1  Burke's  Correspondence,  ii.  204. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  THE  DELAWARE  RIVER.  429 

Delaware,  there  was  hope  of  driving  Howe  to  re-  c*^. 
treat.     But  Pennsylvania  would  not  rise ;   the  con-  < — Y — : 
test  was  on  her  soil,  and  there  were  in  camp  only     0ct 
twelve  hundred  of  her  militia. 

Between  the  fourth  and  the  eighth,  the  fleet  of 
Lord  Howe  anchored  between  Newcastle  and  Reedy 
island.  It  was  the  middle  of  October  before  they 
could  open  a  narrow  and  intricate  channel  through 
the  lower  obstruction  in  the  river.  The  upper 
works  were  untouched;  and  the  forts  on  Red-bank 
and  on  Mud  island  were  garrisoned  by  continental 
troops,  the  former  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Christopher  Greene  of  Rhode  Island,  the  latter 
under  that  of  Lieutenant -Colonel  Samuel  Smith 
of  Maryland.  Meantime,  Sir  William  Howe,  from 
the  necessity  of  concentrating  his  force,  ordered 
Clinton  to  abandon  Fort  Clinton  on  the  Hudson, 
and  to  send  him  a  reenforcement  of  "  full  six 
thousand  men."  x  He  removed  his  army  from  Ger- 
mantown  to  Philadelphia,  and  protected  it  by  a 
line  of  fortifications  from  the  Schuylkill  to  the 
Delaware. 

On  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth,  a  messenger 
arrived  in  camp  bringing  letters  from  Putnam  and 
Clinton  prematurely  but  positively  announcing  the 
surrender  of  the  army  of  Burgoyne.  Washington 
received  them  with  joy  unspeakable  and  devout 
gratitude  "  for  this  signal  stroke  of  Providence." 
"All  will  be  well,"  he  said,  "in  His  own  good 
time."  The  news  circulated  among  the  Americans 
in  every  direction,  and  quickly  penetrated  the  camp 

1  "  Full  six  thousand  men."   Clin-     1777;  in  Albemarle's  Rockingham, 
ton  to  General  Harvey,  13  October,     ii.  337. 


430  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  of  Sir  William  Howe.     "  The  difficulty  of  access  to 

XXV. 

Fort  island  had  rendered  its  reduction  much  more 
tedious  than  was  conceived ; "  under  a  feeling  of 
exasperated  impatience,  he  gave  verbal  orders  to 
Colonel  Donop,  who  had  expressed  a  wish  for  a 
separate  command,  to  carry  Red-bank  by  assault  if  it 
could  be  easily  done,  and  make  short  work  of  the 
affair.  On  the  twenty-second,  Donop  with  five  regi- 
ments of  Hessian  grenadiers  and  infantry,  four  com- 
panies of  yagers,  a  few  mounted  yagers,  all  the 
artillery  of  the  five  battalions,  and  two  English 
howitzers,  arrived  at  the  fort.  Making  at  once  a 
reconnoissance  with  his  artillery  officers,  he  found 
that  on  three  sides  it  could  be  approached  through 
thick  woods  within  four  hundred  yards.  It  was  a 
pentagon,  with  a  high  earthy  rampart,  protected  in 
front  by  an  abatis.  The  battery  of  eight  three- 
pounders  and  two  howitzers  was  brought  up  on  the 
right  wing,  and  directed  on  the  embrasures.  At 
the  front  of  each  of  the  four  battalions  selected  for 
the  assault  stood  a  captain  with  the  carpenters 
and  one  hundred  men  bearing  the  fascines  which 
had  been  hastily  bound  together.  Mad  after  glory, 
Donop,  at  half-past  four,  summoned  the  garrison 
in  arrogant  language.  A  defiance  being  returned, 
he  addressed  a  few  words  to  his  troops.  Each 
colonel  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  division, 
and  at  a  quarter  before  five,  under  the  protection 
of  a  brisk  cannonade  from  all  their  artillery,  they 
ran  forward  and  carried  the  abatis.  On  clearing 
it  they  were  embarrassed  by  pitfalls,  and  were  ex- 
posed to  a  terrible  fire  of  small  arms  and  of  grape- 
shot  from    a    concealed    gallery,  while   two  galleys, 


THE   CONTEST  FOR  THE  DELAWARE  RIVER.  431 

which    the    bushes   had   hidden,  raked   their   flanks  chap. 
with  chain -shot.      Yet  the   brave   Hessians    formed- — y — • 

17  7  7. 

on  the  glacis,  filled  the  ditch,  and  pressed  on  0ct  " 
towards  the  rampart.  But  Donop,  the  officers  of 
his  staff,  and  more  than  half  the  other  officers  were 
killed  or  wounded;  the  men  who  climbed  the  para- 
pet were  beaten  down  with  lances  and  bayonets; 
and  as  twilight  was  coming  on,  the  assailants  fell 
back  under  the  protection  of  their  reserve.  Many 
of  the  wounded  crawled  away  into  the  forest,  but 
Donop  and  a  few  others  were  left  behind.  The 
party  marched  back  during  the  night  unpursued. 

As  the  British  ships  of  war  which  had  attempted 
to  take  part  in  the  attack  fell  down  the  river,  the 
"  Augusta,"  of  sixty-four  guns,  and  the  "  Merlin "  frig- 
ate grounded.  The  next  day  the  "Augusta"  was 
set  on  fire  by  red-hot  shot  from  the  American  gal- 
leys and  floating  batteries,  and  blown  up  before  all 
her  crew  could  escape ;  the  "  Merlin "  was  aban- 
doned and  set  on  fire.  From  the  wrecks  the 
Americans  brought  off  two  twenty-four  pounders. 
"Thank  God,"  reasoned  John  Adams,  "the  glory 
is  not  immediately  due  to  the  commander-in-chief, 
or  idolatry  and  adulation  would  have  been  so 
excessive  as  to   endanger  our  liberties." 

The  Hessians,  by  their  own  account,  lost  in  the 
assault  four  hundred, and  two  in  killed  and  wounded, 
of  whom  twenty-six  were  officers.  Two  colonels 
gave  up  their  fives.  Donop,  whose  thigh  was  shat- 
tered, lingered  for  three  days ;  and  to  Mauduit,  who 
watched  over  his  death-bed  with  tenderness,  he 
said :  "  It  is  finishing  a  noble  career  early ;  I  die 
the  victim  of  my  ambition,  and  of  the   avarice  of 


432  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap-  my  sovereign."  This  was  the  moment  chosen  by 
Howe  to  complain  of  Lord  George  Germain,  and 
to  ask   the   kind's    leave    to    resign    his   command ; 

CO? 

and  he  added  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  ter- 
minating the  war  without  another  campaign,  nor 
then,  unless  large  re  enforcements,  such  as  he  knew 
could  not  be  furnished,  should  be  sent  from  Eu- 
rope. 

On  Burgoyne's  surrender,  it  became  the  para- 
mount duty  of  Gates  to  detach  reinforcements  to 
Washington;  but  weeks  passed  and  even  the  corps 
of  Morgan  did  not  arrive.  The  commander-in-chief, 
therefore,  near  the  end  of  October,  despatched  his 
Nov.  able  aid,  Alexander  Hamilton,  with  authority  to 
demand  them.  This  was  followed  by  the  strangest 
incidents  of  the  war.  Putnam  for  a  while  disre- 
garded the  orders  borne  by  Hamilton.  Gates,  in 
his  elation,  detained  a  very  large  part  of  his  army 
in  idleness  at  Albany,  under  the  pretext  of  an 
expedition  against  Ticonderoga,  which  he  did  not 
mean  to  attack,  and  which  the  British  of  them- 
selves abandoned ;  he  neglected  to  announce  his 
victory  to  the  commander-in-chief;  and  he  sent 
directly  to  congress  the  tardy  message:  "With  an 
army  in  health,  vigor,  and  spirits,  Major -General 
Gates  now  waits  the  commands  of  the  honorable 
congress."  Instead  of  chiding;  the  insubordination, 
congress  appointed  him  to  regain  the  forts  and 
passes  on  the  Hudson  river.  Now  Washington  had 
himself  recovered  these  forts  and  passes  by  press- 
ing Howe  so  closely  as  to  compel  him  to  order 
their  evacuation ;  yet  congress  forbade  Washing- 
ton  to  detach  from    the   northern  army  more  than 


THE   CONTEST  FOR   THE   DELAWARE  RIVER.  433 

twenty-five  hundred  men,  including  the  corps  of 
Morgan,  without  first  consulting  General  Gates  and 
the  governor  of  New  York.  It  was  even  moved 
that  he  should  not  detach  any  troops  except  after 
consultation  with  Gates  and  Clinton  ;  and  Samuel 
Adams,  John  Adams,  and  Gerry  of  Massachusetts, 
and  Marchant  of  Rhode  Island  voted  for  that  re- 
striction. Time  was  wasted  by  this  interference 
on  the  part  of  congress.  Besides ;  while  the  north- 
ern army  had  been  borne  onward  to  victory  by 
the  rising  of  the  people,  Washington  encountered, 
other  difficulties  from  the  disaffection  of  a  great 
part  of  the  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania,  the  languor 
of  others,  and  the  internal  feuds  and  distraction  of 
the  whole.  So  the  opportunity  of  driving  Howe 
from   Philadelphia  before  winter  was  lost. 

By  the  tenth  of  November  the  British  had  com- 
pleted their  batteries  on  the  reedy  morass  of  Prov- 
ince island,  five  hundred  yards  from  the  Amer- 
ican fort  on  Mud  island,  and  began  an  incessant 
fire  from  four  batteries  of  heavy  artillery.  Smith 
gave  the  opinion  that  the  garrison  could  not  repel 
a  storming  party;  but  Major  Fleury,  the  resolute 
French  engineer,  reported  the  place  still  defensible. 
On  the  eleventh,  Smith,  having  received  a  slight 
hurt,  passed  immediately  to  Red -bank;  the  next 
in  rank  desired  to  be  recalled ;  and  early  on  the 
thirteenth  the  brave  little  garrison  of  two  hundred 
and  eighty-six  fresh  men  and  twenty  artillerists 
was  confided  to  Major  Simeon  Thayer  of  Rhode 
Island,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  expe- 
dition   against    Quebec,  and    who    now  volunteered 

VOL.   IX.  37 


434  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  to  take  the  desperate  command.1  Supported  by 
his  superior  ability  and  the  skill  and  cool  courage 
of  Fleury,  the  garrison  held  out  gallantly  during 
an  incessant  bombardment  and  cannonade.  On  the 
fifteenth,  the  wind  proving  fair,  the  "Vigilant,"  carry- 
ing sixteen  twenty-four  pounders,  and  the  hulk  of 
a  large  Indiaman  with  three  twenty-four  pounders, 
aided  by  the  tide,  were  warped  through  an  inner 
channel  which  the  obstructions  in  the  river  had 
deepened,  and  anchored  so  near2  the  American  fort 
that  they  could  send  into  it  hand-grenades,  and 
marksmen  from  the  masts  of  the  "Vigilant"  could 
pick  off  men  from  its  platform.  Five  large  Brit- 
ish ships  of  war,  which  drew  near  the  chevaux- 
de-frise,  kept  off  the  American  flotilla,  and  some- 
times directed  their  fire  at  the  fort  on  its  unpro- 
tected side.  The  land  batteries,  now  five  in  number, 
played  from  thirty  pieces  at  short  distances.  The 
ramparts  and  block -houses  on  Mud  island  were 
honey  -  combed,  their  cannon  nearly  silenced.  A 
storming  party  was  got  ready;  but  to  avoid  blood- 
shed, Sir  William  Howe,  who  on  the  fifteenth  was 
present  with  his  brother,  gave  orders  to  keep  up  the 
fire  all  night  through.  In  the  evening,  Thayer  sent 
all  the  garrison  but  forty  men  over  to  Red-bank, 
and  after  midnight  followed  with  the  rest.  When, 
on  the  sixteenth,  the  British  troops  entered  the  fort, 
they  found  nearly  every  one  of  its  cannon  stained 

1  The  authorities  of  weight  are:  letter  of  17  February,  1778,  in  Cow- 

Fleury's  journal    in    Marshall,  and  ell's  Spirit  of  1776  in  Rhode  Island, 

in  Sparks,  v.  154,  from  the  Wash-  296.     The  account  in  Marshall,  i. 

ington  papers ;  Varnum  to  Washing-  178,  is  very  complete, 

ton,  15  and  16  November,  1777,  and  2  Varnum  :  "one  hundred  yards;" 

Varnum    to    Wheeler,    2    August,  Miinchhausen :  "  two." 
1786;  and   Colonel  Israel  Angell's 


THE   CONTEST  FOR  THE  DELAWARE  RIVER.  435 

with   blood.     Never  were  orders   to  defend  a  place   chap. 

YYVr 

to  the  last  extremity  more  faithfully  executed. 
Thayer  was  reported  to  Washington  as  an  officer 
of  the  highest  merit ;  Fleury  won  promotion  from 
congress  for  his  disinterested  gallantry. 

Cornwallis  was  next  sent  by  way  of  Chester  to 
Billingsport,  with  a  strong  body  of  troops  to  clear 
the  left  bank  of  the  Delaware.  A  division  under 
Greene  was  promptly  despatched  across  the  river 
to  give  him  battle.  But  Cornwallis  was  joined  by 
five  British  battalions  from  New  York,  while  the 
American  reinforcements  from  the  northern  army 
were  still  delayed.  It  therefore  became  necessary 
to  evacuate  Red-bank.  Cornwallis,  having  levelled 
its  ramparts,  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  Greene 
rejoined  Washington;  but  not  till  Lafayette,  who 
attended  the  expedition  as  a  volunteer,  had  secured 
the  applause  of  congress  by  routing  a  party  of 
Hessians.  For  all  the  seeming  success,  many  offi- 
cers in  the  British  camp  expressed  the  opinion  that 
the  states  could  not  be  subjugated,  and  should  be 
suffered  to  go  free. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

the  confederation. 
November  15,  1777. 
chap.        While    the    winter -quarters    of   the    British    in 

XXVI.  .  . 

v_^~^.  Philadelphia  were   rendered    secure   by  the    posses- 

1I7'r*  sion    of    the    river    Delaware,    the    congress   which 
Nov.  (  7  ° 

was  scoffed  at  in  the  British  house  of  lords  as  a 
"vagrant"  horde  resumed  at  Yorktown  the  work 
of  confederation.  Of  the  committee  who,  in  June, 
1776,  had  been  appointed  to  prepare  the  plan, 
Samuel  Adams  alone  remained  a  member ;  and  even 
he  was  absent  when,  on  the  fifteenth  of  Novem- 
ber, 1777,  "articles  of  confederation  and  perpetual 
union"  were  adopted,  to  be  submitted  for  appro- 
bation to  the  several  states. 

The  present  is  always  the  lineal  descendant  of 
the  past.  A  new  form  of  political  life  never  ap- 
pears but  as  a  growth  out  of  its  antecedents,  just 
as  in  nature  there  is  no  animal  life  without  a  seed 
or  a  spore.  In  civil  affairs,  as  much  as  in  hus- 
bandry, seed-time  goes  before  the  harvest,  and  the 
harvest    may    be    seen    in    the    seed,   the    seed    in 


THE   CONFEDERATION.  437 

the  harvest.  According  to  the  American  theory, 
the  unity  of  the  colonies  had,  before  the  declara- 
tion of  independence,  resided  in  the  British  king. 
The  congress  of  the  United  States  was  the  king's 
successor,  and  it  inheiited  only  such  powers  as 
the  colonies  themselves  acknowledged  to  have  be- 
longed to  the  crown. 

The  vastness  of  America  interfered  with  the  in- 
stincts of  local  attachment.  Affection  could  not 
twine  itself  round  a  continental  domain  of  which 
the  greatest  part  was  a  wilderness,  associated  with 
no  recollections.  The  sentiment  of  unity  existed 
only  in  the  germ.  Gadsden  of  South  Carolina 
had  advised  all  to  be,  not  Carolinians  or  New 
Yorkers,  but  Americans;  yet  "my  country,"  in 
the  mouth  of  Washington,  in  the  early  part  of 
1776,  meant  Virginia  only ;  and  though  with  the 
declaration  of  independence  he  learned  to  embrace 
all  the  states  in  that  name,  the  narrower  usage  was 
still  kept  up  by  Patrick  Henry.  The  confederacy 
was  formed  under  the  influence  of  political  ideas 
which  had  been  developed  by  a  contest  of  centu- 
ries for  individual  and  local  liberties  against  an 
irresponsible  central  authority.  Now  that  power 
passed  to  the  people,  new  institutions  were  re- 
quired strong  enough  to  protect  the  state,  while 
they  should  leave  untouched  the  liberties  of  the 
individual.  But  America,  misled  by  what  belonged 
to  the  past,  took  for  her  organizing  principle  the 
principle  of  resistance  to  power,  which  in  all  the 
thirteen  colonies  had  been  hardened  into  stubborn- 
ness by  a  succession  of  common  jealousies  and 
struggles. 

37* 


438  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

During  the  sixteen  months  that  followed  the  in- 
troduction of  the  plan  for  confederation  prepared 
by  Dickinson,  the  spirit  of  separation,  fostered  by 
uncontrolled  indulgence,  by  opposing  interests,  by 
fears  on  the  part  of  the  south  of  the  more  ho- 
mogeneous and  compact  population  of  the  north- 
east, by  the  dissimilar  impulses  under  which  the 
different  sections  of  the  country  had  been  colo- 
nized, and  by  a  dread  of  interference  with  the  pe- 
culiar institutions  of  each  colony,  visibly  increased 
in  congress,  and  every  change  in  his  draught,  which 
of  itself  proposed  only  a  league  of  states,  darkened 
more  and  more  the  prospect  of  that  energetic  au- 
thority which  is  the  first  guaranty  of  liberty. 

The  possessions  of  the  British  crown  had  ex- 
tended from  the  Saint  Mary's  to  the  extreme  north 
of  the  habitable  continent,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Mississippi  or  even  to  the  Pacific;  the  United  States 
of  America  included  within  their  jurisdiction  so 
much  of  that  territory  as  had  belonged  to  any 
of  the  thirteen  colonies;  and  if  Canada  would  so 
choose,  they  were  ready  to  annex  Canada. 

In  the  republics  of  Greece,  citizenship  had  in 
theory  been  confined  to  a  body  of  kindred  fami- 
lies, which  formed  an  hereditary  caste,  a  multitudi- 
nous aristocracy.  Such  a  system  could  have  no 
permanent  vitality;  and  the  Greek  republics,  as  the 
Italian  republics  in  after-ages,  died  out  for  want 
of  citizens.  America  adopted  at  once  the  greatr 
est  result  of  modern  civilization,  the  principle  of 
the  all-embracing  unity  of  society.  As  the  Amer- 
ican territory  was  that  of  the  old  thirteen  colo- 
nies, so    the   free   people    residing    upon    it   formed 


THE   CONFEDERATION.  439 

the    free    people    of   the    United    States.      Subject  chap. 
and  citizen  were  correlative  terms,  and  subjects  of  *— r~~ ' 

1777. 

the  monarchy  became  citizens  of  the  republic.  He  jjov> 
that  had  owed  primary  allegiance  to  the  king  of 
England,  now  owed  primary  allegiance  to  united 
America ;  yet,  as  the  republic  was  the  sudden  birth 
of  a  revolution,  the  moderation  of  congress  did  not 
name  it  treason  for  the  former  subjects  of  the  king 
to  adhere  to  his  government ;  only,  it  was  held, 
that  whoever  chose  to  remain  on  the  soil,  by  resi- 
dence accepted  the  protection  of  America,  and  in 
return  owed  it  allegiance.  This  is  the  reason  why, 
for  twelve  years,  free  inhabitants  and  citizens  were 
in  American  state -papers  convertible  terms,  some- 
times used  one  for  the  other,  and  sometimes,  for  the 
sake  of  perspicuity,  redundantly  joined  together. 

"  The  king  of  England,  according  to  the  rule  of 
modern  civilization,  claimed  as  his  subjects  all  per- 
sons born  within  his  dominions :  in  like  manner 
every  one  who  first  saw  the  light  on  the  American 
soil  was  a  natural-born  citizen ;  but  the  power  of 
naturalization,  which,  under  the  king,  each  colony 
had  claimed  to  regulate  by  its  own  laws,  remained 
under  the  confederacy  with  the  separate  states. 

The  king  had  extended  protection  to  every  one 
of  his  lieges  in  any  one  of  the  thirteen  colonies; 
now  that  congress  was  the  successor  of  the  king 
in  America,  the  right  to  equal  protection  was  con- 
tinued to  every  free  inhabitant  in  whatever  state 
he  might  sojourn  or  dwell. 

It  had  been  held  under  the  monarchy  that  each 
American  colony  was  as  independent  of  England 
as    the    electorate   of  Hanover ;    now,   therefore,  in 


440  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

^hap.   the  confederacy  of  "the  United  States  of  America," 
v — y — '  each  state  was  to  remain  an  independent  sovereign, 

1777.  .  . 

Nov.  and  the  union  was  to  be  no  more  than  an  alliance. 
This  theory  decided  the  manner  in  which  congress 
should  vote.  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  asked,  that, 
while  each  state  might  have  at  least  one  delegate, 
the  rule  should  be  one  for  every  fifty  thousand  in- 
habitants ;  but  the  amendment  was  rejected  by  nine 
states  against  two,  Delaware  being  absent  and  North 
Carolina  divided.  Virginia  would  have  allowed  one 
member  of  congress  to  each  state  for  every  thirty 
thousand  of  its  inhabitants,  and  in  this  she  was  sup- 
ported by  John  Adams ;  but  his  colleagues  cast  the 
vote  of  Massachusetts  against  it,  and  Virginia  was 
left  alone,  North  Carolina  as  before  losing  its  vote 
by  being  equally  divided.  Virginia  next  desired 
that  the  representation  for  each  state  should  be  in 
proportion  to  its  contribution  to  the  public  treasury ; 
here  again  she  was  supported  by  John  Adams,  but 
was  opposed  by  every  other  state,  including  North 
Carolina  and  Massachusetts.  At  last,  with  only  one 
state  divided  and  no  negative  voice  but  that  of 
Virginia,  an  equal  vote  in  congress  was  acknowl- 
edged to  belong  to  each  sovereign  state,  though  the 
number  of  delegates  to  give  that  vote  might  be 
not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  seven  for  each 
state.  The  remedy  for  this  inequality  enhanced  the 
evil  and  foreboded  anarchy:  while  each  state  had 
one  vote,  "  great  and  very  interesting  questions " 
could  be  carried  only  by  the  concurrence  of  nine 
states.  If  the  advice  of  Samuel  Adams  had  been 
listened  to,  the  vote  of  nine  states  would  not  have 
prevailed,  unless  they  represented  a  majority  of  the 


THE   CONFEDERATION.  441 

people  of  all  the  states.  For  the  transaction  of  less  chap. 
important  business,  an  affirmative  vote  of  seven 
states  was  required.  In  other  words,  in  the  one 
case  the  assent  of  two  thirds,  in  the  other  of  a 
majority  of  all  the  thirteen  states,  was  needed,  the 
absence  of  any  state  having  the  force  of  a  nega- 
tive vote. 

Principles  of  policy  which  in  their  origin  may 
have  been  beneficent,  when  wrongly  applied  be- 
come a  curse.  The  king's  power  to  levy  taxes  by 
parliament  or  by  his  prerogative  had  been  denied, 
and  no  more  than  a  power  to  make  requisitions 
conceded  :  in  like  manner  the  general  congress,  as 
successor  to  the  king,  could  not  levy  taxes,  but 
only  make  requisitions  for  money  on  the  several 
states.  The  king  might  establish  post-offices  for 
public  convenience,  not  for  revenue :  in  like  manner 
congress  might  authorize  no  rates  of  postage  except 
to  defray  the  expense  of  transporting  the  mails.  The 
colonies  under  the  king  had  severally  levied  import 
and  export  duties;  the  same  power  was  allowed 
still  to  reside  in  each  separate  state,  limited  only 
by  the  proposed  treaties  with  France  and  Spain. 

Thus  the  new  republic  was  left  without  any 
independent  revenue,  and  the  charges  of  the  gov- 
ernment, its  issues  of  paper  money,  its  loans,  were 
to  be  ultimately  defrayed  by  quotas  assessed  upon 
the  separate  states.  The  difference  between  the 
north  and  the  south  growing  out  of  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery  decided  the  rule  for  the  distribu- 
tion of  these  quotas.  By  the  draught  of  Dickinson, 
taxation  was  to  be  in  proportion  to  the  census  of 
population,  in  which  slaves  were  to  be  enumerated. 


442  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  On  the  thirteenth  of  October,  1777,  it  was  moved 
that  the  sum  to  be  paid  by  each  state  into  the 
treasury  should  be  ascertained  by  the  value  of  all 
property  within  each  state.  This  was  promptly 
negatived,  and  was  followed  by  a  motion  having 
for  its  object  to  exempt  slaves  from  taxation  alto- 
gether. On  the  following  day,  eleven  states  were 
present.  The  four  of  New  England  voted  in  the 
negative ;  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  the  two  Carolinas 
in  the  affirmative.  The  decision  remained  with 
the  central  states.  Robert  Morris  of  Pennsylvania 
against  Roberdeau,  and  Duer  of  New  York  against 
Duane,  voted  with  the  south,  and  so  the  votes  of 
their  states  were  divided  and  lost.  The  decision 
rested  on  New  Jersey,  and  she  gave  it  for  the 
complete  exemption  from  taxation  of  all  property 
in  slaves.  This  is  the  first  important  division  be- 
tween the  slaveholding  states  and  the  states  where 
slavery  was  of  little  account.  The  rule  for  appor- 
tioning the  revenue  as  finally  adopted,  was  the  re- 
spective value  of  land  granted  or  surveyed,  and  the 
buildings  and  improvements  thereon,  without  regard 
to  personal  property  or  numbers.  This  alone  ren- 
dered the  confederacy  nugatory;  for  congress  had 
not  power  to  make  the  valuation. 

In  like  manner  the  rules  for  navigation  were  to 
be  established  exclusively  by  each  separate  state, 
and  the  confederation  did  not  take  to  itself  power 
to  countervail  the  restrictions  of  foreign  govern- 
ments, or  to  form  agreements  of  reciprocity,  or 
even  to  establish  uniformity.  These  arrangements 
suited  the  opinions  of  the  time ;  the  legislature 
of  New  Jersey,  vexed  by  the  control  of  New  York 


THE   CONFEDERATION.  443 

over  the  waters  of  New  York  bay,  alone  proposed  chap. 
as  an  amendment  a  grant  of  greater  power  over 
foreign  commerce.  Moreover,  each  state  decided 
for  itself  what  imports  it  would  permit,  and  what 
it  would  prohibit;  so  that  the  confederate  congress 
for  itself  renounced  forever  the  power  to  sanction 
or  to  stop  the  slave-trade. 

The  king  had  possessed  all  the  lands  not  alien- 
ated by  royal  grants.  On  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, the  quit -rents  were  sequestered  to  the 
benefit  of  the  proprietors,  while  each  state  assumed 
the  ownership  of  the  royal  domain  within  its  limits. 
A  question  was  raised  as  to  public  lands  which 
might  be  acquired  or  recovered  by  the  war,  espe- 
cially the  country  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  which 
had  been  transferred  to  the  province  of  Quebec 
by  act  of  parliament ;  but  that  act  formed  one  of 
the  grievances  of  America ;  its  validity  was  denied ; 
and  the  states  which  by  their  charters  extended  in- 
definitely west,  or  west  and  northwest,  refused  to 
accept  the  United  States  as  the  umpire  to  settle 
their  boundaries,  except  with  regard  to  each  other. 

Jealousy  of  a  standing  army  was  one  of  the 
traditionary  lessons  of  English  liberty.  The  supe- 
riority of  the  civil  over  the  military  power  was 
most  deeply  imprinted  on  the  heart  of  the  people. 
It  was  borne  in  mind,  that  victorious  legions  revo- 
lutionized Rome ;  that  Charles  the  First  sought  to 
overturn  the  institutions  of  England  by  an  army; 
that  by  an  army  Charles  the  Second  was  brought 
back  without  conditions;  that  by  a  standing  army, 
which  Americans  themselves  were  to  have  been 
taxed  to  maintain,  it  had  been  proposed  to  abridge 


444  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  American    liberties.      In    congress    this    distrust  of 

.A  A.  VI. 

< — y — -  military  power  existed  all  the  more  for  the  confi- 
Nov>*  dence  and  undivided  affection  which  the  people 
bore  to  the  American  commander-in-chief,  and  has 
for  its  excuse,  that  the  ages  perhaps  never  fur- 
nished an  example,  that  human  nature  was  hardly 
supposed  able  to  furnish  an  example,  of  a  military 
hero  eminent  as  a  statesman,  the  liberator  of  his 
country,  and  yet  desirous  after  finishing  his  work 
to  go  into  private  life.  We  have  seen  how  ear- 
nestly Washington  endeavored  to  establish  an  army 
of  the  United  States.  His  plan,  which  at  the  time 
it  was  proposed  congress  did  not  venture  to  re- 
ject, was  now  deliberately  demolished.  Congress 
thought  it  augured  wTell  for  liberty  that  the  states 
were  stretched  along  the  Atlantic  shore  in  a  nar- 
row line,  ill  suited  to  unity  of  military  action;  and 
to  prevent  a  homogeneous  organization,  it  not  only 
left  to  each  of  them  the  exclusive  power  over  its 
militia,  but  the  exclusive  appointment  of  the  regi- 
mental officers  in  its  quota  of  land  forces  for 
the  public  service ;  so  that  there  might  be  thirteen 
armies,  rather  than  one. 

As  in  England,  so  in  America,  this  jealousy  did 
not  extend  to  maritime  affairs;  the  separate  states 
had  no  share  in  the  appointment  of  officers  in  the 
navy,  and  the  United  States  might  even  establish 
courts  of  admiralty,  though  with  a  jurisdiction  lim- 
ited to  piracies  and  felonies  on  the  high  seas  and 
to  appeals  in  all  cases  of  capture. 

As  the  king  in  England,  so  the  United  States 
determined  on  peace  and  war,  sent  ambassadors  to 
foreign  powers,  and  entered   into    treaties  and  alii- 


THE   CONFEDERATION.  445 

ances;    but  beside  their  general  want  of  executive  chap. 

7       _  b  XXVI. 

power,    the    grant    to    make   treaties  of   commerce  * — Y — > 
was  nullified   by  the   power   reserved  to  the    states    ^     * 
over  imports   and   exports,  over  shipping    and   rev- 
enue. 

The  right  of  coining  money,  the  right  of  keeping 
up  ships  of  war,  land  forces,  forts,  garrisons,  were 
shared  by  congress  with  the  respective  states. 
No  state,  Massachusetts  not  more  than  South  Caro- 
lina, would  subordinate  its  law  of  treason  to  the 
will  of  congress.  The  formation  of  a  class  of  na- 
tional statesmen  was  impeded  by  the  clause  which 
forbade  any  man  to  sit  in  congress  more  than  three 
years  out  of  six;  nor  could  the  same  member  of 
congress  be  appointed  its  president  more  than  one 
year  in  any  term  of  three  years.  As  there  was 
scarcely  the  rudiment  of  a  judiciary,  so  direct  ex- 
ecutive power  was  altogether  wanting.  The  report 
of  Dickinson  provided  for  a  council  of  state ;  but 
this  was  narrowed  down  to  "a  committee  of 
states"  to  be  composed  of  one  delegate  from  each 
state,  which  could  be  invested  with  no  power  what- 
ever respecting  important  business,  and  no  power 
of  any  kind  except  that  with  which  congress,  "by 
the  consent  of  nine  states,"  might  invest  them 
from  time  to  time. 

Each  state  retained  its  sovereignty,  and  all  power 
not  expressly  delegated.  Under  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, the  use  of  the  veto  in  colonial  legislation  had 
been  complained  of.  There  was  not  even  a  thought 
of  vesting  congress  with  a  veto  on  the  legislation 
of  states,  or  subjecting  such  legislation  to  the  re- 
vision   of   a  judicial    tribunal.      Each    state,    being 

VOL.   IX  38 


446  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  esteemed  independent  and  sovereign,  had  exclusive, 
full,  and  final  powers  in  every  matter  relating  to 
domestic  police  and  government,  to  slavery  and 
manumission,  to  the  conditions  of  the  elective  fran- 
chise; and  the  restraints  required  by  loyalty  to  the 
central  government  were  left  to  be  self-imposed 
Incidental  powers  to  carry  into  effect  the  powers 
granted  to  the  United  States  were  denied,  and  thus 
granted  powers  might  be  made  of  no  avail. 

To  complete  the  security  against  central  author- 
ity, the  articles  of  confederation  were  not  to  be 
adopted  except  by  the  unanimous  assent  of  each 
one  of  the  legislatures  of  the  thirteen  separate 
states;  and  no  amendment  might  be  made  without 
an  equal  unanimity.  A  government  which  had  not 
power  to  levy  a  tax,  or  raise  a  soldier,  or  deal 
directly  with  an  individual,  or  keep  its  engage- 
ments with  foreign  powers,  or  amend  its  constitu- 
tion without  the  unanimous  consent  of  its  mem- 
bers, had  not  enough  of  vital  force  to  live.  It 
could  not  interest  the  human  race,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  independence  must  be  the  signal  for 
its  dissolution.  But  a  higher  spirit  moved  over  the 
darkness  of  that  formless  void.  That  which  then 
flowered,  bore  the  seed  of  that  which  was  to  be. 
Notwithstanding  the  defects  of  the  confederation, 
the  congress  of  the  United  States,  inspired  by  the 
highest  wisdom  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and 
seemingly  without  debate,  embodied  in  their  work 
four  capital  results,  which  Providence  in  its  love  for 
the  human  race  could  not  let  die. 

The  republics  of  Greece  and  Rome  had  been 
essentially    no    more    than    governments    of    cities. 


THE   CONFEDERATION.  447 

When  Rome  exchanged  the  narrowness  of  the  an-   chap. 

XXVI. 

cient  municipality  for  cosmopolitan  expansion,  the 
republic,  from  the  false  principle  on  which  it  was 
organized,  became  an  empire.  The  middle  ages 
had  free  towns  and  cantons,  but  no  national  re- 
public. Congress  had  faith  that  one  republican 
government  could  comprehend  a  continental  terri- 
tory, even  though  it  should  extend  from  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  to  the  uttermost  limit  of  Canada,  and  in- 
clude Newfoundland. 

Having  thus  proclaimed  that  republicanism  may 
equal  the  widest  empire  in  its  bounds,  they  settled 
the  relation  of  the  United  States  to  the  natural 
rights  of  their  inhabitants  with  superior  wisdom. 
Some  of  the  states  had,  each  according  to  its 
prevailing  superstition  or  prejudice,  narrowed  the 
rights  of  classes  of  men.  One  state  disfranchised 
Jews,  another  Catholics,  another  deniers  of  the 
Trinity,  another  men  of  a  complexion  different  from 
white.  The  United  States  in  congress  assembled 
suffered  the  errors  against  humanity  in  one  state 
to  eliminate  the  errors  against  humanity  in  another. 
They  rejected  every  disfranchisement  and  super- 
added none.  The  declaration  of  independence  said, 
all  men  are  created  equal;  the  articles  of  confed- 
eration and  perpetual  union  made  no  distinction 
of  classes,  and  knew  no  caste  but  the  caste  of 
humanity.  To  them,  free  inhabitants  were  free 
citizens. 

That  which  gave  reality  to  the  union  was  the 
article  which  secured  to  "the  free  inhabitants"  of 
each  of  the  states  "all  privileges  and  immunities 
of  free    citizens   in    the    several    states."      Congress 


448  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  appeared  anxiously  to  shun  the  term  "people  of 
the  United  States;"  it  is  nowhere  found  in  the 
articles  of  confederation,  and  rarely  and  only  acci- 
dentally in  their  votes  ;  yet  by  this  act  they 
constituted  the  free  inhabitants  of  the  different 
states  one  people.  When  the  articles  of  confeder- 
ation reached  South  Carolina  for  confirmation,  it 
was  perceived  that  they  secured  equal  rights  of 
inter-citizenship  in  the  several  states  to  the  free 
black  inhabitant  of  any  state.  This  concession  was 
opposed  in  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina,  and 
after  an  elaborate  speech  by  William  Henry  Dray- 
ton, the  articles  were  returned  to  congress  with  a 
recommendation  that  inter-citizenship  should  be  con- 
fined to  the  white  man ;  but  congress,  by  a  vote  of 
eight  states  against  South  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
one  state  being  divided,  refused  to  recede  from  the 
universal  system  on  which  American  institutions 
were  to  be  founded.  The  decision  was  not  due  to 
the  excitement  of  impassioned  philanthropy :  slavery 
at  that  day  existed  in  every  one  of  the  thirteen 
states;  and  all  over  the  country,  notwithstand- 
ing many  men  south  as  well  as  north  revolted  at 
the  thought  of  continuing  the  institution,  custom 
scarcely  recognised  the  black  man  as  an  equal; 
yet  congress,  with  a  fixedness  of  purpose  resting 
on  a  principle,  would  not  swerve  from  its  position. 
For  when  it  resolved  upon  independence  and  had 
to  decide  on  whom  a  demand  could  be  made  to 
maintain  that  independence,  it  defined  as  members 
of  a  colony  all  persons  abiding  within  it  and  deriving 
protection  from  its  laws,  and  charged  the  guilt  of 
treason  on  all  members  of  the  united  colonies  who 


THE   CONFEDERATION.  449 

should  adhere  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain.     Now,   ^hap. 
therefore,  when   inter-state    rights  were  to    be  con-  v_-v-w 

.  17  77. 

fided  to  the  members  of  each  state,  it  looked  upon  j^ov 
every  freeman  who  owed  primary  allegiance  to  the 
state  as  a  citizen  of  the  state.  The  free  black  in- 
habitant owed  allegiance,  and  was  entitled  to  equal 
civil  rights,  and  so  was  a  citizen.  Universal  suf- 
frage as  the  right  of  man  was  not  as  yet  asserted 
in  the  constitution  of  any  one  of  the  states.  Con- 
gress, while  it  left  the  regulation  of  the  elective 
franchise  to  the  judgment  of  each  state,  in  the  arti- 
cles of  confederation,  in  its  votes  and  its  treaties 
with  other  powers,  reckoned  all  the  free  inhabitants, 
without  distinction  of  ancestry,  creed,  or  color,  as 
subjects  or  citizens.  But  America,  though  the  best 
representative  of  the  social  and  political  gains  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  was  not  the  parent  of  the 
idea  in  modern  civilization  that  man  is  a  constitu- 
ent member  of  the  state  of  his  birth,  irrespective 
of  his  ancestry.  It  was  become  the  public  law  of 
Christendom.  Had  America  done  less,  she  would 
have  been,  not  the  leader  of  nations,  but  a  laggard. 
One  other  life-giving  excellence  distinguished  the 
articles  of  confederation.  The  instrument  was  suf- 
fused with  the  idea  of  securing  the  largest  liberty 
to  individual  man.  In  the  ancient  Greek  republic, 
the  state  existed  before  the  individual  and  absorbed 
the  individual.  Thought,  religious  opinion,  worship, 
conscience,  amusements,  joys,  sorrows,  all  activities, 
were  regulated  by  the  state ;  the  individual  lived 
only  as  subordinate  to  the  state.  A  declaration  of 
rights  is  a  declaration  of  those  liberties  of  the  in- 
dividual which  the  state  cannot  justly  control.     The 

38* 


450  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

xxvi'   ^ree^  system   of  law  knew  nothing  of  such  liber- 
ty— '  ties  :    the  Greek  citizen  never  spoke   of  the   rights 

1777.  ...  . 

•j^ov>  of  man ;  the  individual  was  merged  in  the  body 
politic.  At  last  a  government  founded  on  consent 
could  be  perfected,  for  the  acknowledgment  that 
conscience  has  its  rights  had  broken  the  unity  of 
despotic  power,  and  confirmed  the  freedom  of  the 
individual.  Because  there  was  life  in  all  the  parts, 
there  was  the  sure  promise  of  a  well-organized  life 
in  the  whole. 

Yet  the  young  republic  failed  in  its  first  effort 
at  forming  a  general  union.  The  smoke  in  the 
flame  overpowered  the  light.  "  The  articles  of 
.  confederation  endeavored  to  reconcile  a  partial  sov- 
ereignty in  the  union  with  complete  sovereignty  in 
the  states,  to  subvert  a  mathematical  axiom  by 
taking  away  a  part  and  letting  the  whole  remain." 
The  polity  then  formed  could  hardly  be  called  an 
organization,  so  little  did  the  parts  mutually  corre- 
spond and  concur  to  the  same  final  actions.  The 
executive  power  vested  in  the  independent  will  of 
thirteen  separate  sovereign  states  was  like  many 
pairs  of  ganglia  in  one  of  the  inferior  articulata,  of 
which  part  may  press  to  go  one  way  and  part  another. 
Yet  through  this  chaotic  mass  the  rudiment  of  a 
spinal  cord  may  be  traced.  The  system  was  imper- 
fect, and  was  acknowledged  to  be  imperfect.  A 
better  one  could  not  then  have  been  accepted ;  but 
with  all  its  faults  it  contained  the  elements  for 
the  evolution  of  a  more  perfect  union.  America 
in  her  progress  carried  along  with  her  the  urn 
which  held  the  ashes  of  the  dead  past,  but  she 
also  had  hope  and  creative  power.     The  sentiment 


THE  CONFEDERATION.  451 

of   nationality  was    forming.      The    framers   of   the   chap. 

J  ° .  .  XXVI. 

confederacy  would  not  admit  into  that  instrument 
the  name  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and 
described  the  states  as  so  many  sovereign  and  in- 
dependent communities ;  yet  already  in  the  circu- 
lar letter  of  November,  1777,  to  the  states,  asking 
their  several  subscriptions  to  the  plan  of  confederacy, 
they  avowed  the  purpose  to  secure  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  all  the  states  an  "  existence  as  a  free 
people."  The  child  that  was  then  born  was  cra- 
dled between  opposing  powers  of  evil  j  if  it  will 
live,  its  infant  strength  must  strangle  the  twin 
serpents   of  separatism  and  central  despotism. 


CHAPTER  XXVH. 

WINTER-QUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  FORGE. 

November,  1777  —  April,  1778. 

xxvn  When  at  last  Washington  was  joined  by  troops 
« — y — '  from  the  northern  army,  a  clamor  arose  for  the 
Nov  *  capture  of  Philadelphia.  Protected  by  the  Schuyl- 
kill and  the  Delaware,  the  city  could  be  approached 
only  from  the  north,  and  on  that  side  a  chain  of 
fourteen  redoubts  extended  from  river  to  river. 
Moreover,  the  army  by  which  it  was  occupied, 
having  been  reenforced  from  New  York  by  more 
than  three  thousand  men,  now  exceeded  nineteen 
thousand.  Yet  four  American  officers  voted  in  coun- 
cil for  an  assault  upon  the  lines  of  this  greatly 
superior  force ;  but  the  general,  sustained  by  eleven, 
disregarded  the  murmurs  of  congress  and  rejected 
"  the  mad  enterprise." 

Ashamed  of  inaction,  Sir  William  Howe  announced 
to  his  government  his  intention  to  make  a  forward 
movement.  Washington,  with  a  quickness  of  eye 
that  had  been  developed  by  his  forestrlife  as  a  sur- 


WINTER-QUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  453 

veyor,  selected  in  the  woods  of  "Whitemarsh  strong  chap. 

.  XXVII. 

ground  for  an  encampment,  and  there,  within  four-  ^^yS 
teen  miles  of  Philadelphia,  awaited  the  enemy,  of  1^'7'r' 
whose  movements  he  received  exact  and  timely 
intelligence.  On  the  severely  cold  night  of  the 
fourth  of  December,  the  British,  fourteen  thousand 
strong,  marched  out  to  attack  the  American  lines. 
Before  daybreak  on  the  fifth,  their  advance  party 
halted  on  a  ridge  beyond  Chestnut  hill,  eleven  miles 
from  Philadelphia,  and  at  seven  their  main  body 
formed  in  one  line,  with  a  few  regiments  as  re- 
serves. The  Americans  occupied  thickly  wooded 
hills,  with  a  morass  and  a  brook  in  their  front. 
Opposite  the  British  left  wing  a  breastwork  de- 
fended the  only  point  where  the  brook  could  be 
easily  forded.  About  noon,  General  Irvine,  who 
led  some  Pennsylvania  militia  into  a  skirmish,  was 
wounded  and  taken  prisoner,  and  his  party  were  dis- 
persed. At  night  the  British  force  rested  on  their 
arms,  and  the  hills  far  and  wide  blazed  with  the 
innumerable  fires  of  the  two  armies.  Washington 
passed  the  hours  in  strengthening  his  position ;  and 
though  from  sickness,  fatigue,  and  want  of  cloth- 
ing, he  had  at  most  but  eleven  thousand,  accord- 
ing to  Kalb,  who  was  present,  but  seven  thousand 
really  effective  men,  he  wished  for  an  engagement. 
Near  the  end  of  another  day  Howe  marched  back 
to  Germantown,  and  on  the  next,  as  if  intending  a 
surprise,  suddenly  returned  upon  the  American  left, 
which  he  made  preparations  to  assail.  Washing- 
ton rode  through  every  brigade,  delivering  in  per- 
son his  orders  on  the  manner  of  receiving  their 
enemy,    exhorting   to   a   reliance    on   the    bayonet  j 


454  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  and  his  words,  and  still  more  his  example,  inspired 
^-^O  them  with  his  own  fortitude.  All  day  long,  and  until 
177  7.  eig]^  m  £ne  evening,  Howe  kept  up  his  recon- 
noitring, but  found  the  American  position  every- 
where strong  by  nature  and  by  art.  Nothing  oc- 
curred during  the  day  but  a  sharp  action  on  Edge 
hill,  between  light  troops  under  Gist  and  Morgan's 
riflemen  and  a  British  party  led  by  General  Grey. 
The  latter  lost  eighty-nine  in  killed  and  wounded ; 
the  Americans  twenty-seven,  among  them  the  brave 
Major  Morris  of  New  Jersey.  On  the  eighth,  just  af- 
ter noon,  the  British  suddenly  filed  off,  and  marched 
by  the  shortest  road  to  Philadelphia.  Their  loss  in 
the  expedition  exceeded  one  hundred.  Thus  the 
campaign  closed.  Howe  had  gone  out  with  supe- 
rior numbers  and  the  avowed  intention  of  bringing 
on  a  battle,  and  had  so  respected  his  adversary  that 
he  would  not  engage  him  without  some  advantage 
of  ground.  Henceforward  he  passed  the  winter 
behind  his  intrenchments,  making  only  excursions 
for  food  or  forage ;  and  Washington  had  no  choice 
but  to  seek  winter-quarters  for  his  suffering  soldiers. 
Military  affairs  had  thus  far  been  superintended 
by  congress,  through  a  committee  of  its  own  mem- 
bers. After  some  prelude  in  July,  1777,  it  was  set- 
tled in  the  following  October  to  institute  an  exec- 
utive board  of  war  of  five  persons  not  members 
of  congress. 

Conway,  a  French  officer  of  Irish  descent,  whom 
Greene  and  others  describe  as  "  worthless,"  had  long 
been  eager  for  higher  rank.  In  a  timely  letter  to 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  a  friend  to  Conway,  Washing- 
ton  wrote :    "  His    merits    exist    more   in   his   own 


WINTER- QUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  455 

imagination   than   in   reality ;   it   is   a   maxim  with  chap. 

.  XXVII. 

him  not  to  want  anything  which  is  to  be  obtained  » — ,^> 
by  importunity;"  his  promotion  would  be  "a  real  17'7'7, 
act  of  injustice/'  likely  to  "  incur  a  train  of  irreme- 
diable evils.  To  sum  up  the  whole,  I  have  been  a 
slave  to  the  service ;  I  have  undergone  more  than 
most  men  are  aware  of  to  harmonize  so  many  dis- 
cordant parts ;  but  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to 
be  of  any  further  service,  if  such  insuperable  diffi- 
culties are  thrown  in  my  way."  These  words  might 
be  interpreted  as  a  threat  of  resignation  in  the 
event  of  Conway's  promotion.  Conway  breathed 
out  his  discontent  to  Gates,  writing  in  substance : 
"  Heaven  has  been  determined  to  save  your  coun- 
try, or  a  weak  general  and  bad  counsellors  would 
have  ruined  it."  The  correspondents  of  Gates  did 
not  scruple  in  their  letters  to  speak  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief with  bitterness  or  contempt.  "  This 
army,"  wrote  Reed,  "notwithstanding  the  efforts  of 
our  amiable  chief,  has  as  yet  gathered  no  laurels.  I 
perfectly  agree  with  that  sentiment  which  leads  to 
request  your  assistance."  On  the  sixth  of  Novem- 
ber, Wilkinson,  the  principal  aid  of  Gates,  a  bab- 
bling and  unsteady  sycophant  praised  by  his  chief 
for  military  genius,  was  made  a  brigadier.  On  the 
seventh,  Mifflin,  leaving  his  office  of  quartermaster- 
general,  of  which  he  had  neglected  the  duties,  yet 
retaining  the  rank  of  major-general,  was  elected  to 
the  board  of  war.  The  injurious  words  of  Conway 
having  through  "Wilkinson  been  reported  to  Washing- 
ton, on  the  ninth  he  communicated  his  knowledge 
of  them  to  Conway,  and  to  him  alone.  Conway, 
in  an  interview,  justified  them,  made  no  apology,  and 


456  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  after  the  interview  reported  his  defiance  of  Wash- 
Cjt,Js  ington   to    Mifflin.     On   the  tenth,   Sullivan,  second 

it 77.  m  rank  in  the  army,  knowing  the  opinion  of  his 
brother- officers  and  of  his  chief,  and  that  on  a  dis- 
cussion at  a  council  of  war  about  appointing  an 
inspector  -  general  Conway's  pretensions  met  with 
no  favor,  wrote  to  a  member  of  congress :  "  No 
man  can  behave  better  in  action  than  General 
Conway ;  his  regulations  in  his  brigade  are  much 
better  than  any  in  the  army;  his  knowledge  of 
military  matters  far  exceeds  any  officer  we  have. 
If  the  office  of  inspector -general  with  the  rank  of 
major-general  was  given  him,  our  army  would  soon 
cut  a  different  figure  from  what  they  now  do." 
On  the  same  day  Wayne  expressed  his  purpose 
"  to  follow  the  line  pointed  out  by  the  conduct  of 
Lee,  Gates,  and  Mifflin."  On  the  eleventh,  Conway, 
foreseeing  that  Gates  was  to  preside  at  the  board 
of  war,  offered  to  form  for  him  a  plan  for  the 
instruction  of  the  army ;  and  on  the  fifteenth,  to 
advance  his  intrigue,  he  tendered  his  resignation 
to  congress.  On  the  seventeenth,  Lovell  of  Massa- 
chusetts wrote  to  Gates  threatening  Washington 
a  with  the  mighty  torrent  of  public  clamor  and  ven- 
geance," and  subjoined :  u  How  different  your  con- 
duct and  your  fortune;  this  army  will  be  totally 
lost  unless  you  come  down  and  collect  the  virtuous 
band  who  wish  to  fight  under  your  banner."  On 
the  twenty-first,  Wayne,  forgetting  the  disaster  that 
had  attended  his  own  rash  confidence,  disparaged 
Washington  as  having  more  than  once  slighted  the 
favors  of  fortune.  On  the  twenty  -  fourth,  congress 
received  the  resignation  of  Conway,  and  referred  it 


WINTER-QUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  457 

to  the  hoard  of  war,  of  which  Mifflin  at  that  time  chap. 

xxvii. 


was  the  head.     On   the  twenty-seventh,  they   filled 

Nov 


the    places    in    that    board,    and    appointed    Gates  r 


its  president.  On  the  same  day  Lovell  wrote  to 
Gates  :  "  We  want  you  in  different  places  ;  we 
want  you  most  near  Germantown.  Good  God, 
what  a  situation  we  are  in!  how  different  from 
what  might  have  been  justly  expected!"  and  he 
represented  Washington  as  a  general  who  col- 
lected astonishing  numbers  of  men  to  wear  out 
stockings,  shoes,  and  breeches,  and  "  Fabiused  affairs 
into  a  very  disagreeable  posture."  On  the  twenty- 
eighth,  congress  declared  themselves  by  a  unani- 
mous resolution  in  favor  of  carrying  on  a  winter's 
campaign  with  vigor  and  success,  and  sent  three 
of  their  members  with  Washington's  concurrence  to 
direct  every  measure  which  circumstances  might 
require.  On  the  same  day,  Mifflin,  explaining  to 
Gates  how  Conway  had  braved  the  commander-in- 
chief,  volunteered  his  own  opinion  that  the  extract 
from  Conway's  letter  was  a  "  collection  of  just  sen- 
timents." Gates,  on  receiving  the  letter,  wrote  to 
Conway:  "You  acted  with  all  the  dignity  of  a  vir- 
tuous soldier."  He  wished  a  so  very  valuable  and 
polite  an  officer  might  remain  in  the  service."  To 
congress  he  complained  of  the  betrayal  of  his  cor- 
respondence to  Washington,  with  whom  he  came  to 
an  open  rupture.  On  the  thirteenth  of  December, 
congress,  following  Mifflin's  report,  appointed  Con- 
way inspector-general,  promoted  him  to  be  a  major- 
general,  made  his  office  independent  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, and  referred  him  to  the  board  of 
war  for  the  regulations  which  he  was  to  introduce. 

VOL.  ix.  39 


458  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  Some  of  those  engaged  in  the  cabal  wished  to  r>ro- 

XXVII 

<~r-v — \  voke  Washington  to  the  resignation  which  he  seemed 
1177,  to  have  threatened. 

Dec. 

This  happened  just  as  "Washington  by  his  skill 
at  Whitemarsh  had  closed  the  campaign  with 
honor.  The  condition  of  his  troops  required  repose. 
The  problem  which  he  must  solve  was  to  keep 
together  through  the  cold  winter  an  army  without 
tents,  and  to  confine  the  British  to  the  environs  of 
Philadelphia.  There  was  no  town  which  would 
serve  the  purpose.  Valley  Forge,  on  the  Schuyl- 
kill, but  twenty- one  miles  from  Philadelphia,  ad- 
mitted of  defence  against  the  artillery  of  those 
days,  and  had  more  than  one  route  convenient  for 
escape  into  the  interior.  The  ground  lay  sheltered 
between  two  ridges  of  hills,  and  was  covered  by  a 
thick  forest.  From  his  life  in  the  woods,  Washing- 
ton could  see  in  the  trees  a  town  of  log -cabins, 
built  in  regular  streets,  and  affording  shelter  enough 
to  save  the  army  from  dispersion. 

As  his  men  moved  towards  the  spot  selected  for 
their  winter  resting-place,  they  had  not  clothes  to 
cover  their  nakedness,  nor  blankets  to  lie  on,  nor 
tents  to  sleep  under.  For  the  want  of  shoes  their 
marches  through  frost  and  snow  might  be  traced 
by  the  blood  from  their  feet,  and  they  were  almost 
as  often  without  provisions  as  with  them.  On  the 
nineteenth  they  arrived  at  Valley  Forge,  within  a 
day's  march  of  Howe's  army,  with  no  shelter  till 
they  could  build  houses  for  themselves.  The  order 
for  their  erection  was  received  by  officers  and  men 
as  impossible  of  execution,  and  they  were  still 
more   astonished    at    the    ease   with   which,   as    the 


WINTER-QUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  FORGE.         459 

work  of  their  Christmas  holidays,  they  changed  the  chap. 
forest  into  huts  thatched  with  boughs  in  the  order 
of  a  regular  encampment.  Washington's  unsleeping 
vigilance  and  thorough  system  for  receiving  intelli- 
gence secured  them  against  surprise ;  love  of  coun- 
try and  attachment  to  their  general  sustained  them 
under  their  unparalleled  hardships ;  with  any  other 
leader  the  army  would  have  dissolved  and  vanished. 
Yet  he  was  followed  to  Valley  Forge  by  letters 
from  congress  transmitting;  the  remonstrance  of  the 
council  and  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  against  his 
going  into  winter-quarters.'  To  this  senseless  re- 
proof Washington  on  the  twenty-third,  after  laying 
deserved  blame  upon  Mifflin  for  neglect  of  duty  as 
quartermaster-general,  replied:  "For  the  want  of 
a  two  days'  supply  of  provisions,  an  opportunity 
scarcely  ever  offered  of  taking  an  advantage  of  the 
enemy  that  has  not  been  either  totally  obstructed 
or  greatly  impeded.  Men  are  confined  to  hospitals 
or  in  farmers'  houses  for  want  of  shoes.  We  have 
this  day  no  less  than  two  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  ninety-eight  men  in  camp  unfit  for  duty,  because 
they  are  barefoot  and  otherwise  naked.  Our  whole 
strength  in  continental  troops  amounts  to  no  more 
than  eight  thousand  two  hundred  in  camp  fit  for 
duty.  Since  the  fourth  instant,  our  numbers  fit  for 
duty  from  hardships  and  exposures  have  decreased 
nearly  two  thousand  men.  Numbers  still  are  obliged 
to  sit  all  night  by  fires.  Gentlemen  reprobate  the 
going  into  winter-quarters  as  much  as  if  they  thought 
the  soldiers  were  made  of  stocks  or  stones.  I  can 
assure  those  gentlemen  that  it  is  a  much  easier  and 
less   distressing  thing   to   draw  remonstrances  in  a 


460  AMERICAN    INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  comfortable  room  by  a  good  fireside,  than  to  occupy 
a  cold,  bleak  hill,  and  sleep  under  frost  and  snow 
without  clothes  or  blankets.  However,  although 
they  seem  to  have  little  feeling  for  the  naked  and 
distressed  soldiers,  I  feel  superabundantly  for  them, 
and  from  my  soul  I  pity  those  miseries  which  it 
is  neither  in  my  power  to  relieve  or  prevent." 

While  the  shivering  soldiers  were  shaping  the 
logs  for  their  cabins,  the  clamor  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vanians  continued ;  and  the  day  after  Christmas, 
Sullivan,  who  held  with  both  sides,  gave  his  writ- 
ten advice  to  Washington  to  yield  and  attack 
Howe  in  Philadelphia,  "risking  every  consequence 
in  an  action."  The  press  was  called  into  activity. 
On  the  last  day  in  the  year,  an  anonymous  writer 
in  the  "  New  Jersey  Gazette,"  at  Trenton,  supposed 
to  be  Benjamin  Bush,  began  a  series  of  articles  un- 
der the  name  of  a  French  officer,  to  set  forth  the 
unrivalled  glory  of  Gates,  who  had  conquered  vet- 
erans with  militia,  pointing  out  plainly  Washing- 
ton's successor. 

1778.  The  year  1778  opened  gloomily  at  Valley  Forge. 
To  the  touching  account  of  the  condition  of  the 
army,  congress,  which  had  not  provided  one  maga- 
zine for  winter,  made  no  response  except  a  promise 
to  the  soldiers  of  one  month's  extra  .pay,  and  a  re- 
newal of  authority  to  take  the  articles  necessary 
for  their  comfortable  subsistence.  Washington  was 
averse  to  the  exercise  of  military  power,  not  only 
from  reluctance  to  give  distress,  but  to  avoid  in- 
creasing the  prevalent  jealousy  and  suspicion.  Seeing 
no  movement  towards  a  reform  in  the  administra- 
tion, on  the  fifth  of  January  he  renewed  his  remon- 


WINTER-QUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  461 

strances  with  respect  and  firmness :  u  The  letter  from   chap. 

•  r>  XXVII. 

the  committee  of  congress  and  board  of  war  does 
not  mention  the  regulations  adopted  for  removing 
the  difficulties  and  failures  in  the  commissary  line. 
I  trust  they  will  be  vigorous  or  the  army  cannot 
exist.  It  will  never  answer  to  procure  supplies  of 
clothing  or  provision  by  coercive  measures.  The 
small  seizures  made  of  the  former  a  few  days  ago, 
when  that  or  to  dissolve  was  the  alternative,  excited 
the  greatest  uneasiness  even  among  our  warmest 
friends.  Such  procedures  may  give  a  momentary 
relief,  but,  if  repeated,  will  prove  of  the  most  per- 
nicious consequence.  Besides  spreading  disaffection, 
jealousy,  and  fear  among  the  people,  they  never 
fail,  even  in  the  most  veteran  troops  under  the  most 
rigid  and  exact  discipline,  to  raise  in  the  soldiery  a 
disposition  to  plunder,  difficult  to  suppress,  and  not 
only  ruinous  to  the  inhabitants,  but,  in  many  in- 
stances, to  armies  themselves.  I  regret  the  occasion 
that  compelled  us  to  the  measure  the  other  day, 
and  shall  consider  it  among  the  greatest  of  our 
misfortunes  if  we  should  be  under  the  necessity  of 
practising  it  again."  Still  congress  did  no  more  than 
on  the  tenth  and  twelfth  of  January  appoint  Gates 
and  Mifflin,  with  four  or  five  others,  to  repair  to 
head-quarters  and  concert  reforms. 

While  those  who  wished  the  general  out  of  the 
way  urged  him  to  some  rash  enterprise,  or,  to  feel 
the  public  pulse,  sent  abroad  rumors  that  he  was 
about  to  resign,  Benjamin  Rush  in  a  letter  to  Patrick 
Henry  represented  the  army  of  Washington  as  hav- 
ing no  general  at  their  head,  and  went  on  to  say : 
"  A  Gates,  a  Lee,  or  a  Conway,  would  in  a  few  weeks 

39* 


462  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  render  them  an  irresistible  body  of  men.     Some  of 

XXVII.  . 

the  contents  of  this  letter  ought  to  be  made  public, 
in  order  to  awaken,  enlighten,  and  alarm  our  coun- 
try." This  communication,  to  which  Rush  dared  not 
sign  his  name,  Patrick  Henry  in  his  scorn  noticed 
only  by  sending  it  to  Washington.  An  anonymous 
paper  of  the  like  stamp,  transmitted  to  the  president 
of  congress,  took  the  same  direction. 

Meantime,  the  council  and  assembly  of  Pennsylva- 
nia renewed  to  congress  their  wish  that  Philadelphia 
might  be  taken  and  the  British  driven  away.  Con- 
gress hailed  the  letter  as  proof  of  a  rising  spirit, 
and  directed  the  committee  appointed  to  go  to  camp 
to  consult  on  the  subject  with  the  government  of 
Pennsylvania  and  wTith  General  Washington. 

Nor  was  this  all.  The  board  of  war  was  ambi- 
tious of  the  fame  of  great  activity,  and  also  wished 
to  detach  Lafayette,  the  representative  of  France, 
from  the  commander-in-chief.  In  concert  with  Con- 
way, but  without  consulting  Washington,  they  in- 
duced congress  to  sanction  a  winter  expedition 
against  Canada,  under  Lafayette,  who  was  not  yet 
twenty-one  years  old,  with  Comvay  for  his  second 
in  command,  and  with  Stark.  Assured  at  York- 
town  by  Gates  that  he  would  have  a  force  of  three 
thousand  men,  and  that  Stark  would  have  already 
destroyed  the  shipping  at  Saint  Johns,  Lafayette 
repaired  to  Albany,  but  not  until  he  obtained  from 
congress  Kalb  as  his  second,  and  Washington  as  his 
direct  superior.  There  the  three  major-generals  of 
the  expedition  met,  and  were  attended  or  followed 
by  twenty  French  officers.  Stark  wrote  for  orders. 
The    available   force   for   the    conquest,   counting   a 


1778. 


WINTER-QUARTERS   AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  463 

regiment  which  Gates   detached  from  the  army  of   chap. 

XXVII. 

Washington,  did  not  exceed  a  thousand.  For  these 
there  was  no  store  of  provision,  nor  clothing  suited 
to  the  climate  of  Canada,  nor  means  of  transporta- 
tion. Two  years'  service  in  the  northern  depart- 
ment cannot  leave  to  Gates  the  plea  of  ignorance ; 
his  plan  showed  his  utter  administrative  incapacity; 
it  accidentally  relieved  the  country  of  Conway,  who, 
writing  petulantly  to  congress,  found  his  resignation, 
which  he  had  meant  only  as  a  complaint,  irrevocably 
accepted.     Lafayette  and  Kalb  were  recalled. 

Slights  and  selfish  cabals  could  wound  the  sensi- 
bility but  not  affect  the  conduct  of  Washington. 
The  strokes  of  ill-fortune  in  his  campaigns  he  had 
met  with  equanimity  and  fortitude ;  but  he  sought 
the  esteem  of  his  fellow-men  as  his  only  reward,  and 
now  unjust  censure  gave  him  the  most  exquisite 
pain.  More  was  expected  from  him  than  was  pos- 
sible to  be  performed.  Moreover,  his  detractors  took 
an  unfair  advantage,  for  he  was  obliged  to  conceal  the 
weakness  of  his  army  from  public  view,  and  thereby 
submit  to  calumny.  To  William  Gordon,  who  was 
seeking  materials  for  a  history  of  the  war,  he  wrote 
freely :  "  Neither  interested  nor  ambitious  views  led 
me  into  the  service.  I  did  not  solicit  the  command, 
but  accepted  it  after  much  entreaty,  with  all  that 
diffidence  which  a  conscious  want  of  ability  and  ex- 
perience equal  to  the  discharge  of  so  important  a 
trust  must  naturally  excite  in  a  mind  not  quite 
devoid  of  thought ;  and  after  I  did  engage,  pursued 
the  great  line  of  my  duty  and  the  object  in  view, 
as  far  as  my  judgment  could  direct,  as  pointedly 
as  the  needle  to  the  pole."     "No  person  ever  heard 


1778, 


464  AMERICAN"  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  me  drop  an  expression  that  had  a  tendency  to  resis;- 

XXVII.  ...  11 

nation.  The  same  principles  that  led  me  to  embark 
in  the  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great 
Britain  operate  with  additional  force  at  this  day ; 
nor  is  it  my  desire  to  withdraw  my  services  while 
they  are  considered  of  importance  to  the  present 
contest.  There  is  not  an  officer  in  the  service  of 
the  United  States  that  would  return  to  the  sweets 
of  domestic  life  with  more  heartfelt  joy  than  I 
should,  but  I  mean  not  to  shrink  in  the  cause." 

In  his  remonstrances  with  congress  he  wrote 
with  plainness,  but  with  moderation.  His  calm  dig- 
nity, while  it  irritated  his  adversaries,  overawed 
them ;  and  nothing  could  shake  the  confidence  of 
the  people,  or  divide  the  affections  of  any  part  of 
the  army,  or  permanently  distract  the  majority 
of  congress.  Those  who  had  been  most  ready  to 
cavil  at  him  soon  wished  their  rash  words  benevo- 
lently interpreted  or  forgotten.  Gates  denied  the 
charge  of  being  in  a  league  to  supersede  Washing- 
ton as  a  wicked,  false,  diabolical  calumny  of  incen- 
diaries, and  would  not  believe  that  any  such  plot 
existed ;  Mifflin  exonerated  himself  in  more  equiv- 
ocal language  ;  and  both  retired  from  the  committee 
that  was  to  repair  to  head-quarters.  In  the  following 
July,  Conway,  thinking  himself  mortally  wounded  in 
a  duel,  wrote  to  Washington  :  "  My  career  will  soon 
be  over ;  therefore  justice  and  truth  prompt  me  to 
declare  my  last  sentiments.  You  are  in  my  eyes 
the  great  and  good  man.  May  you  long  enjoy  the 
love,  veneration,  and  esteem  of  these  states,  whose 
liberties  you  have  asserted  by  your  virtues."  The 
committee  which  towards   the  end  of  January  was 


WINTER-QUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  465 

finally  sent  to  consult  with  "Washington,  was  com-  chap. 
posed  exclusively  of  members  of  congress,  and  the  < — v — / 
majority  of  them,  especially  Charles  Carroll  of  17T8, 
Maryland,  were  his  friends.  But  in  the  procrastina- 
tion of  active  measures  of  relief,  the  departments 
of  the  quartermaster  and  commissary  remained  like 
clocks  with  so  many  checks  that  they  cannot  go. 
Even  so  late  as  the  eleventh  of  February,  Dana, 
one  of  the  committee,  reported  that  men  died  for 
the  want  of  straw  or  materials  to  raise  them  from 
the  cold,  wet  earth.  In  numerous  and  crowded 
hospitals  the  sick  could  not  be  properly  cared  for. 
Inoculation  was  delayed  for  want  of  straw  and 
other  necessaries.  Almost  every  species  of  camp- 
transportation  was  performed  by  men,  who,  without 
a  murmur,  yoked  themselves  to  little  carriages  of 
their  own  making,  or  loaded  their  fuel  and  provi- 
sions on  their  backs.  Some  brigades  had  been  four 
days  without  meat.  Desertions  were  frequent.  There 
was  danger  that  the  troops  would  perish  from  famine 
or  disperse  in  search  of  food. 

All  this  time  the  British  soldiers  in  Philadelphia 
were  well  provided  for,  the  officers  quartered  upon 
the  inhabitants.  The  days  were  spent  in  pastime, 
the  nights  in  entertainments.  By  a  proportionate 
tax  on  the  pay  and  allowances  of  each  officer,  a 
house  was  opened  for  daily  resort  and  for  weekly 
balls,  with  a  gaming-table  which  had  assiduous  vo- 
taries, and  a  room  devoted  to  the  game  of  chess. 
Thrice  a  week,  plays  were  enacted  by  amateur  per- 
formers. The  curtain  painted  by  Andre"  was  greatly 
admired.  The  officers,  among  whom  all  ranks  of 
the   British   aristocracy  were    represented,  lived   in 


466  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  open  licentiousness.  At  a  grand  review,  a  beautiful 
w-v — '  English  girl,  mistress  of  a  colonel  and  dressed  in  the 
*  colors  of  his  regiment,  drove  down  the  line  in  her 
open  carriage  with  great  ostentation.  The  pursuit 
of  pleasure  was  so  eager,  and  Howe  had  on  former 
occasions  been  so  frequently  baffled,  that  an  attack 
in  winter  was  not  added  to  the  trials  of  the  army 
at  Valley  Forge. 

The  troops  of  Burgoyne  remained  in  the  environs 
of  Boston.  In  violation  of  the  word  of  honor  of 
the  officers,  much  public  property  had  been  carried 
off  from  Saratoga.  As  if  preparing  an  excuse  for 
a  total  disengagement  from  his  obligations,  Bur- 
goyne, complaining  without  reason  of  the  quarters 
provided  for  his  officers,  deliberately  wrote  and  in- 
sisted that  the  United  States  had  violated  the  pub- 
lic faith,  and  refused  to  congress  descriptive  lists  of 
the  non-commissioned  officers  and  soldiers  who  were 
not  to  serve  in  America  during  the  war.  On  these 
grounds,  congress  suspended  the  embarkation  of  the 
troops  under  his  command  till  a  ratification  of  the 
convention  should  be  notified  by  the  court  of  Great 
Britain  to  congress.  Burgoyne  sailed  for  England 
on  his  parole. 

All  the  while,  events  illustrated  the  greatness  of 
the  struggle.  In  February,  1778,  a  detachment  of 
men  from  Pittsburg,  descending  the  Ohio  and  Mis- 
sissippi, arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  nineteenth  at 
Natchez.  The  next  day  they  hoisted  the  flag  of  the 
United  States,  and  took  possession  of  the  country 
in  their  name.  The  inhabitants,  promising  a  strict 
neutrality,  were  admitted  to  parole  as  prisoners  of 
war ;  and  the  liberty  and  property  of  actual  resi- 
dents were  respected. 


WINTER-QUARTERS   AT   VALLEY   FORGE.  467 

The  parties  of  Indians  which  the  English  had  let   chap. 
loose    on    the    frontiers    roused    Virginia,   and    Saint  « — Y — > 
Clair   Clarke    received   from  its  governor   the    com-  1778# 
mission   to  carry  the   flag   of  independence   through 
the  country  northwest  of  the  Ohio  to  Detroit.     To 
counteract  the  arts  of  the  British  emissaries  among 
the   Indians   on    the    borders   of  Virginia   and    the 
Carolinas,  Colonel  Nathaniel  Gist  was  commissioned 
to  take  into  the  public  service  two  hundred  of  the 
red   men  and  fifty  of  the  white  inhabitants  of  the 
neighboring  counties.     Care  was  taken  to  preserve 
the  friendship  of  the  Oneidas. 

The  American  militia  of  the  sea  were  restlessly 
active.  In  the  night  of  the  twenty-seventh  of  Jan- 
uary, a  privateer  took  the  fort  of  New  Providence, 
made  prize  of  a  British  vessel  of  war  of  sixteen 
guns,  which  had  gone  in  for  repairs,  and  recaptured 
five  American  vessels.  Biddle,  in  the  "Randolph,"  a 
United  States  frigate  of  thirty-six  guns  on  a  cruise 
from  Charleston,  falling  in  with  the  "Yarmouth,"  a 
British  ship  of  sixty-four  guns,  hoisted  the  stars  and 
stripes,  fired  a  broadside,  and  continued  the  engage- 
ment till  his  ship  went  down. 

The  country  was  weak  only  from  being  without  a 
government.  During  the  winter  the  members  pres- 
ent in  congress  were  sometimes  only  nine,  rarely 
seventeen ;  and  of  former  members  Franklin,  Wash- 
ington, Jefferson,  John  Rutledge,  Jay,  and  others, 
were  employed  elsewhere,  and  John  Adams  had 
recently  been  elected  to  succeed  Deane  as  commis- 
sioner in  France.  The  want  of  power  explains  and 
excuses  the  continuous  inefficiency  of  congress.  It 
proposed  in  January  to  borrow  ten  millions  of  dol- 


1778. 


468  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  lars,  but  it  had  no  credit.  So  in  January,  February, 
and  March  two  millions  of  paper  money  were  or- 
dered to  be  issued,  and  in  April  six  and  a  half  mil- 
lions more.  These  emissions  were  rapidly  followed  by 
corresponding  depreciations.  When  the  currency  lost 
its  value,  congress  would  have  had  the  army  serve 
on  from  disinterested  patriotism;  but  Washington 
pointed  out  the  defect  in  human  nature  which  does 
not  permit  practical  affairs  to  be  conducted  through 
a  succession  of  years  by  a  great  variety  of  per- 
sons without  regard  to  just  claims  and  equitable 
interests;  and  after  months  of  resistance,  officers 
who  should  serve  to  the  end  of  the  war  were 
promised  half-pay  for  seven  years,  privates  a  sum 
of  eighty  dollars. 

As  enlistments  failed,  Washington  urged  congress 
to  complete  the  continental  battalions  of  all  the 
states  except  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  by  drafts 
from  their  militia ;  congress,  though  not  till  the  end 
of  February,  adopted  the  advice,  limiting  the  service 
to  nine  months.  The  execution  of  the  measure  was 
unequal,  for  it  depended  on  the  good-will  of  the 
several  states ;  but  the  scattered  villages  paraded 
their  militia  for  the  draft  with  sufficient  regularity 
to  save  the  army  from  dissolution.  Varnum,  a  briga- 
dier of  Rhode  Island,  proposed  the  emancipation  of 
slaves  in  that  state,  on  condition  of  their  enlisting 
in  the  army  for  the  war.  The  scheme,  approved 
by  Washington,  and  by  him  referred  to  Cooke,  the 
governor  of  the  state,  was  accepted.  Every  able- 
bodied  slave  in  Rhode  Island  received  by  law  lib- 
erty to  enlist  in  the  army  for  the  war.  On  passing 
muster  he  became  free  and  entitled  to  all  the  wages 


WINTER-QUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  EORGE.  469 

and  encouragements  given  by  congress  to  any  sol-  chap. 
dier.     The  state  made  some  compensation  to  their  ^J^-^ 
masters. 

The  powerlessness  of  congress  admitted  no  effec- 
tive supervision  over  officers  of  their  own  appoint- 
ment. Unable  to  force  a  defaulting  agent  to  a 
settlement,  in  February  they  asked  the  legislatures 
of  the  several  states  to  enact  laws  for  the  recovery 
of  debts  due  to  the  United  States  *  and  they  invited 
the  supreme  executive  of  every  state  to  watch  the 
behavior  of  all  civil  and  military  officers  of  the 
United  States  in  the  execution  of  their  offices. 

Driven  by  necessity,  congress  won  slowly  a  partial 
victory  over  their  pride  and  their  fears ;  and  on  the 
second  of  March  they  elected  Greene  quartermaster- 
general,  giving  him  two  assistants  that  were  accept- 
able to  him,  and  the  power  of  appointing  all  other 
officers  in  his  department.  After  more  than  another 
month,  the  same  system  was  extended  to  the  com- 
missary department.  The  place  of  inspector-general 
fell  to  Baron  Steuben,  a  Prussian  officer,  then  forty- 
seven  years  of  age,  who  had  served  during  the  seven 
years'  war,  and  now  adopted  America  for  his  country. 
The  high  rank  which  he  assumed  falsely  but  with- 
out question,  the  good  opinion  of  Vergennes  and 
Saint-Germain,  the  recommendation  of  Franklin,  the 
halo  of  having  served  under  the  great  Frederic,  and 
his  real  merit,  secured  for  him  the  place  of  a  major- 
general,  which  he  claimed,  and  on  the  fifth  of  Febru- 
ary he  was  welcomed  to  Valley  Forge.  Setting  an 
example  to  the  officers  by  drilling  squads  of  men, 
he  wrought  a  reform  in  the  use  of  the  musket  and 
in  manoeuvre. 

VOL.   IX.  40 


I  778. 


470  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

Yet  there  remained  a  deeply  seated  conflict  of 
opinion  between  congress  and  the  commander-in- 
chief  on  questions  of  principle  and  policy.  Wash- 
ington would  from  the  first  have  had  men  enlisted 
for  the  war ;  congress,  from  jealousy  of  standing 
armies,  had  insisted  upon  short  enlistments.  Wash- 
ington was  anxious  to  exchange  prisoners ;  congress 
bore  in  mind  that  each  British  prisoner  would  re- 
sume his  place  in  the  army,  while  the  American 
prisoner,  from  the  system  of  short  enlistments,  would 
return  home.  Washington  wished  the  exchange  to 
be  conducted  on  one  uniform  rule  ;  congress,  repeat- 
edly checking  Washington  by  sudden  interference, 
required  a  respect  to  the  law  of  treason  of  each 
separate  state.  Washington  would  have  one  conti- 
nental army ;  congress,  an  army  of  thirteen  sove- 
reignties. Congress  was  satisfied  with  the  amount 
of  its  power  as  a  helpless  committee ;  Washington 
wished  a  government  of  organized  vigor.  Congress 
guarded  separate  independence ;  the  patriotism  of 
Washington  took  a  wider  range,  and  in  return  the 
concentrated  public  affections,  radiating  from  every 
part  of  the  United  States,  met  in  him.  All  this 
merit  and  this  popularity,  and  the  undivided  attach- 
ment of  the  army,  quickened  the  jealousy  of  con- 
gress, and  made  them  more  sensible  of  their  own 
relative  weakness.  They  could  not  have  defended 
themselves  against  the  mutiny  of  a  single  regiment. 
They  felt  that  their  perfect  control  over  the  general 
sprung  in  part  from  his  own  nature,  and  that  could 
not  be  fully  judged  of  before  the  end.  Nor  was  it 
then  known  that  the  safety  of  the  country  against 
military  usurpation  lay  in  the  character  and  circum- 


1778. 


WINTER-QUARTERS   AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  471 

stances  of  the  American   people,  which  had  life  in   chap. 
all  its  parts,  and  therefore  a  common  life  that  was 
indestructible. 

To  allay  the  jealousy  which  congress  entertained 
and  some  of  its  members  labored  to  establish,  Wash- 
ington, on  the  twenty-first  of  April,  wrote  to  one  of 
its  delegates :  "  Under  proper  limitations  it  is  cer- 
tainly true  that  standing  armies  are  dangerous  to  a 
state.  The  prejudices  of  other  countries  have  only 
gone  to  them  in  time  of  peace,  and  from  their  being 
hirelings.  It  is  our  policy  to  be  prejudiced  against 
them  in  time  of  war,  though  they  are  citizens,  having 
all  the  ties  and  interests  of  citizens,  and  in  most  cases 
property  totally  unconnected  with  the  military  line. 
The  jealousy,  impolitic  in  the  extreme,  can  answer 
not  a  single  good  purpose.  It  is  unjust,  because 
no  order  of  men  in  the  thirteen  states  has  paid  a 
more  sacred  regard  to  the  proceedings  of  congress 
than  the  army ;  for  without  arrogance  or  the  small- 
est deviation  from  truth  it  may  be  said,  that  no  his- 
tory now  extant  can  furnish  an  instance  of  an  army's 
suffering  such  uncommon  hardships  as  ours  has  done, 
and  bearing  them  with  the  same  patience  and  for- 
titude. Their  submitting  without  a  murmur  is  a 
proof  of  patience  and  obedience  which  in  my  opin- 
ion can  scarce  be  paralleled.  There  may  have  been 
some  remonstrances  or  applications  to  congress  in 
the  style  of  complaint  from  the  army,  and  slaves 
indeed  should  we  be  if  this  privilege  were  denied ; 
but  these  will  not  authorize  nor  even  excuse  a 
jealousy  that  they  are  therefore  aiming  at  unrea- 
sonable powers,  or  making  strides  subversive  of 
civil   authority.      There    should    be   none    of    these 


472  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  distinctions.  We  should  all,  congress  and  army,  be 
w-y — /  considered  as  one  people,  embarked  in  one  cause, 
1778.  -n  Qne  interes^  acting  on  the  same  principle  and 
to  the  same  end."  In  framing  an  oath  of  fidelity 
for  all  civil  and  military  officers,  congress,  much  as 
it  avoided  the  expression,  made  them  swear  that  the 
"people  of  the  United  States"  owed  no  allegiance 
to  the  king  of  Great  Britain.  The  soldiers  serving 
under  one  common  flag,  to  establish  one  common 
independence,  and,  though  in  want  of  food,  of  shoes, 
of  clothes,  of  straw  for  bedding,  of  regular  pay,  of 
pay  in  a  currency  of  fixed  value,  never  suffering 
their  just  discontent  to  get  the  better  of  their  pa- 
triotism, still  more  clearly  foreshadowed  a  great  na- 
tionality. The  unity  of  the  country  was  formally 
proclaimed  in  its  relations  to  the  rest  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  GEORGE  THE  THIRD. 

1777  —  1778. 

Except  three  fortified  posts  covering  Newport,  chap. 
New  York  with  its  environs,  and  Philadelphia,  the  w^-^ 
United  States  were  independent  in  fact,  and  no  one  1717* 
port  was  blockaded.  The  court  of  Russia  desired 
to  shut  their  cruisers  out  of  the  Baltic,  but  confi- 
dentially assured  the  Bourbon  family  that  it  would 
not  interfere,  and  would  even  be  pleased  to  see 
them  throw  off  the  yoke  of  England.  The  great 
Frederic,  while  he  closed  his  ports  to  their  priva- 
teers, avowed  his  belief  that  they  would  succeed, 
wished  for  their  success,  ridiculed  the  English  war 
ministers  and  generals,  and  looked  forward  to  a 
direct  commerce  between  his  kingdom  and  the 
new  republic.  Against  the  advice  of  Franklin  and 
a  seasonable  hint  from  the  Prussian  minister  Schu- 
lenburg  that  the  visit  would  be  premature,  Arthur 
Lee  went  by  way  of  Vienna  to  Berlin.  At  Vienna 
he  was  kept  aloof  by  Kaunitz.      In  Berlin  he,  like 

40* 


474  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  every  traveller,  was  assured  of  protection.  Elliott, 
^^-y-^J  the  British  minister,  at  the  cost  of  a  thousand 
1777.  gUmeas?  hired  a  burglar  to  steal  his  papers;  but  on 
his  complaint  to  the  police,  Elliott  sent  them  back, 
and  spirited  the  thief  out  of  the  kingdom.  Fred- 
eric, who  refused  to  see  Lee,  of  his  own  free  will 
showed  the  agents  of  the  United  States  friendly 
respect,  resolved  to  acknowledge  their  independence 
as  soon  as  it  could  be  done  without  embroiling 
himself  with  England,  and  promised  his  influence 
to  prevent  new  treaties  by  England  for  German 
troops.  To  this  end  he  forbade  for  a  time  the 
transit  through  any  part  of  his  dominions  to  troops 
destined  for  America. 

The  crazy  prince  of  Anhalt  -  Zerbst,  who  ruled 
over  but  three  hundred  square  miles  with  twenty 
thousand  inhabitants,  after  unceasing  importunities 
concluded  a  bargain  for  twelve  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight  men,  to  be  delivered  at  his  own  risk  at  the 
place  of  embarkation.  Death  was  the  penalty  for 
the  attempt  to  desert ;  yet  as  these  regiments 
passed  near  the  frontier  of  Prussia  there  was  a 
loss  of  three  hundred  and  thirty- three  in  ten  clays, 
and  the  number  finally  delivered  was  less  than 
half  of  what  was  promised.  When  the  men  of  An- 
halt-Zerbst  arrived  at  their  destination  in  Quebec, 
the  governor,  having  no  orders  to  receive  them, 
would  not  suffer  them  to  disembark  till  a  messen- 
ger could  go  to  England  and  return. 

To  make  good  the  loss  of  Hessians,  the  landgrave 
of  Hesse-Cassel  impressed  men  wherever  he  could 
do  so  with  impunity.  The  heartless  meanness  of  the 
Brunswick  princes  would  pass   belief  if  it  was   not 


1777. 


THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   GEORGE   THE   THIRD.  475 

officially  authenticated.     These  professed  fathers  of    chap. 

XXVIII 

their  people  begged  that  the  wretched  captives  of 
Saratoga  might  not  find  their  way  back  to  Bruns- 
wick, where  they  would  disgust  everybody  with 
the  war,  and  spoil  the  traffic  in  soldiers  by  their 
complaints,  but  be  sent  to  the  deadly  climate  of 
the  British  West  Indies,1  or  anywhere  rather  than 
to  their  own  homes.  The  princes  who  first  got 
the  trade  in  soldiers  were  jealous  of  competitors, 
and  dropped  hints  that  the  states  of  Wirtemberg 
would  never  suffer  a  contract  by  their  duke  to  be 
consummated ;  that  Protestant  England  ou^ht  not 
to  employ  Catholic  troops  like  those  of  the  elector 
palatine  ;  but  it  was  the  policy  of  Frederic  which 
forced  England  to  give  over  the  hope  of  further 
subsidiary  treaties  with  German  powers. 

Under  the  German  kinglings  the  sense  of  the  na- 
tion could  not  express  itself  freely,  but  German  po- 
litical interest  centred  in  America.  The  thought  of 
emigrating  thither  had  crossed  the  mind  of  Goethe. 
Translations  of  British  pamphlets  on  the  war,  includ- 
ing "Price  upon  Liberty,"  were  printed  in  Brunswick. 
Lessing  saw  with  delight  a  new  house  of  humanity 
rising  beyond  the  ocean ;  Schiller,  who  had  run  the 
risk  of  being  assistant-surgeon  to  a  regiment  of 
Wirtemberg  mercenaries,  a  few  years  later  brought 
the  crime  of  the  princes  upon  the  stage  ;  and  Kant, 
who  under  the  shelter  of  Frederic  sought  to  solve 
by  free  analysis  the  unvarying  laws  of  reason,  judg- 
ment, and  action,  drew  a  condemnation  of  the  traf- 
fic in  soldiers  as  it  were  from  the  depths  of  eter- 
nity.     Had   officers  or   men   sent  over  to  America 

1  Brunswick  minister  to  British  secretary  of  state,  23  December,  1777; 
and  23  February,  1778. 


476  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  uttered  complaints,  they  would  have  been  shot  for 

XXVIII. 

v^-y-^  mutiny ;  but  Mirabeau,  then  a  fugitive  in  Holland, 
1777.  ijftecj  Up  the  voice  of  the  civilization  of  his  day 
against  the  trade,  and  spoke  to  the  peoples  of  Ger- 
many and  the  soldiers  themselves :  "  What  new 
madness  is  this  ?  Alas,  miserable  men,  you  burn 
down  not  the  camp  of  an  enemy,  but  your  own 
hopes !  Germans !  what  brand  do  you  suffer  to  be 
put  upon  your  forehead  ?  You  war  against  a  peo- 
ple who  have  never  wronged  you,  who  fight  for  a 
righteous  cause,  and  set  you  the  noblest  pattern. 
They  break  their  chains.  Imitate  their  example. 
Have  you  not  the  same  claim  to  honor  and  right 
as  your  princes  ?  Yes,  without  doubt.  Men  stand 
higher  than  princes.  Of  all  rulers  conscience  is 
the  highest.  You,  peoples  that  are  cheated,  hum- 
bled, and  sold !  fly  to  America,  but  there  embrace 
your  brothers.  In  the  spacious  places  of  refuge 
which  they  open  to  suffering  humanity,  learn  the 
art  to  be  free  and  happy,  the  art  to  apply  social 
institutions  to  the  advantage  of  every  member  of 
society."  Against  this  tocsin  of  revolution  the  land- 
grave of  Hesse  defended  himself  on  principles  of 
feudal  law  and  legitimacy ;  and  Mirabeau  rejoined : 
"When  power  breaks  the  compact  which  secured 
and  limited  its  rights,  then  resistance  becomes  a 
duty.  He  that  fights  to  recover  freedom,  exercises 
a  lawful  right.  Insurrection  becomes  just.  There 
is  no  crime  like  the  crime  against  the  freedom  of 
the  peoples." 

When  on  the  twentieth  of  November  the  king 
of  England  opened  the  session  of  parliament,  there 
were  only  three  systems  between  which  the  choice 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   GEORGE  THE  THIRD.  477 

lay.      To  reduce  the  former  colonies  to  subordina-  chap. 

XXVIII. 

tion,  the  king  insisted  on  a  continuation  of  the  war  >«^v— ' 
without  regard  to  the  waste  of  life  or  treasure.  1777' 
Chatham,  who  had  written  a  few  weeks  before :  "  I 
see  no  way  of  political  salvation;  'fuit  Ilium  et  in- 
gens  gloria;'  England  and  its  mighty  glory  are  no 
more,"  now  said :  "  France  has  insulted  you,  and  our 
ministers  dare  not  interpose  with  dignity  or  effect. 
My  lords !  you  cannot  conquer  America.  In  three 
campaigns  we  have  done  nothing  and  suffered  much. 
You  may  swell  every  expense,  accumulate  every 
assistance  you  can  buy  or  borrow,  traffic  and  bar- 
ter with  every  little  pitiful  German  prince  that  sells 
and  sends  his  subjects  to  the  shambles  of  a  foreign 
prince ;  your  efforts  are  forever  vain  and  impotent, 
doubly  so  from  this  mercenary  aid  on  which  you 
rely,  for  it  irritates  to  an  incurable  resentment.  If 
I  were  an  American,  as  I  am  an  Englishman,  while 
a  foreign  troop  was  landed  in  my  country  I  never 
would  lay  down  my  arms;  never,  never,  never." 
And  he  passed  on  to  condemn  the  alliance  with 
"the  horrible  hell-hounds  of  savage  war."  His  ad- 
vice, freed  from  his  rhetoric,  was,  to  conciliate  Amer- 
ica by  a  change  of  ministry,  and  to  chastise  France. 
The  third  plan,  which  was  that  of  the  Rockingham 
party,  was  expressed  by  the  Duke  of  Richmond: 
"  Lest  silence  should  be  deemed  acquiescence,  I 
must  declare  I  would  sooner  give  up  every  claim 
to  America,  than  continue  an  unjust  and  cruel  civil 
war."  A  few  days  later,  Lord  Chatham  dwelt  on 
the  subject  of  Gibraltar  as  "the  best  proof  of  Brit- 
ish naval  power,  and  the  only  solid  check  on  that 
of  the  house  of  Bourbon." 


478  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.       Returning  from  the  fatiguing;  debate  of  the  sec- 

XXVIII. 

i^-^S  ond  of  December  on  the  state  of  the   nation,  Lord 

1777.  North  received  the  news  of  the  total  loss  of  Bur- 
Dec. 

goyne's  army.      He  was  so   agitated  that   he   could 

neither  eat  nor  sleep,  and  the  next  day  at  the  le- 
vee his  distress  was  visible  to  the  foreign  ministers. 
He  desired  to  make  peace  by  giving  up  all  the 
points  which  had  been  in  dispute  with  America,  or 
to  retire  from  the  ministry.  Concession  after  de- 
feat was  humiliating ;  but  there  must  be  prompt 
action  or  France  would  interfere.  In  a  debate  of 
the  eleventh,  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  from  the  im- 
possibility of  conquest,  argued  for  "  a  peace  on  the 
terms  of  independence,  and  such  an  alliance  or  fed- 
eral union  as  would  be  for  the  mutual  interests  of 
both  countries."  Burke  in  the  commons  was  for 
an  agreement  with  the  Americans  at  any  rate  ;  and 
Fox  said :  a  If  no  better  terms  can  be  had,  I  would 
treat  with  them  as  allies,  nor  do  I  fear  the  conse- 
quence of  their  independence."  It  was  the  king 
who  persuaded  his  minister  to  forego  the  opportu- 
nity which  never  could  recur,  and  against  his  own 
conviction,  without  opening  to  America  any  hope 
of  pacification,  to  adjourn  the  parliament  to  the 
twentieth  of  January.  Those  who  were  near  Lord 
North  in  his  old  age  never  heard  him  murmur  at 
his  having  become  blind  ;  "  but  in  the  solitude  of 
sleepless  nights  he  would  sometimes  fall  into  very 
low  spirits,  and  deeply  reproach  himself  for  having 
at  the  earnest  desire  of  the  king  remained  in  ad- 
ministration after  he  thought  that  peace  ought  to 
have  been  made  with  America."  • 

The  account  of  Burgoyne's  surrender,  which  was 


THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   GEORGE  THE  THIRD.  479 

brought  to  France  by  a  swift  -  sailing  ship  from  X(^AJ>I- 
Boston,  threw  Paris  into  transports  of  joy.  None  » — Y — ' 
doubted  the  ability  of  the  states  to  maintain  their  Dec  * 
independence.  On  the  twelfth  of  December,  their 
commissioners  had  an  interview  with  Vergennes. 
"Nothing,"  said  he,  "has  struck  me  so  much  as  Gen- 
eral Washington's  attacking  and  giving  battle  to 
General  Howe's  army.  To  bring  troops  raised  within 
the  year  to  this,  promises  everything.  The  court 
of  France,  in  the  treaty  which  is  to  be  entered  into, 
intend  to  take  no  advantage  of  your  present  situa- 
tion. Once  made,  it  should  be  durable,  and  there- 
fore it  should  contain  no  condition  of  which  the 
Americans  may  afterwards  repent,  but  such  only 
as  will  last  as  long  as  human  institutions  shall 
endure,  so  that  mutual  amity  may  subsist  forever. 
Entering  into  a  treaty  will  be  an  avowal  of  your 
independence.  Spain  must  be  consulted,  and  Spain 
will  not  be  satisfied  with  an  undetermined  boun- 
dary on  the  west.  Some  of  the  states  are  supposed 
to  run  to  the  South  sea,  which  might  interfere  with 
her  claim  to  California."  It  was  answered  that  the 
last  treaty  of  peace  adopted  the  Mississippi  as  a 
boundary.  "And  what  share  do  you  intend  to  give 
us  in  the  fisheries  ?  "  said  Vergennes ; 1  for  in  the 
original  draught  of  a  treaty  the  United  States  had 
proposed  to  take  to  themselves  Cape  Breton  and 
the  whole  of  the  island  of  Newfoundland.  Ex- 
planations were  made  by  the  American  commis- 
sioners that  their  later  instructions  removed  all 
chances   of  disagreement   on   that  subject. 

The  return  of  the  courier  to  Spain  was  not  waited 

1  Vergennes  to  Montmorin,  13  December,  1777,  Espagne,  693. 


480  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

for.  On  the  seventeenth,  Gerard,  one  of  the  secre- 
taries of  Vergennes,  informed  Franklin  and  Deane, 
by  the  king's  order,  that  the  king  in  council  had 
determined  not  only  to  acknowledge  but  to  support 
American  independence.  In  case  England  should 
declare  war  on  France  on  account  of  this  recogni- 
tion, he  would  not  insist  that  the  Americans  should 
not  make  a  separate  peace,  but  only  that  they 
should  maintain  their  independence.  The  Ameri- 
can commissioners  answered :  "  We  perceive  and 
admire  the  king's  magnanimity  and  wisdom.  He 
will  find  us  faithful  and  firm  allies.  We  wish  with 
his  majesty  that  the  amity  between  the  two  na- 
tions may  last  forever ; "  and  then  both  parties 
agreed  that  good  relations  could  continue  between 
a  monarchy  and  a  republic,  between  a  Catholic 
monarchy  and  a  Protestant  republic.  The  French 
king  promised  in  January  three  millions  of  livres; 
as  much  more,  it  was  said,  would  be  remitted  by 
Spain  from  Havana.  The  vessels  laden  wTith  sup- 
plies for  the  United  States  should  be  convoyed  by 
a  king's  ship  out  of  the  channel.  But  when  Ar- 
thur Lee,  who  was  equally  disesteemed  in  Versailles 
and  Madrid,  heard  of  the  money  expected  of  Spain, 
he  talked  and  wrote  so  much  about  it  that  the  Span- 
ish government,  which  wished  to  avoid  a  rupture 
with  England,  took  alarm,  and  receded  from  its 
intention. 
1778.  In  January,  1778,  Lord  Amherst,  as  military  ad- 
viser, gave  the  opinion  that  nothing  less  than  an 
additional  army  of  forty  thousand  men  would  be 
sufficient  to  carry  on  offensive  war  in  North  Amer- 
ica ;   but  the  king  would  not  suffer  Lord  North  to 


Jan. 


THE  UNITED   STATES  AND   GEQRGE   THE  THIRD.  481 

flinch,  writing  sometimes  chidingly  that  there  could   chap. 

XXVIII. 

not  be  "  a  man  either  bold  or  mad  enough  to  pre- 
sume to  treat  for  the  mother  country  on  a  basis 
of  independence ; "  sometimes  appealing  to  the  min- 
ister's "  personal  affection  for  ■  him  and  sense  of 
honor;"  and,  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  France,  sug- 
gesting that  "it  might  be  wise  to  draw  the  troops 
from  the  revolted  provinces,  and  to  make  war  on 
the  Erench  and  Spanish  islands."  To  Lord  Chatham 
might  be  offered  anything  but  substantial  power,  for 
"  his  name,  which  was  always  his  greatest  merit, 
would  greatly  hurt  Lord  Rockingham's  party."  And 
at  court  the  king  lavished  civilities  on  George  Gren- 
ville  and  others  who  were  connected  with  Lord 
Chatham. 

On  the  sixth  of  February,  a  treaty  of  amity  and  Feb. 
commerce,  and  also  an  eventual  defensive  treaty  of 
alliance,  was  concluded  between  the  king  of  France 
and  the  United  States.  They  were  founded  on 
principles  of  equality  and  reciprocity,  and  for  the 
most  part  were  in  conformity  to  the  proposals  of 
congress.  In  commerce  each  party  was  to  be  placed 
on  the  footing  of  the  most  favored  nation.  The 
king  of  France  promised  his  good  offices  with  the 
princes  and  powers  of  Barbary.  As  to  the  fisher- 
ies, each  party  reserved  to  itself  the  exclusive  pos- 
session of  its  own.  Following  the  treaty  of  Utrecht 
as  well  as  that  of  Paris,  and  accepting  the  French 
interpretation  of  them,  the  United  States  acknowl- 
edged the  right  of  French  subjects  to  fish  on  the 
banks  of  Newfoundland,  and  their  exclusive  right 
to  half  the  coast  of  that  island  for  drying -places. 
On  the  question  of  ownership  in  the  event  of  the 

VOL.  IX.  41 


482  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,    conquest   of   Newfoundland,   the   treaty  was   silent. 

xxvm  mi       .         .  „   *         / 

I  he  American  proposal  that  free  ships  give  free- 
dom to  goods  and  to  persons  except  to  soldiers  in 
actual  service  of  an  enemy,  was  adopted.  Careful 
lists  were  made  out  of  contraband  merchandises, 
and  of  those  not  contraband.  The  absolute  and 
unlimited  independence  of  the  United  States  was 
described  as  the  essential  end  of  the  defensive  alli- 
ance ;  and  the  two  parties  mutually  engaged  not  to 
lay  down  their  arms  until  it  should  be  assured  by 
the  treaties  terminating  the  war.  Moreover,  the 
United  States  guaranteed  to  France  the  possessions 
then  held  by  France  in  America,  as  well  as  those 
which  it  might  acquire  by  a  future  treaty  of  peace ; 
and  in  like  manner  the  king  of  France  guaranteed 
to  the  United  States  their  present  possessions,  and 
their  acquisitions  during  the  war  from  the  domin- 
ions of  Great  Britain  in  North  America.  A  sepa- 
rate and  secret  act  reserved  to  the  king  of  Spain 
the  power  of  acceding  to  the  treaties. 

The  rumor  of  these  treaties  crossed  the  channel ; 
but  they  could  not  arrest  in  parliament  the  sense- 
less bickerings  of  parties,  or  the  favorite  amuse- 
ment of  badgering  the  friends  of  Rockingham  about 
the  declaratory  act.  On  the  eleventh,  Hillsborough 
called  out  to  the  Duke  of  Richmond:  "In  what 
manner  does  he  mean  that  England  shall  crouch 
to  the  vipers  and  rebels  in  America  ?  By  giving 
up  the  sacred  right  of  taxation?  or  by  yielding  to 
America  with  respect  to  her  absurd  pretensions 
about  her  charters  ?  or  by  declaring  the  thirteen 
provinces  independent  ?  "  Richmond  answered  :  a  I 
never  liked  the  declaratory  act ;  I  voted  for  it  with 


THE  UNITED   STATES   AND   GEORGE   THE   THIRD.  483 

regret  to    obtain    the    repeal  of  the    stamp    act ;   I  chap. 

.  .  .  XXVIII. 

wish  we  could  have  clone  without  it ;  I  looked  upon  C_^~»/ 
it  as  a  piece  of  waste  paper  that  no  minister  would  1J7b8' 
ever  have  the  madness  to  revive ;  I  will  with  pleas- 
ure be  the  first  to  repeal  it,  or  to  give  it  up."  In 
this  mood  Richmond  sought  to  act  in  harmony  with 
Chatham.  On  the  same  day,  in  the  house  of  com- 
mons young  George  Grenville  attacked  the  admin- 
istration in  the  harshest  terms,  and  proposing  a 
change  of  ministry,  pointed  out  Lord  Chatham  as 
the  proper  person  to  treat  with  America.  The  very 
sincere  and  glowing  words  of  eulogy  spoken  by  the 
son  of  the  author  of  the  stamp-tax  were  pleasing 
to  Lord  Chatham  in  these  his  last  days. 

While  the  British  government  stumbled  about  in 
the  dark,  Franklin  placed  the  public  opinion  of 
philosophical  France  conspicuously  on  the  side  of 
America.  No  man  of  that  century  so  embodied 
the  idea  of  toleration  as  Voltaire ;  for  fame  he  was 
unequalled  among  living  men  of  letters ;  for  great 
age  he  was  venerable ;  he,  more  than  Louis  the 
Sixteenth,  more  than  the  cabinet  of  the  king,  rep- 
resented France  of  that  day ;  and  now  he  was 
come  up  to  Paris,  bent  with  years,  to  receive  before 
his  death  the  homage  of  the  people.  Wide  indeed 
was  the  difference  between  him  and  America.  "  I 
have  done  more  in  my  day  than  Luther  or  Calvin," 
was  his  boast ;  and  America,  which  was  reverently 
Protestant,  and  through  Protestantism  established 
not  the  toleration  but  the  equality  of  all  churches 
and  opinions,  did  not  count  him  among  her  teach- 
ers. He  had  given  out  that  if  there  was  not  a 
God,   it   would    be    necessary  to    invent   him ;    and 


484  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.   America  held  that  any  god  of  man's  invention  is 
xxviii.         .  ^    ° 

an  idol,  that  God  must  be  worshipped  in  truth  as 
well  as  in  spirit.  But  for  the  moment  America 
and  Voltaire  were  on  one  side ;  and  before  he  had 
been  a  week  in  Paris,  Franklin  claimed  leave  to 
wait  upon  him.  We  have  Voltaire's  own  account 
of  the  interview.  Franklin  bade  his  grandson  de- 
mand the  benediction  of  the  more  than  octogena* 
rian,  and  in  the  presence  of  twenty  persons  he 
gave  it  in  these  words  :  "  God  and  Liberty  ! "  Every- 
where Voltaire  appeared  as  the  friend  of  America. 
Being  in  company  with  the  young  wife  of  Lafay- 
ette, he  sought  occasion  to  express  to  her  his  ad- 
miration for  the  heroism  of  her  husband  and  for 
the  cause  which  he  served. 

Almost  simultaneously,  Lord  North,  on  the  sev- 
enteenth of  February,  made  known  to  the  house 
of  commons  the  extent  of  his  conciliatory  proposi- 
tions. Of  the  two  bills,  one  declared  the  intention 
of  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  not  to  exercise 
the  right  of  imposing  taxes  within  the  colonies  of 
North  America,  the  other  authorized  commissioners 
to  be  sent  to  the  United  States.  In  a  speech  of  two 
hours,  Lord  North  avowed  that  he  had  never  had  a 
policy  of  his  own.  He  had  never  proposed  any  tax 
on  America;  he  had  found  the  tea-tax  imposed,  and 
while  he  declined  to  repeal  it,  he  never  devised 
means  to  enforce  it  ;  the  commissioners  would  have 
power  to  treat  with  congress,  with  provincial  assem 
blies,  or  with  Washington;  to  order  a  truce;  to  sus- 
pend all  laws;  to  grant  pardons  and  rewards;  to 
restore  the  form  of  constitution  as  it  stood  before 
the  troubles.     "A  dull,  melancholy  silence  for  some 


THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   GEORGE   THE   THIRD.  485 

time  succeeded  to  this  speech.      It  had  been  heard   chap. 

.  .  XXVIII. 

with  profound  attention,  but  without  a  single  mark 
of  approbation  to  any  part  from  any  party  or  man 
in  the  house.  Astonishment,  dejection,  and  fear 
overclouded  the  assembly."  After  the  house  of  com- 
mons had  given  leave  to  bring  in  the  bills,  Hartley, 
acting  on  an  understanding;  with  Lord  North,  en- 
closed  copies  of  them  to  Franklin.  Franklin,  with 
the  knowledge  of  Vergennes,  answered :  "  If  peace, 
by  a  treaty  with  America,  upon  equal  terms,  were 
really  desired,  your  commissioners  need  not  go  there 
for  it.  Seriously,  if  wise  and  honest  men,  such  as 
Sir  George  Saville,  the  bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  and 
yourself,  were  to  come  over  here  immediately  with 
powers  to  treat,  you  might  not  only  obtain  peace 
with  America,  but  prevent  a  war  with  France." 

The  conciliatory  bills,  which  with  slight  modifica-  March, 
tions  became  statutes  by  nearly  unanimous  consent, 
confirmed  the  ministry  in  power.  The  king  of 
France  deemed  it  required  by  his  dignity  to  make 
a  formal  declaration  to  Great  Britain  of  his  treaties 
with  the  United  States.  British  ships  of  war  had 
captured  many  French  ships,  but  the  ministry  had 
neither  communicated  the  instructions  under  which 
their  officers  acted,  nor  given  heed  to  the  reclama- 
tions of  the  French  government.  This  dictated 
the  form  of  the  rescript  which  on  the  thirteenth 
of  March  was  left  by  the  French  ambassador  with 
the  British  secretary  of  state.  It  announced  that 
"the  United  States  of  North  America  are  in  full 
possession  of  independence,  which  they  had  de- 
clared on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776  ;  that  to  consoli- 
date the  connection  between  the  two  nations,  their 

41* 


486  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  respective  plenipotentiaries  had  signed  a  treaty  of 
vJ-y-^  friendship  and  commerce,  but  without  any  exclu- 
VJ78'  sive    advantages    in   favor    of   the    French   nation." 

March  i  ? 

And  it  added  :  u  The  king  is  determined  to  protect 
the  lawful  commerce  of  his  subjects,  and  for  that 
purpose  has  taken  measures  in  concert  with  the 
United  States  of  North  America." 

This  declaration  was  held  to  establish  a  state  of 
war  between  England  and  France.  The  British 
ambassador  was  immediately  recalled  from  Paris, 
and  the  recall  notified  to  the  French  ambassador. 
Lord  North  became  despondent,  and  desired  to 
make  way  for  Lord  Chatham.  The  king  on  the 
fifteenth  answered  :  "  I  am  willing  to  accept  through 
you  any  person  that  will  come  avowedly  to  the 
support  of  your  administration.  On  a  clear  ex- 
planation that  Lord  Chatham  is  to  step  forth  to 
support  you,  I  will  receive  him  with  open  arms. 
Having  said  this,  I  will  only  add,  to  put  before 
your  eyes  my  most  inmost  thoughts,  that  no  ad- 
vantage to  my  country  nor  personal  danger  to  my- 
self can  make  me  address  myself  to  Lord  Chatham, 
or  to  any  other  branch  of  opposition.  Honestly,  I 
would  rather  lose  the  crown  I  now  wear,  than  bear 
the  ignominy  of  possessing  it  under  their  shackles. 
You  have  now  full  power  to  act,  but  I  don't  ex- 
pect Lord  Chatham  and  his  crew  will  come  to 
your  assistance."  Fox  would  have  consented  to 
a  coalition  had  it  been  agreeable  to  his  friends. 
Shelburne,  on  being  consulted,  answered  instantly : 
"Lord  Chatham  must  be  the  dictator.  I  know 
that  Lord  Chatham  thinks  any  change  insufficient 
which    does   not  comprehend  a  great  law  arrange- 


THE  UNITED   STATES   AND   GEORGE  THE   THIRD.  487 

ment  and  annihilate  every  party  in  the  kingdom."   vkaj^ 
When    this    reply   was    reported    to    the    king,   he  « — v — * 
broke  out  with  violence  :  "  Lord  Chatham,  that  per-  March* 
fidious   man,  as   dictator!     I  solemnly  declare   that 
nothing   shall   bring   me    to    treat    personally   with 
Lord   Chatham.      Experience  makes  me    resolve   to 
run  any  personal  risk  rather  than  submit  to  a  set 
of  men  who  certainly  would  make  me  a  slave  for 
the  remainder  of  my  days." 

After  a  night's  rest,  the  king  wrote  with  still 
more  energy :  "  My  dear  lord,  no  consideration  in 
life  shall  make  me  stoop  to  opposition.  Whilst  any 
ten  men  in  the  kingdom  will  stand  by  me,  I  will 
not  give  myself  up  into  bondage.  My  dear  lord, 
I  will  rather  risk  my  crown  than  do  what  I  think 
personally  disgraceful.  If  the  nation  will  not  stand 
by  me,  they  shall  have  another  king,  for  I  never 
will  put  my  hand  to  what  will  make  me  miser- 
able to  the  last  day  of  my  life." 

On  the  same  day  the  king  communicated  to  par- 
liament the  rescript  of  the  French  ambassador.  In 
the  commons,  Conway  said :  "  What  have  we  to  do 
but  to  take  up  the  idea  that  Franklin  has  thrown 
out  with  fairness  and  manliness?"  Among  the  lords, 
Kockingham  advised  to  break  the  alliance  between 
France  and  the  United  States  by  acknowledging 
American  independence.  Kichmond  still  hoped  to 
avoid  a  war.  Lord  Shelburne  dwelt  on  the  great- 
ness of  the  affront  offered  by  France,  and  the  im- 
possibility of  not  resenting  it.  Yet  Shelburne  would 
not  listen  to  an  overture  in  private  from  the  min- 
isters. "  Without  Lord  Chatham,"  he  said,  "  any  new 
arrangement  would  be  inefficient ;  with  Lord  Chat- 


488  AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  ham  nothing  could  be  done  but  by  an  entire  new 
xxviii.        •  i  •  . 

— y — '  cabinet  and  a  change  in  the  chief  departments  of 

March*  ^e  law"  ^n  the  rePort  of  this  language,  the  king, 
beside  himself  with  anger,  but  fixed  in  his  purpose, 
wrote  his  last  wrord  to  Lord  North:  "Rather  than 
be  shackled  by  these  desperate  men,  I  will  see  any 
form  of  government  introduced  into  this  island; 
and  lose  my  crown  rather  than  wear  it  as  a  dis- 
grace." 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FRANCE. 

1778. 

The  twentieth  of  March  was  the  day  appointed  chap. 
for  the  presentation  at  Versailles  of  the  American  (^^ 
commissioners  to  the  king*.     The  world  thought  only  U78' 

°  .  .  March. 

of  Franklin ;  but  he  was  accompanied  by  his  two 
colleagues  and  by  the  unreceived  ministers  to  Prus- 
sia and  Tuscany.  These  four  glittered  in  lace  and 
powder ;  the  patriarch  was  dressed  in  the  plain  gala 
coat  of  Manchester  velvet  which  he  had  used  at  the 
levee  of  George  the  Third,  —  the  same  which,  ac- 
cording to  the  custom  of  that  age,  he  had  worn, 
as  it  proved  for  the  last  time  in  England,  when 
as  agent  of  Massachusetts  he  had  appeared  before 
the  privy  council,  —  with  white  stockings,  as  was 
the  use  in  England,  spectacles  on  his  nose,  a  round 
white  hat  under  his  arm,  and  his  thin  gray  hair  in 
its  natural  state.  The  king,  without  any  unusual 
courtesy,  said  to  them :  "  I  wish  congress  to  be  as- 
sured of  my  friendship."     After  the  ceremony  they 


490  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap.  paid  a  visit  to  the  young  wife  of  Lafayette,  and  dined 
' — y-— '  with  the  secretary  for  foreign  affairs.  Two  days 
March'  ^ev  tn€y  were  introduced  to  the  still  youthful  Marie 
Antoinette,  who  yielded  willingly  to  generous  im- 
pulses in  behalf  of  republicans,  and  by  her  sympa- 
thy made  the  cause  of  America  a  fashion  at  the 
French  court.  The  king  felt  all  the  while  as  if  he 
were  wronging  the  cause  of  monarchy  by  his  ac- 
knowledgment of  rebels,  and  engaged  in  the  Amer- 
ican revolution  against  his  own  will  in  obedience  to 
the  advice  of  Maurepas  and  the  opinion  of  some  mem- 
ber of  his  cabinet  on  his  duty  to  France.  Personally 
he  was  irritated,  and  did  not  disguise  his  vexation. 
The  praises  lavished  on  Franklin  by  those  around  the 
queen  fretted  him  to  peevishness,  and  he  mocked 
what  seemed  to  him  the  pretentious  enthusiasm  of 
the  Countess  Diana  de  Polignac  by  the  coarsest  jest. 

The  pique  of  the  king  was  not  due  to  any  defect 
in  Franklin.  He  was  a  man  of  the  best  understand- 
ing, never  disturbed  by  recollections  or  fears,  with 
none  of  the  capricious  anxieties  of  diseased  minds, 
or  the  susceptibilities  of  disturbed  self-love.  Free 
from  the  illusions  of  poetic  natures,  he  loved  truth 
for  its  own  sake,  and  looked  upon  things  just  as 
they  were.  As  a  consequence,  he  had  no  eloquence 
but  that  of  clearness.  He  computed  that  the  in- 
heritor of  a  noble  title  in  the  ninth  generation 
represents  at  most  but  the  five  hundred  and  twelfth 
part  of  the  ancestor ;  nor  was  he  awed  by  a  crosier 
or  dazzled  by  a  crown.  He  knew  the  moral  world 
to  be  subjected  to  laws  like  the  natural  world  ; 
in  conducting  affairs  he  remembered  the  necessary 
relation  of  cause  to  effect,  aiming  only  at  what  was 
possible;  and  with  a  tranquil  mind   he  signed  the 


THE   UNITED   STATES   AND  FRANCE.  491 

treaty  with  France,  iust  as  with  a  tranquil  eye  he   chap. 


XXIX. 


had  contemplated  the  dangers  of  his  country.  In 
regard  to  money  he  was  frugal,  that  he  might  be  March* 
independent,  and  that  he  might  be  generous.  He 
owed  good  health  to  his  exemplary  temperance. 
Habitually  gay,  employment  was  his  resource  against 
weariness  and  sorrow,  and  contentment  came  from 
his  superiority  to  ambition,  interest,  or  vanity. 
There  was  about  him  more  of  moral  greatness  than 
appeared  on  the  surface ;  and  while  he  made  no 
boast  of  unselfish  benevolence,  there  never  lived  a 
man  who  would  have  met  martyrdom  in  the  course 
of  duty  more  surely  or  more  unmoved. 

The  official  conduct  of  Franklin  and  his  inter- 
course with  persons  of  highest  rank  were  marked 
by  the  most  delicate  propriety,  as  well  as  by  perfect 
self-respect.  His  charm  was  simplicity,  which  gave 
grace  to  his  style  and  ease  to  his  manners.  No  life- 
long courtier  could  have  been  more  free  from  vul- 
garity ;  no  diplomatist  more  true  to  his  position  as 
minister  of  a  republic ;  no  laborer  more  consistent 
with  his  former  life  as  a  working-man ;  and  thus 
he  won  respect  and  love  from  all.  When  a  cele- 
brated cause  was  to  be  heard  before  the  parliament 
of  Paris,  the  throng  which  filled  the  house  and  its 
approaches  opened  a  way  on  his  appearance,  and  he 
passed  through  to  the  seat  reserved  for  him  amidst 
the  acclamations  of  the  people.  At  the  opera,  at 
the  theatres,  similar  honors  were  paid  him.  It  is 
John  Adams  who  said:  "Not  Leibnitz  or  Newton, 
not  Frederic  or  Voltaire,  had  a  more  universal  repu- 
tation ;  and  his  character  was  more  beloved  and  es- 
teemed than  that  of  them  all."     Throughout  Europe, 


492  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  there  was  scarcely  a  citizen  or  a  peasant  of  any  cul- 

XXIX  .... 

^y-^,  ture  who  was  not  familiar  with  his  name,  and  who 
*77®'  did  not  consider  him  as  a  friend  to  all  men.  At 
the  academy,  D'Alembert  addressed  him  as  the  man 
who  had  wrenched  the  thunderbolt  from  the  cloud, 
the  sceptre  from  tyrants ;  and  both  these  ideas  were 
of  a  nature  to  pass  easily  into  the  common  mind. 
From  the  part  which  he  had  taken  in  the  emanci- 
pation of  America,  imagination  transfigured  him  as 
the  man  who  had  separated  the  colonies  from  Great 
Britain,  had  framed  their  best  constitutions  of  gov- 
ernment, and  by  counsel  and  example  would  show 
how  to  abolish  all  political  evil  throughout  the  world. 
Malesherbes  spoke  of  the  excellence  of  the  institu- 
tions that  permitted  a  printer,  the  son  of  a  tallow- 
chandler,  to  act  a  great  part  in  public  affairs ;  and 
if  Malesherbes  reasoned  so,  how  much  more  the 
workmen  of  Paris  and  the  people.  Thus  Franklin 
was  the  venerable  impersonation  of  democracy,  yet 
so  calmly  decorous,  so  free  from  a  disposition  to 
quarrel  with  the  convictions  of  others,  that,  while 
he  was  the  delight  of  freethinking  philosophers,  he 
escaped  the  hatred  of  the  clergy,  and  his  presence 
excited  no  jealousy  in  the  old  nobility,  though 
sometimes  a  woman  of  rank  might  find  fault  with 
his  hands  and  skin,  which  toil  had  imbrowned. 
Yet  he  understood  the  movement  of  the  French 
of  his  day.  He  remarked  to  those  in  Paris  who 
learned  of  him  the  secret  of  statesmanship:  "He 
who  shall  introduce  into  public  affairs  the  principles 
of  primitive  Christianity  will  change  the  face  of  the 
world ; "  and  we  know  from  Condorcet  that  while 
in  France  he  said   one  day  in  a  public  company : 


THE   UNITED   STATES  AND   FRANCE.  493 

"  You  perceive  liberty  establish  herself  and  flourish  chap. 

XXIX. 

almost  under  your  very  eyes ;  I  dare  to  predict  that  — ^-^ 
by  and  by  you  will  be  anxious  to  taste  her  bless-  VJ7?* 
ings."  In  this  way  he  conciliated  the  most  opposite 
natures;  yet  not  for  himself.  Whatever  favor  he 
met  in  society,  whatever  honor  he  received  from 
the  academy,  whatever  respect  he  gained  as  a  man 
of  science,  whatever  distinction  came  to  him  through 
the  good-will  of  the  people,  whatever  fame  he  ac- 
quired throughout  Europe,  he  turned  all  to  account 
for  the  good  of  his  country.  Surrounded  by  col- 
leagues some  of  whom  envied  him  and  for  no  ser- 
vice whatever  were  greedy  of  the  public  money,  he 
threw  their  angry  demands  into  the  fire.  Arthur 
Lee  intrigued  to  supplant  him  with  the  persever- 
ing malignity  of  consuming  envy;  the  weak  and 
incompetent  Izard  brought  against  him  charges 
which  bear  the  strangeness  of  frenzy ;  but  he  met 
their  hostility  by  patient  indifference.  Never  de- 
tracting from  the  merit  of  any  one,  he  did  not 
disdain  glory,  and  he  knew  how  to  pardon  envy. 
Great  as  were  the  injuries  which  he  received  in 
England,  he  used  towards  that  power  undeviating 
frankness  and  fairness,  and  never  from  resentment 
lost  an  opportunity  of  promoting  peace. 

In  England,  Rockingham,  Richmond,  Burke,  Fox, 
Conway,  respected  Franklin,  and  desired  to  meet 
his  offers.  So,  too,  did  Lord  North,  though  he  had 
not  courage  to  be  true  to  his  convictions.  On  the 
other  side  stood  foremost  and  firmest  the  king,  and 
Chatham  arrayed  himself  against  American  indepen- 
dence. Richmond,  as  a  friend  to  liberty,  made  frank  ApriL 
advances  to  Chatham,  sending  him  the  draught  of 

VOL.  IX.  42 


494  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  an  address  which  he  was  to  move  in  the  house  of 
» — y — '  lords,  and  entreating  of  him  reunion,  mutual  confi- 

A  ril*  dence,  and  support.  Chatham  rejected  his  overture, 
7.  and  avowed  the  purpose  of  opposing  his  motion. 
Accordingly,  on  Tuesday,  the  seventh  of  April,  against 
earnest  requests,  Lord  Chatham,  wrapped  up  in  flan- 
nel to  the  knees,  pale  and  wasted  away,  his  eyes  still 
retaining  their  fire,  came  into  the  house  of  lords, 
leaning  upon  his  son  William  Pitt  and  his  son-in-law 
Lord  Mahon.  The  peers  stood  up  out  of  respect  as 
he  hobbled  to  his  bench.  The  Duke  of  Richmond 
proposed  and  spoke  elaborately  in  favor  of  an  address 
to  the  king  which  in  substance  recommended  the 
recognition  of  the  independent  sovereignty  of  the 
thirteen  revolted  provinces  and  a  change  of  admini- 
stration. Chatham,  who  alone  of  British  statesmen 
had  a  right  to  invite  America  to  resume  her  old 
connection,  rose  from  his  seat  with  slowness  and 
difficulty,  leaning  on  his  crutches  and  supported  un- 
der each  arm  by  a  friend.  His  figure  was  marked 
with  dignity,  and  he  seemed  a  being  superior  to 
all  those  around  him.  Raising  one  hand  from  his 
crutch,  and  casting  his  eyes  towards  heaven,  he 
said :  "  I  thank  God,  that,  old  and  infirm,  and  with 
more  than  one  foot  in  the  grave,  I  have  been  able 
to  come  this  day  to  stand  up  in  the  cause  of  my 
country,  perhaps  never  again  to  enter  the  walls  of 
this  house."  The  stillness  that  prevailed  was  most 
affecting.  His  voice,  at  first  low  and  feeble,  rose 
and  became  harmonious ;  but  his  speech  faltered, 
his  sentences  were  broken,  his  words  no  more  than 
flashes  in  the  midst  of  darkness,  shreds  of  sublime  but 
unconnected  eloquence.     He  recalled  his  prophecies 


THE  UNITED   STATES  AND  FRANCE.  495 

of  the   evils  which  were  to  follow  such  American   chap. 

XXIX. 

measures  as  had  been  adopted,  adding  at  the  end  of  >«^. — * 
each:  "and  so  it  proved."  He  could  not  act  with  ^Xfi* 
Lord  Rockingham  and  his  friends,  because  they  per-  ?• 
sisted  in  unretracted  error.  With  the  loftiest  pride 
he  laughed  to  scorn  the  idea  of  an  invasion  of  Eng- 
land by  Spain  or  by  France  or  by  both.  "  If  peace 
cannot  be  preserved  with  honor,  why  is,  not  war 
declared  without  hesitation  ?  This  kingdom  has  still 
resources  to  maintain  its  just  rights.  Any  state  is 
better  than  despair.  My  lords !  I  rejoice  that  the 
grave  has  not  closed  upon  me,  that  I  am  still  alive 
to  lift  up  my  voice  against  the  dismemberment  of 
this  ancient  and  most  noble  monarchy."  The  Duke 
of  Richmond  answered  with  respect  for  the  name 
of  Chatham,  so  dear  to  Englishmen ;  but  he  reso- 
lutely maintained  the  wisdom  of  avoiding  a  war  in 
which  France  and  Spain  would  have  America  for 
their  ally.  Lord  Chatham  would  have  replied;  but, 
after  two  or  three  unsuccessful  efforts  to  rise,  he  fell 
backwards,  and  seemed  in  the  agonies  of  death. 
Every  one  of  the  peers  pressed  round  him,  save 
only  the  Earl  of  Mansfield,  who  sat  unmoved.  The 
senseless  sufferer  was  borne  from  the  house  with 
tender  solicitude  to  the  bed  from  which  he  never 
was  to  rise. 

The  king  in  great  glee  wrote  at  once  to  Lord 
North :  "  May  not  the  political  exit  of  Lord  Chat- 
ham incline  you  to  continue  at  the  head  of  my 
affairs?"  The  world  was  saddened  by  the  loss  of 
so  great  a  man.  The  appearance  of  Lord  Chatham 
was  never  more  beautiful  than  in  these  last  months 
of  his  public  career.     He   came  to  parliament  still 


496  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  clad  in  the  robes  of  rhetoric,  with  an  all-impassioned 

XXIX. 

love  of  liberty,  the  proudest  nationality,  and  his 
old  disdain  of  the  house  of  Bourbon ;  and  like  a 
winter's  sun  surrounded  but  not  darkened  by  va- 
pors, he  set  in  glory  amidst  the  sorrows  of  his  coun- 
try, which  were  as  massive  clouds  about  his  brilliant 
pathway  to  the  grave.  His  eloquence  in  the  early 
part  of  the  session  seemed  to  some  of  his  hearers 
to  surpass  all  that  they  had  ever  heard  of  the  cele- 
brated orators  of  Greece  or  Rome.  In  his  last  days, 
forgetting  that  when  he  had  been  minister  he  had 
carried  his  measures  by  a  borrowed  majority,  he 
was  still  dreaming  of  an  ideal  England  with  a  par- 
liament of  the  people ;  and  with  a  haughtiness  all 
the  more  marvellous  from  his  age,  decrepitude,  and 
insulation,  he  confronted  alone  all  branches  of  the 
nobility,  who  had  lost  a  continent  in  the  vain  hope 
of  saving  themselves  a  shilling  in  the  pound  of  the 
land-tax,  and  declared  that  there  could  be  no  good 
government  but  under  law  interpreted  in  favor  of 
liberty,  and  an  administration  that  should  crush  to 
atoms  the  political  influence  of  all  parties  of  the 
aristocracy.  He  died  like  a  hero  struck  down  on 
the  field  of  battle  after  the  day  was  lost,  still  in 
heart  though  not  in  place  the  great  commoner. 
With  logical  consistency,  the  house  of  lords  refused 
to  attend  his  funeral.  Who  then  foresaw  that  France, 
which  was  looked  upon  as  the  country  of  despotism, 
would  sow  the  seeds  of  a  popular  revolution  in 
Spain,  and  in  little  more  than  half  a  century  would, 
by  the  magic  influence  of  its  example,  force  the 
landed  proprietors  of  England  to  an  incipient  re- 
form of  parliament? 


THE  UNITED   STATES  AND  FRANCE.  497 

By  this  time  the  news  of  the  French  treaty  with  chap. 

XXIX 

the  United  States  had  spread  through  Europe.  It 
was  received  at  Saint  Petersburg  with  very  lively 
satisfaction.  In  England  the  king,  the  ministry,  par- 
liament, the  British  nation,  all  were  unwilling  to 
speak  the  word  independence,  wishing  at  least  to 
retain  some  preference  by  compact.  France  in  her 
treaty  of  commerce  asked  no  favor,  considering 
equality  as  the  only  fit  basis  for  a  permanent  friend- 
ship. Custom,  mutual  confidence,  sameness  of  lan- 
guage and  of  civil  law,  the  habit  of  using  English 
manufactures,  their  cheapness  and  merit,  of  them- 
selves secured  to  England  almost  a  monopoly  of 
American  commerce  for  a  generation,  and  yet  she 
stickled  for  the  formal  concession  of  some  special 
commercial  advantages.  Deluded  by  the  long  us- 
age of  monopoly,  she  would  not  see  that  equality 
was  all  she  needed.  Once  more  Hartley,  as  an  in- 
formal agent  from  Lord  North,  repaired  to  Paris  to 
seek  of  Franklin  an  offer  of  some  alliance,  or  at 
least  of  some  favor  in  trade.  Franklin  answered 
him  as  he  answered  other  emissaries,  that  as  to  in- 
dependence the  Americans  enjoyed  it  already,  its 
acknowledgment  would  secure  to  Britain  equal  but 
not  superior  advantages  in.  commerce  with  other 
nations.  Fox  was  satisfied  with  this  offer;  and  on 
the  tenth,  when  it  was  moved  in  the  house  of  com- 
mons to  enlarge  the  powers  of  the  commissioners, 
he  held  up  to  view  that  greater  benefits  to  trade 
would  follow  from  friendly  relations  with  independ- 
ent America  than  from  nominal  dependence. 

Fox  was  in  the  right,  but  was  not  heeded.     Had 
Chatham    lived   and   obtained  power,  the  course  of 

42* 


498  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  events  would  not  have  been  changed.  Jackson,  the 
former  colleague  of  Franklin  and  secretary  of  Gren- 
ville,  refused  to  be  of  the  commission  for  peace,  be- 
cause he  saw  that  it  was  a  delusion  accorded  by 
the  king  to  quiet  Lord  North,  and  to  unite  the 
nation  against  the  Americans.  Long  before  the 
commissioners  arrived,  the  United  States  had  taken 
its  part.  On  the  twenty-first  of  April,  Washington 
gave  his  opinion  to  a  member  of  congress:  "Noth- 
ing short  of  independence  can  possibly  do.  A  peace 
on  any  other  terms  would  be  a  peace  of  war.  The 
injuries  we  have  received  from  the  British  nation 
were  so  unprovoked,  and  have  been  so  great  and  so 
many,  that  they  can  never  be  forgotten.  Our  fidel- 
ity as  a  people,  our  character  as  men,  are  opposed 
to  a  coalition  with  them  as  subjects."  Upon  the 
twenty-second,  a  day  of  general  public  fasting  and 
humiliation,  with  prayers  to  Almighty  God  to 
strengthen  and  perpetuate  the  union,  in  their  house 
of  worship  congress  resolved  "to  hold  no  confer- 
ence or  treaty  with  any  commissioners  on  the  part 
of  Great  Britain,  unless  they  shall,  as  a  preliminary 
thereto,  either  withdraw  their  fleets  and  armies,  or 
in  positive  and  express  terms  acknowledge  the 
independence  of  the  states."  "Lord  North  is  two 
years  too  late  with  his  political  manoeuvre,"  re- 
sponded George  Clinton,  then  governor  of  New 
York.  Jay  met  not  a  single  American  "willing  to 
accept  peace  under  Lord  North's  terms."  "No  of- 
fers," wrote  Robert  Morris,  "ought  to  have  a  hear- 
ing of  one  moment  unless  preceded  by  acknowledg- 
ment of  our  independence,  because  we  can  never 
be  a  happy  people  under  their  domination.     Great 


THE   UNITED   STATES   AND  FRANCE.  499 

Britain  would  still  enjoy  the  greatest  share  and  most  chap. 
valuable  parts  of  our  trade."  ^J^ 

Since  Britain  would  grant  no  peace,  on  the  tenth  *  J7^* 
the  French  king  despatched  from  Toulon  a  fleet 
laden  with  provisions  for  nine  months  and  military 
stores,  bearing  Gerard  as  his  minister  to  the  con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  that  the  alliance  be- 
tween France  and  America  might  be  riveted.  On 
the  twenty-ninth,  when,  in  the  presence  of  Franklin 
and  his  newly  arrived  colleague  John  Adams,  Vol- 
taire was  solemnly  received  by  the  French  academy, 
philosophic  France  gave  the  right  hand  of  fellowship 
to  America  as  its  child  by  adoption.  The  numer- 
ous assembly  demanded  a  visible  sign  of  the  union 
of  the  intellect  of  the  two  continents,  and  in  the 
presence  of  all  that  was  most  distinguished  in  let- 
ters and  philosophy,  Franklin  and  Voltaire  kissed 
one  another.  It  was  a  recognition  that  the  war  for 
American  independence  was  a  war  for  freedom  of 
mind. 

Many  causes  combined  to  procure  the  alliance  of 
France  and  the  American  republic ;  but  the  force 
which  brought  all  influences  harmoniously  together, 
overruling  the  timorous  levity  of  Maurepas  and  the 
dull  reluctance  of  Louis  the  Sixteenth,  was  the 
movement  of  intellectual  freedom.  We  are  arrived 
at  the  largest  generalization  thus  far  in  the  history 
of  America. 

The  spirit  of  free  inquiry  penetrated  the  Cath- 
olic world  as  it  penetrated  the  Protestant  world. 
Each  of  their  methods  of  reform  recognised  that 
every  man  shares  in  the  eternal  reason,  and  in  each 
the    renovation    proceeded    from    within    the    soul. 


1778. 


500  AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE. 

Luther,  as  he  climbed  on  his  knees  the  marble 
steps  of  a  church  at  Rome,  heard  a  voice  within 
him  cry  out :  "Justification  is  by  faith  alone."  The 
most  stupendous  thought  that  was  ever  conceived 
by  man,  such  as  had  never  been  dared  by  Socrates 
or  the  academy,  by  Aristotle  or  the  Stoics,  took 
possession  of  Descartes  on  a  November  night  in  his 
meditations  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  His  own 
mincl  separated  itself  from  everything  beside,  and 
in  the  consciousness  of  its  own  freedom  stood  over 
against  all  tradition,  all  received  opinion,  all  knowl- 
edge, all  existence  except  itself,  thus  asserting  the 
principle  of  individuality  as  the  key-note  of  all  com- 
ing philosophy  and  political  institutions.  Nothing 
was  to  be  received  by  a  man  as  truth  which  did 
not  convince  his  own  reason.  Luther  opened  a 
new  world  in  which  every  man  was  his  own  priest, 
his  own  intercessor;  Descartes  opened  a  new  world 
in  which  every  man  was  his  own  philosopher,  his 
own  judge  of  truth. 

A  practical  difference  marked  the  kindred  systems  : 
the  one  was  the  method  of  continuity  and  gradual 
reform ;  the  other  of  an  instantaneous,  complete, 
and  thoroughly  radical  revolution.  The  principle  of 
Luther  waked  up  a  superstitious  world,  "asleep  in 
lap  of  legends  old,"  but  did  not  renounce  all  exter- 
nal authority.  It  used  drags  and  anchors  to  check 
too  rapid  a  progress,  and  to  secure  its  moorings.  So 
it  escaped  premature  conflicts.  By  the  principle  of 
Descartes  the  individual  man  at  once  and  altogether 
stood  aloof  from  king,  church,  universities,  public 
opinion,  traditional  science,  all  external  authority 
and   all  other   beings,  and   turning    every   intruder 


THE  UNITED   STATES   AND  FRANCE.  501 

out  of  the  inner  temple  of  the  mind,  kept  guard  at  chap. 
its  portal  to  bar  the  entry  to  every  belief  that  had  ^^ 
not  first  obtained  a  passport  from  himself.  No  1778 
one  ever  applied  the  theory  of  Descartes  with  rigid 
inflexibility;  a  man  can  as  little  move  without  the 
weight  of  the  superincumbent  atmosphere,  as  escape 
altogether  the  opinions  of  the  age  in  which  he  sees 
the  light;  but  the  theory  was  there,  and  it  rescued 
philosophy  from  bondage  to  monkish  theology,  for- 
bade to  the  church  all  inquisition  into  private  opin- 
ion, and  gave  to  reason,  and  not  to  civil  magistrates, 
the  maintenance  of  truth.  The  nations  that  learned 
their  lessons  of  liberty  from  Luther  and  Calvin  went 
forward  in  their  natural  development,  and  suffered 
their  institutions  to  grow  and  to  shape  themselves 
according  to  the  increasing  public  intelligence.  The 
nations  that  learned  their  lessons  of  liberty  from 
Descartes  were  led  to  question  everything,  and  by 
creative  power  renew  society  through  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  past.  The  spirit  of  liberty  in  all  Prot- 
estant countries  was  marked  by  moderation.  The 
German  Lessing,  the  antitype  of  Luther,  said  to 
his  countrymen :  "Don't  put  out  the  candles  till 
day  breaks."  Out  of  Calvinistic  Protestantism  rose 
in  that  day  four  great  teachers  of  four  great  na- 
tionalities, America,  Great  Britain,  Germany,  and 
France.  Edwards,  Reid,  Kant,  and  Rousseau  were 
all  imbued  with  religiosity,  and  all  except  the  last, 
who  spoiled  his  doctrine  by  dreamy  indolence,  were 
expositors  of  the  active  powers  of  man.  All  these 
in  political  science,  Kant  most  exactly  of  all,  were 
the  counterpart  of  America,  which  was  conducting 
a  revolution  on   the    highest  principles   of  freedom 


502  AMERICAN    INDEPENDENCE. 


XXIX 

1778. 


chap,   with  such  circumspection  that  it  seemed  to  be  only 

VVTV  X  J 

a  war  against  innovation.  On  the  other  hand,  free 
thought  in  France,  as  pure  in  its  source  as  free 
thought  in  America,  became  speculative  and  skep- 
tical and  impassioned.  This  modern  Prometheus, 
as  it  broke  its  chains,  started  up  with  a  sentiment 
of  revenge  against  the  ecclesiastical  terrorism  which 
for  centuries  had  sequestered  the  rights  of  mind. 
Inquiry  took  up  with  zeal  every  question  in  science, 
politics,  and  morals.  Free  thought  paid  homage  to 
the  "  majesty  of  nature,"  investigated  the  origin  of 
species,  analyzed  the  air  we  breathe,  pursued  the 
discoveries  of  Columbus  and  Copernicus,  mapped  the 
skies,  explored  the  oceans  and  measured  the  earth, 
revived  ancient  learning,  revelled  in  the  philosophy 
of  Greece,  which,  untrammelled  by  national  theol- 
ogy, went  forth  to  seek  the  reason  of  things,  nursed 
the  republican  sentiment  by  study  of  the  history 
of  Athens  and  Eome,  spoke  words  for  liberty  on 
the  stage,  and  adapted  the  round  of  learning  to  the 
common  understanding.  Now  it  translated  and  scat- 
tered abroad  the  writings  of  Americans  and  the  new 
American  constitutions;  and  the  proud  intellect  of 
France  was  in  a  maze,  Turgot  and  Condorcet  melted 
with  admiration  and  sympathy  as  they  read  the  or- 
ganic laws  in  which  the  unpretending  husbandmen 
of  a  new  continent  had  introduced  into  the  world 
of  real  life  the  ideas  that  for  them  dwelt  only  in 
hope.  All  influences  that  favored  freedom  of  mind 
conspired  together.  Anti-prelatical  puritanism  was 
embraced  by  anti-prelatical  skepticism.  The  exile 
Calvin  was  welcomed  home  as  he  returned  by  way 
of  New  England   and  the   states  where  Huguenots 


THE   UNITED   STATES   AND  FRANCE.  503 

and  Presbyterians  prevailed.     The  lineage  of  Calvin    chap. 
and  the   lineage   of  Descartes   met   together.      One  — ^-^ 
great    current    of    vigorous    living    opinion,    which  1T78, 
there  was  no  power  in  France  capable  of  resisting, 
swept  through  society,  driving  all  the  clouds  in  the 
sky  in  one  direction.      Ministers  and  the  king  and 
the  nation  were  hurried  along  together. 

The  wave  of  free  thought  broke  as  it  rolled 
against  the  Pyrenees.  The  Bourbon  of  France  was 
compelled  into  an  alliance  with  America;  the  Bour- 
bon of  Spain,  disturbed  only  by  the  remonstrances 
of  De  Aranda,  his  ambassador  in  Paris,  was  left  to 
pursue  a  strictly  national  policy.  The  Spanish 
people  did  not  share  the  passion  and  enthusiasm  of 
the  French,  for  they  had  not  had  the  training  of  the 
French.  In  France  there  was  no  Inquisition ;  in 
Spain  the  king  would  have  submitted  his  own  son 
to  its  tribunal.  For  the  French  soldier  Descartes, 
the  emancipator  of  thought,  Spain  had  the  soldier 
Loyola  to  organize  repression  ;  for  the  proud  Cor- 
neille,  so  full  of  republican  fire,  Spain  had  the  monk- 
ish Calderon.  There  no  poet  like  Moliere  unfrocked 
hypocrisy.  Not  only  had  Spain  no  Calvin,  no  Vol- 
taire, no  Rousseau ;  she  had  no  Pascal  to  mock  at 
casuistry ;  no  prelate  to  instruct  her  princes  in  the 
rights  of  the  people  like  Fenelon,  or  defend  her 
church  against  Eome,  or  teach  the  equality  of  all 
men  before  God  like  Bossuet;  no  controversies 
through  the  press  like  those  with  the  Huguenots ; 
no  edict  of  toleration  like  that  of  Nantes.  A  richly 
endowed  church  always  leans  to  Arininianism  and 
justification  by  works ;  and  it  was  so  in  Spain,  where 
the  spiritual  instincts  of  man,  which  are  the  life  of 


1778. 


504  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap   freedom,  had  been   trodden    under   foot,  and   alras- 
xxix.      .   .        '  .  ' 

giving  to  professed  mendicants  usurped  the  place  of 

charity.  Natural  science  in  its  progress  gently  strips 
from  religion  the  follies  of  superstition,  and  purifies 
and  spiritualizes  faith ;  in  Spain  it  was  dreaded  as 
of  kin  to  the  Islam ;  and  as  the  material  world  was 
driven  from  its  rightful  place  among  the  objects 
of  study,  it  avenged  itself  by  overlaying  religion. 
The  idea  was  lost  in  the  symbol;  to  the  wooden 
or  metal  cross  was  imputed  the  worth  of  inward 
piety;  religious  feeling  was  cherished  by  magnifi- 
cent ceremonies  to  delight  the  senses ;  penitence  in 
this  world  made  atonement  by  using  the  hair  shirt, 
the  scourge,  and  maceration ;  the  immortal  soul  was 
thought  to  be  purged  by  material  flames ;  the  merci- 
less Inquisition  wrapped  the  cimeter  of  the  prophet 
in  the  folds  of  the  gospel,  kept  spies  over  opinion 
in  every  house  by  the  confessional,  and  quelled 
unbelief  by  the  dungeon,  the  torture,  and  the  stake. 
Free  thought  was  rooted  out  in  the  struggle  for 
homogeneousness.  Nothing  was  left  in  Spain  that 
could  tolerate  Protestantism,  least  of  all  the  stern 
Protestantism  of  America ;  nothing  congenial  to 
free  thought,  least  of  all  to  free  thought  as  it  was 
in  France. 

France  was  all .  alive  with  the  restless  spirit  of 
inquiry ;  the  country  beyond  the  Pyrenees  was  still 
benumbed  by  superstition  and  priestcraft  and  tyr- 
anny over  mind,  and  the  church  through  its  organi- 
zation maintained  a  stagnant  calm.  As  there  was 
no  union  between  the  French  mind  and  the  Spanish 
mind,  between  the  French  people  and  the  Spanish 
people,  the  union  of  the   governments  was  simply 


THE   UNITED   STATES   AND  FRANCE.  505 

the  result  of  the  family  compact,  which  the  engage-    chap. 
ment  between  France  and  the  United  States  without  sL^-^ 
the  assent  of  Spain  violated  and    annulled.     More-  1T7 
over,  the  self-love  of  the  Catholic  king  was  touched, 
that  his  nephew  should  have  formed  a  treaty  with 
America  without  waiting   for   his   advice.     Besides, 
the  independence  of  colonies  was  an  example  that 
might  divest   his  crown   of  its   possessions  in  both 
parts  of  America;  and  the   danger  was  greatly  en- 
hanced   by  the    establishment   of  republicanism   on 
the  borders  of  his  transatlantic  provinces,  where  he 
dreaded  it  as  more  surely  fatal  than  all  the  power 
of  Great  Britain. 

The  king  of  France,  whilst  he  declared  his  wish  to 
make  no  conquest  whatever  in  the  war,  held  out  to 
the  king  of  Spain,  with  the  consent  of  the  United 
States,  the  acquisition  of  Florida;  but  Florida  had 
not  power  to  allure  Charles  the  Third,  or  his  minis- 
try, which  was  a  truly  Spanish  ministry  and  wished 
to  pursue  a  truly  Spanish  policy.  There  was  in- 
deed one  word  which,  if  pronounced,  would  be  a 
spell  potent  enough  to  alter  their  decision,  a  word 
that  calls  the  blood  into  the  cheek  of  a  Spaniard 
as  an  insult  to  his  pride,  a  brand  of  inferiority  on 
his  nation.  That  word  was  Gibraltar.  Meantime, 
the  king  of  Spain  declared  that  he  would  not  then, 
nor  in  the  future,  enter  into  the  quarrel  of  France 
and  England ;  that  he  wished  to  close  his  life  in  tran- 
quillity, and  valued  peace  too  highly  to  sacrifice  it 
to  the  interests  or  opinions  of  another. 

So  the  tiags  of  France  and  the  United  States  went 
together  into  the  field  against  Great  Britain,  unsup- 
ported by  any  other  government,  yet  with  the  good 

VOL.  ix.  43 


506  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

chap,  wishes  of  all  the  peoples  of  Europe.  The  benefit 
C^Vw  then  conferred  on  the  United  States  was  priceless. 
'  In  return,  the  revolution  in  America  came  oppor- 
tunely for  France.  During  the  last  years  of  Louis 
the  Fourteenth  and  the  reign  of  Louis  the  Fifteenth, 
she  lost  her  productive  power  and  stumbled  about 
in  the  regions  of  skepticism.  She  aspired  to  deny, 
and  knew  only  how  to  deny ;  yet  that  France  which 
its  own  clergy  calumniated  as  a  nation  of  atheists 
was  the  lineal  successor  of  the  France  which  raised 
cathedrals  on  each  side  of  the  channel,  the  France 
which  took  up  the  banner  of  the  very  God  in-dwell- 
ing in  man  against  paganized  Christianity  and  against 
the  Islam,  the  France  which  delivered  free  thought 
from  the  bondage  of  centuries,  the  France  which 
maintained  Gallican  liberties  against  papal  Rome. 
For  the  blessing  of  that  same  France,  America 
brought  new  life  and  hope ;  she  superseded  skep- 
ticism by  a  wise  and  prudent  enthusiasm  in  action, 
and  bade  the  nation  that  became  her  ally  lift  up  its 
heart  from  the  barrenness  of  doubt  to  the  highest 
affirmation  of  God  and  liberty,  to  freedom  in  union 
with  the  good,  the  beautiful,  and  the  true. 


END    OF  VOL.    IX. 


